FAMILIAL ADAPTATIONS TO THE INTERNATIONALIZATION OF ...

More documents

Recommendations

Info

-17 fundamental change in the social relations of production and attendant male-female power relations. Control over valued instruments of production is vested in males. Productive resources are only sporadically available women. Variation to among strata of the peasantry aside, control over goods and services that have exchange value rests with men. Women's increased work load, usually involving increased use value production, has male-female not altered authority patterns in a meaningful way. Although, as Khattab and El Daeif conclude, "migrants' wives are experiencing definite changes" (emphasis added), these are by no means fundamental changes cf. Awni 1984). Legal codes that regulate access to productive resources inheritance through are still male biased, and the ideology that legitimizes female subordination still thrives in both rural and urban Egypt. In rural legalized areas, polygamy still remains a weapon by which presumably independent migrants' wives are threatened (ibid.). It is not unheard of returning for a migrant to "invest" his savings in a new marriage, thereby withdrawing delegated authority to his wife at his convenience. Some evaluations of the consequences of male migration for women's power imply certain assumptions about the definition of power, but these assumptions are seldom made explicit (cf. Nelson 1975; Morsy 1978). absence The of clear definition of power in much Middle Eastern literature on family relations has often contributed to the creation of a mirage of power even when women's access to culturally meaningful power bases is blocked structural by barriers. 8 Temporary assumption of delegated responsibility is certainly not equivalent to acquiring (or seizing) control over culturally significant, durable power bases that induce permanent modification of social status. The important determinant of women's power is not their involvement in work per se, or their assumption of new economic roles; it is the framework of sociaF-relations of production into which their contributions are channelled and the related cultural evaluation of such contributions. Lane As has noted for Jordan, as long as women's roles in production are considered secondary to those of men, females remain consigned to the of pool surplus labour where the temporary nature of work mitigates against equality and independence (Lane 1981). Finally, with regard to the decision-making focus on in gauging changes in women's status, beyond the importance )f women's decision-making power as an affront to male-biased accounts the presumed of passivity of Middle Eastern women, it is important to consider the structural reservoir into which these decisions flow, and the Contri';utions of these very decisions in reproducinq existing authority patterns. As for the assumption that "male labour migration has presented the wives left behind with opportunities to play alternative roles to their familial ones" (Khattab and El Daeif 1982:54), it is useful to look at variation among various strata of the peasantry. In contrast tr, Khattab El and Daeif's observation that "Only in very few cases in [their] sample families] [of 20 were rural women relieved of the necessity to work" (ibid.), my
-18 observations in the village of Suad (a pseudonym) in the governorate of Gharbiya indicate that among the upper strata of the peasantry, accumulated wealth through migrant remittances prompts families to confine the labour of their women to the household. 9 Women's isolation in the of sphere reproduction remains a mark of status in rural Egypt (cf. Tucker 1983:330). Mark Wojno's observations of the consequences of emigration for traditional economic roles of women in northern Portugal are instructive. He hypothesizes that ... the greater the dependence of women upon remittances sent from family members working outside Portugal, the less change will take place in the traditional economic activities normally carried out by them. A corollary of this hypothesis suggests that the dependence upon remitted earnings may in fact lead to a shrinkage in the everyday economic activities of women ... (Wojno 1982 personal communication). In evaluating the impact of migration-related changes in women's roles on power relations in the family, it is not sufficient to consider women's partaking of new economic activities and decision-making powers when appropriate family structures and residence and remittance patterns permit. Neither is it sufficient to note "the manner in which the husbands and relatives acknowledge their efforts and accomplishments . ." (Khattab and El Daeif 1983:64). To properly assess the significance of certain women's newly acquired roles, one must move, conceptually, outside the analytical boundaries of roles themselves and evaluations thereof to consider the structural elements that maintain or constrain the evolution of these roles. This takes us beyond individual familial adaptations, social mobility, and family structure and residence patterns to consider the framework of production relations and related class structure. Migration studies, by focusing on social mobility, consumerism, and status mobility, have characteristically ignored social class structure (cf. Wojno 1982). While there is no doubt that social mobility, newly acquired roles, and patterns of consumption constitute important emigration-related changes, they do not contribute sufficiently to our understanding of the linkages between local social structure and the broader class relations in which they are subsumed (ibid.:16). The evolution of rural class structure, analyzed for earlier phases of the development of the Egyptian social formation (Amer 1954; Abdel Fadil 1980), is yet to receive detailed documentation as a correlate of migration. But even the few available detailed studies indicate multiple paths of agrarian transformation in terms of social differentiation of the peasantry and social relations of production. In Bahiya there are not only differences in standards of consumption as indicated by the various comforts found in village dwellings, food consumption, dressing habits, education of children and cash remittances from abroad, there are also noticeable variations at the more fundamental level of production. One observes unequal access to productive resources and related differential control of
Page 1 and 2: FAMILIAL ADAPTATIONS TO THE INTERNA
Page 3 and 4: -2 section of the paper focuses o
Page 5 and 6: -4- e .loyed, inte ehscoun ty,som
Page 7 and 8: -6- The continuing debate about the
Page 9 and 10: -8 individuals enjoy considerable
Page 11 and 12: -10- Social Consequences of Labour
Page 13 and 14: -12 turn resulted in the reductio
Page 15 and 16: -14- The economic independence of m
Page 17: -16- Moreover, it has been argued t
Page 21 and 22: -20- Migrants' remittances may allo
Page 23 and 24: -22- Within the framework of the OD
Page 25 and 26: -24 8 An extreme example is the i
Page 27 and 28: -26 1983 The Dynamics of Contempo
Page 29 and 30: -28- Suleiman, Muhamad 1983 The Cha

FAMILIAL ADAPTATIONS TO THE INTERNATIONALIZATION OF ...

Create successful ePaper yourself

Delete template?

Save as template?