churches and social capital - Church of Scotland

CHURCHES AND SOCIAL CAPITAL: THE ROLE OF
CHURCH OF SCOTLAND CONGREGATIONS IN LOCAL
COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT
A Report of Research Carried out on Behalf of the
Church of Scotland Board of Social Responsibility
By
The Department of Urban Studies, University of Glasgow
September 2002

CHURCHES AND SOCIAL CAPITAL: THE ROLE OF
CHURCH OF SCOTLAND CONGREGATIONS IN LOCAL
COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT
John Flint, Rowland Atkinson and Ade Kearns
Department of Urban Studies, University of Glasgow

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This research was funded by the Church of Scotland and was conducted on
behalf of the Church of Scotland Board of Social Responsibility. The authors
wish to acknowledge the support and advice provided by Ian Baillie and Joyce
Buchanan of the Board of Social Responsibility in the conception and
management of this research. We also wish to acknowledge the administrative
support provided by Margaret Merchant during the course of this project.
We are grateful for all those individuals who have freely given their time to
contribute to this research. In particular we wish to thank all our key informant
interviewees for their valuable insights into the research and the ministers and
other members of the nineteen congregations who agreed to be interviewed
and provided very helpful information for the vignettes stage of the research.
We are especially grateful to the members of the four case study congregations
of Bonhill, Holy Trinity, Lilliesleaf and St. Monans Church of Scotland
congregations for participating in the focus groups and returning questionnaires.
The four ministers of these congregations: Rev. Ian Millar, Rev. Stanley Brook,
Rev. Frank Campbell and Rev. Donald McEwan provided invaluable
information, support and encouragement that made the case studies possible.
We also wish to thank the members of local organisations and local residents in
these parishes who contributed to this stage of the research.
Finally, but by no means least, we are grateful to all the ministers and other
church members who completed our detailed and lengthy national survey so
diligently.

CONTENTS
List of Tables
List of Figures
Executive Summary
Chapter One: Introduction
Chapter Two: Research Methods
Chapter Three: Literature Review
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Social Capital
3.3 The Policy Context
3.4 Churches and Social Capital: Civic Engagement and Community
Development
3.5 Existing Research Evidence on Churches and Social Capital
3.6 The Church of Scotland
Chapter Four: Findings from the National Survey of Congregations
4.1 Introduction
4.2 The Contexts of Congregational Activities
4.3 Congregations Involvement in Activities that Generate Social Capital
4.4 The Direct Provision of Services and Facilities
4.5 Facilitating and Utilising Information Networks within Local Communities
4.6 Building Cohesive Communities: Promoting Social Integration and
Understanding
4.7 Promoting Community Development
4.8 Supporting the Institutional Structure of Local Communities
4.9 Creating Community Identities: Pride, Safety and Belonging
4.10 The Role of the Church in Local Communities
4.11 Strengths and Weaknesses
4.11 Conclusions
Chapter Five: Findings from the Case Studies of Congregations
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Case study of Bonhill Church of Scotland
5.3 Case study of Holy Trinity Church of Scotland
5.4 Case study of Lilliesleaf Church of Scotland
5.5 Case Study of St Monans Church of Scotland
5.6 Aggregated Survey Findings
5.7 Conclusions
Chapter Six: Conclusions and Recommendations
References
Appendices
Appendix A Survey Returns
Appendix B List of Congregations involved in Stage Three of Research
Appendix C An Explanation of the Social Capital Activities Scores

List of Figures
1.1A Framework for Congregational Relationships
3.1 The Different Roles for Faith Groups
3.2 A typology of the domains of social capital and the potential impact of
churches on
social capital
3.3 Concerns about Church Engagement in Community Development Activities
List of Tables
4.2.1 Characteristics of the Local Areas Congregations Operate In
4.3.1 Social Capital Scores
4.3.2 Social Capital Scores by Parish Type
4.4.1 Congregations Directly Providing Services and Facilities
4.4.2 Congregations Providing Educational, Cultural and Health Services
4.4.3 Congregations Providing Self-help and Personal Growth Services
4.4.4 Congregations Providing Direct Services to Local People in Need
4.4.5 Congregations Providing Facilities for General Use in Local Area
4.5.1 Techniques for Disseminating Information
4.5.2 Forms of Consultation
4.6.1 Congregational Support to Particular Groups in Communities
4.7.1 Congregation’s Involvement in Community Development Activities
4.7.2 Encouraging Mutual Support
4.8.1 Proportion of Church Members Involved in Other Local Groups
4.8.2 Organisations Church Members are Involved With
4.8.3 Local Organisations Supported by Congregations
4.8.4 Types of Congregational Support Provided to Local Organisations
4.8.5 Church Involvement in Activities and Events for Local People (including
nonmembers)
in the Last Two Years
4.8.6 Nature of Congregational Involvement
4.8.7 Congregation’s Involvement in Local Partnerships
4.8.8 Local Community Organisations Established Through Church Activity in
Last

Two Years
4.8.9 The Nature of Relationships
4.8.10 Working With Other Churches
4.8.11 Partnerships Outside the Local Area
4.9.1 Congregation’s Contribution to A Sense of Community
4.9.2 Local People’s Trust of and Involvement with Congregations
4.10.1 The Focus of Congregation’s Activities
4.10.2 Funding Sources for Congregations
4.10.3 Respondents’ Attitudes to Funding and Service Provision
4.10.4 The Division of Responsibility Between the Church and Other Agencies
4.11.1 Enabling Factors
4.11.2 Factors Inhibiting Engagement
5.2.1 Attitudes Towards Bonhill Church
5.2.2 The Local Importance of Bonhill Church
5.3.1 Attitudes Towards Holy Trinity Church
5.3.2 The Local Importance of Holy Trinity Church
5.4.1 Attitudes Towards Lilliesleaf Church
5.4.2 The Local Importance of Lilliesleaf Church
5.5.1 Attitudes Towards St Monans Church
5.5.2 The Local Importance of St Monans Church
5.6.1 Church Members’ Local Connections and Activities
5.6.2 Church Members’ Involvement in Other :Local Organisations
5.6.3 The Role of Churches in Encouraging Organisational Membership
5.6.4 Members’ Preferred Levels of Congregational Engagement
5.6.5 Church Connections to Non-Members
5.6.6. Residents’ Preferred Levels of Church Engagement

Executive Summary
1. Background
There is a growing interest amongst policy makers in the contribution that faith
groups may make towards government objectives, particularly related to
reducing social exclusion and supporting neighbourhood renewal. At the same
time policy has highlighted social capital (the features of social organisation
such as networks, norms and trust that facilitate co-ordination and co-operation
for mutual benefit) as a crucial factor in successful policy outcomes. The Church
of Scotland’s recent A Church Without Walls document outlined an agenda for a
renewed engagement of congregations with their local communities based
around the importance of the local and relational, the fundamentals of social
capital. It appears that there is a remarkable synergy between the aims of the
Church and the government and an emerging consensus about how these aims
are to be achieved. However, supportive rhetoric from policy makers towards
faith communities has been less forthcoming in Scotland than elsewhere in the
UK. Additionally recent commentaries have claimed the Church of Scotland to
be an institution experiencing both a decreasing membership and a declining
influence in local communities. Despite considerable research evidence from
the United States, and a number of studies about the role of faith groups in
regeneration initiatives in the UK, no study had been conducted in Scotland
about the extent of congregations’ contributions to social capital at national and
local levels. In order to address this deficit in the understanding of the role of the
Church of Scotland, the Board of Social Responsibility commissioned a team of
researchers from the Department of Urban Studies, University of Glasgow to
establish the extent of congregations’ engagement with their local communities,
to identify the processes involved in congregations’ contributing to local stocks
of social capital and to identify issues arising from the research findings for
congregations, the Church of Scotland and policy makers at the national and
local levels.

2. About The Research
This research was funded by the Church of Scotland and was conducted by the
Department of Urban Studies, University of Glasgow, on behalf of the Church of
Scotland Board of Social Responsibility between August 2001 and June 2002.
The research comprised five stages:
A Literature Review of existing research into congregations and social capital
Key Informant Interviews with members of the Church of Scotland,
ecumenical organisations and local and national policy makers
A National Questionnaire Survey of Congregations, posted out to every
Church of Scotland charge. A total of 454 were returned, a forty two percent
response rate providing a sample representing one third of all Church of
Scotland parishes
Vignettes involving semi-structured telephone interviews with nineteen congregations
throughout Scotland engaged in specific activities identified as being particularly
important in generating local stocks of social capital.
Case Studies of four Church of Scotland congregations, both urban and rural and
involving focus groups, interviews with local organisations, and postal surveys of
both church members and non-member residents.
3. Key Findings from the Research
Church of Scotland congregations operate within very diverse local
communities, both between and within parishes. This diversity suggests the
need for flexibility, sensitivity and innovation amongst both congregations
and wider Church structures in their attempts to engage with local
communities.
Church of Scotland congregations are involved in a wide range of activities
that generate benefits for local communities beyond their own
congregations. Involvement in such activities also often generates beneficial
outcomes for congregations themselves.
Church of Scotland congregations are on average involved in half of an
identified range of activities that may generate social capital in their local
communities.
Congregations in urban and/or deprived communities are involved in a
greater number of activities than those in rural or affluent parishes.

Congregations operating in ethnically diverse parishes have above average
social capital scores. Neither the size of congregations, nor the presbytery
they are located within are significant factors in determining their
involvement in activities.
Church of Scotland congregations provide a wide range of services and
facilities to local communities. This is more likely to be through a facilitating
and enabling role to other organisations rather than through direct provision.
The spiritual, communal and secular dimensions of congregational activity
are complimentary components of the ability of churches to contribute to
local stocks of social capital.
Church premises are vital sites of civic engagement in local communities.
Congregations play an important role in disseminating information within
local communities. Congregations have been less prominent in gathering
information from their wider communities.
The diversity of local communities provides both challenges and
opportunities for congregations. Many congregations have played an
important role in addressing this diversity through attempting to support and
integrate the most marginalised individuals and vulnerable groups within
local communities and have sought to increase general levels of social
cohesion and levels of engagement that are crucial to social capital and
successful community development. The impacts of these congregations’
activities have been substantial. However the survey shows that only a
minority of congregations are engaged in these activities, indicating that
many congregations who are not currently involved in community cohesion
activities should develop such a role for themselves.
The survey findings demonstrate the strength of inter-faith linkages and the
commitment of Church of Scotland congregations to engage in ecumenical
partnership working. The evidence indicates that the activities of local faith
groups are far more likely to create and encourage a sense of social
cohesion rather than foster divisions in local communities.
Church of Scotland congregations are less engaged in community
development activities such as defining local needs and involvement in local
campaigns. However, such engagement is most likely to empower local

people within decision-making processes and is often the most symbolic
demonstration of a congregation’s commitment and relevance to the wider,
non-church community.
The contribution of the Church of Scotland congregations to social capital is
as likely to be achieved through the activities of individual members than
through formal ‘church labelled’ activities. The church may well play an
important role in facilitating and supporting the participation of their members
in organisational activity locally. However, the reliance on these forms of
engagement appears to result in a neglect of formal structures and in weak
linkages between many congregations and other local organisations and
agencies. The strength of such institutional linkages is a vital factor in the
outcome of individuals’ activities and therefore should be a priority for
congregations.
A significant number of newly established community groups are being
generated by Church of Scotland congregations across the nation.
Congregations play an important role in contributing to a sense of
community within their parishes, usually through a celebration of diversity as
well as of the common bonds between local people.
Churches appear largely to be trusted local organisations. Four in ten
congregations report that their relations with their communities have
improved or increased in the last two years, suggesting the dynamics of
congregation-community relations are moving in the direction envisaged in A
Church Without Walls. There is little intolerance to the presence of churches
in communities. However, this is coupled with a lack of awareness amongst
non-members about the activities of congregations.
The majority of church members and non-members within the local
communities studied supported a greater engagement of churches in their
local communities, suggesting internal and external support for the Church
Without Walls agenda. However, a great deal of uncertainty still exists within
the Church about the desirability and feasibility of congregations engaging in
a wider community development role and particularly in direct service
provision. These ambiguous findings are related to differences in the
perceived priorities, strengths and weaknesses of local congregations.

Faith and mission and being trusted are reported to be the most important
factors in enabling congregations to contribute to their local communities,
whilst a lack of resources (financial, human and physical) and local apathy
within wider local communities are cited as the factors that most inhibit
greater community engagement.
4. Recommendations
Church of Scotland Congregations should:
Conduct a review process of their activities, an audit of local needs and
members skills and identifying wider perceptions of the church and local
needs they may address.
Recognise the importance of small-scale actions. An internal focus upon the
structures, processes and external images of congregational life provides a
starting point to further community engagement. Recognise the diversity and
legitimacy of many forms of community activity
Continue to support and encourage the activities of their individual members
in community organisations and activities whilst at the same time facilitating
more formal structures of communication and increasing interaction with
local organisations and agencies. Such an approach is complimentary rather
than an alternative to the individual activities of members
Recognise that whilst informal relationships are essential and often the
traditional method of interaction within communities, they may not have the
visibility and capacity to reach beyond existing circuit of communication.
More formal ‘church labelled’ activities potentially increase the profile and
accessibility of congregations as local organisations to be included and
engaged in communal activities.
Review the use of their church buildings where applicable. These are both of
symbolic importance and are also crucial sites of civic engagement.

Congregations should identify whether these premises could be further
utilised by local communities (dependent on resources).
Give priority to developing wider linkages for themselves and other local
community groups, with other organisations and agencies beyond the
parish. Such wider linkages are likely to increase the influence of local
communities in decision- making processes
The Church of Scotland should:
Combine a focus upon maintaining its unique identity with an explicit
recognition that it represents one voice amongst many in local communities
and should facilitate partnerships with local organisations and agencies
Develop and facilitate a role for congregations at the centre of local
communities that places local churches firmly within the wider voluntary
sector, enabling the church to plug into existing circuits of communication
and support from which it is presently relatively isolated. This can be
achieved without any diminution of the Church’s identity and particular
strengths
Continue to facilitate debates within the Church about the desirability and
feasibility of congregation’s increasing engagement in service provision
Develop structures and processes, in line with Church Without Walls, that
promote the autonomy and flexibility of local congregations, and enable risk
taking and innovation in attempts to develop new forms of community
engagement
Further develop structures of support between congregations, so that
resources may be distributed in such a way that congregations who wish to
undertake community development activities are not prevented from doing
so by a lack of resources
Address the issue of congregations’ poor record of accessing mainstream
funding sources by developing processes and structures that provide
support and advice to individual congregations in application procedures. In
tandem, it should continue to construct linkages to local and national
government

Recognise that partnerships with community organisations, agencies and
local government may be successfully developed without endangering the
priorities and identity of the Church
Policy makers should:
Recognise the substantial contribution that Church of Scotland
congregations make to social capital in Scottish communities
Accept that wider messages of declining Church membership and influence
disguise the crucial role played by many congregations in local communities,
including the establishment of a significant number of new community
organisations, premises, facilities and services
Support the maintenance and renovation of church buildings, recognising
their importance as existing sites of civic engagement
Recognise the extent of multi-faith working between Church of Scotland
congregations and other faith groups and identify the activities of
congregations as largely supportive of wider social cohesion rather than
sources of social division
Facilitate funding mechanisms that enable congregations to more readily
access grants for their activities and recognise that the centrality of faith to
congregations’ activities should be reconciled, with safeguards, within
funding guidelines, rather than being a barrier to applications
Recognise the Church of Scotland as a potential partner or significant actor
in a wider range of policy initiatives than is currently the case

Chapter One: Introduction
‘I sense a new and vital energy about the practice of faith in the UK. A new and
vital energy within the churches and other faith groups about engagement in the
communities in which you work and have your being.’
(Tony Blair, speech to the Christian Socialist Movement, 29 March 2001).
It is argued that in the UK faith communities are enjoying a greater degree of
recognition than ever before across the political spectrum (Sarkis, 2001). In A
Church Without Walls, the report of the Church of Scotland’s Special
Commission anent Review and Reform, the authors argue that ‘the Church
‘works’ where people join together, building relationships with each other and
the community to which they belong’. The report explicitly emphasises the
importance of the local and the relational in the purpose and work of the Church
of Scotland. A Church Without Walls focuses on the local congregation as the
site of church action in the community and the nature of the relationships
between church members, church structures and the wider community.
This focus on the local and relational is concurrent with a growing policy
emphasis upon how levels of social capital within local communities contribute
to the wellbeing and sustainability of communities. In particular there is an
increasing policy and academic focus upon the contribution that social capital
can make towards policies aimed at achieving neighbourhood renewal and
community regeneration, particularly within the most deprived communities in
the UK.
One of the two main pillars of the Scottish executive’s recent Community
Regeneration Statement is that ‘We must make sure that individuals and
communities have the social capital-the skills, confidence, support networks and
resources- to take advantage of and increase the opportunities to them’
(Scottish Executive, 2002, p3). Social capital refers to the non-monetary value
of co-operation and networking existent in social relations between residents in
local communities. Its most prominent advocate, the US scholar Robert
Putnam, has defined social capital as:

‘The features of social organisation such as networks, norms and trust that
facilitate co-ordination and co-operation for mutual benefit’ (Putnam, 1993).
As policy aims have increasingly focused upon reviving the public civility and
participation of citizens and policy interventions have become targeted at the
scale of local neighbourhoods and communities, the importance of strong local
associationalism becomes paramount. The key elements of social capital
therefore lie in both the ‘local’ and the ‘relational’ which A Church Without Walls
highlights.
The remarkable resonance between UK government policy documents such as
A New Commitment to Neighbourhood Renewal (Social Exclusion Unit, 2001)
and Church Without Walls would suggest that high levels of synergy already
exist between Church of Scotland congregations and local and national policy
makers. Official UK policy pronouncements certainly espouse a wider and more
strategic role for faith communities in government policy and community
regeneration initiatives (Evens, 2001). Both UK government policy documents
and government ministers in personal statements argue that churches are
potentially important organisations within local communities, and particularly in
deprived neighbourhoods suffering economic and social decline.
However, the current policy context and perceptions about the role of the
church appear extremely complex. Despite the official support at the level of the
UK national government, the relationship between churches and policy makers
continues to be controversial. In particular the recent Faithworks campaign in
the UK has argued that the willingness of faith organisations to become
involved in community development is frustrated by an implicit or explicit
discrimination against them by local authorities and other funding organisations.
There is also a contrast between the explicit recognition of a role for faith
groups in Whitehall documents and the lack of such a defined role in recent
policy statements from the Scottish Executive. For example, the Scottish
Executive’s recent Community Regeneration Statement (2002) outlines an
important role for ‘community leaders’ and ‘voluntary and community

organisations’, but without any specific reference to faith organisations in
Scotland.
One aspect of this debate is the extent to which congregations are unique and
inherently different from other local voluntary organisations. This raises issues
about whether church contributions to local communities can best be facilitated
by framing them within a wider third sector or, alternatively, creating particular
structures that reflect their own unique characteristics. It also raises questions
about how the roles and priorities of churches are perceived both internally and
externally.
Secondly, previous research provides contradictory findings about the capacity
of churches to become more engaged in community development activity.
Whilst some studies identify a range of resources which congregations may
offer to local communities, other studies have highlighted a range of barriers
congregations face in widening their involvement within local communities.
A third aspect involves the nature of relations between churches. Social capital
can act both as a bridging element between diverse communities or it can act
exclusively to strengthen division between groups in society. In the aftermath of
racial and religious tensions following the events of the 11 September 2001,
race riots in northern English towns last summer and the continuing debate
about the extent of religious sectarianism within Scottish society (Devine, 2001),
the contribution, or otherwise, that churches make towards social cohesion and
tolerance of diversity within a more heterogeneous and multi-cultural nation has
come under severe scrutiny.
Fourthly, the relationship between congregations and local people is also
subject to dispute. Commentators report an increasing disengagement from
traditional religious participation, arguing this to be demonstrated in declining
church attendance and membership. Evidence to support this view comes from
the Scottish Social Attitudes Survey 2000 which reported that church
attendance in Scotland has declined over the past two decades due to both
falling religious attachment (identifying oneself as belonging to a religion) and

lower rates of church going among the religious themselves (Park, 2002). Thus,
in 2000, only 35 percent of adults belonged to the Church of Scotland and only
23 percent of religious Scots attended church on a weekly basis.
It is also suggested that congregations may be insular organisations, conferring
benefits to their membership but not to the wider, non-church community. On
the other hand, others argue that the role played by religious organisations is as
great as ever, and that congregations may well ‘punch above their weight’.
Firstly because they are often one of the few remaining associational
organisations engaged in those communities suffering the most acute economic
and social distress, and secondly because the faith of their members leads to
them being disproportionately involved in organisational activity within their local
communities.
Many of these debates have taken place without any real knowledge about the
nature and extent of faith organisations’ activities within their local communities
in the UK. Research from the US suggests that congregations make a
significant contribution to stocks of local social capital, both through their own
formal activities and also through enhancing civic participation and voluntary
commitment in their members, bringing benefits to the wider communities within
which they are situated.
The relational role of local congregations is determined through congregational
linkages to six groups: congregational members, the national Church and its
infrastructure, local and national secular policy makers, other local voluntary
and community organisations, other churches and faith groups and local
people, as illustrated in figure 1.1:
Fig 1.1 A Framework for Congregational Relationships
National
government
National
Church
Other national
faith groups
Local
government/
Regeneration
Other local
Presbytery
Local
Congregatio
National voluntary
organisations
Local

It becomes evident that not only are local congregations potentially involved in
an array of relationships with different groupings, but the context in which they
operate will also be affected by the nature of relationships between other
groups. Thus, whilst the activities of congregations will influence social capital,
congregations themselves will also be affected by social capital.
This piece of research, commissioned by the Board of Social Responsibility
attempts to address these issues with reference to Church of Scotland
congregations and thereby to contribute to the growing number of studies that
seek to better our understanding of the relationship between congregations,
social capital and communities.
In particular, the research set out to address these questions:
What is the extent and nature of Church of Scotland congregations’
involvement in activities and processes that may generate social capital
within their communities?
What are the outcomes of this congregational involvement for Scottish
communities?
What is the nature of relationships between congregations, local people,
other faith groups, voluntary organisations and policy makers?
How is the future role of Church of Scotland congregations in community
development perceived and envisaged by local residents, church members,
church ministers and policy makers?

How may congregations, where they wish to do so, be facilitated in
contributing to social capital? Within this, what particular strengths do
congregations possess and what barriers do they face at local and national
levels?
The findings presented in this report are based on evidence from research
conducted between June 2001 and June 2002, using a number of techniques
including a national survey of congregations, semi-structured interviews,
vignettes of particular congregational activities and detailed case studies of
local congregations.
Chapter Two of this report provides details about the research methodology
used. Chapter Three reviews the current scene, including sections on social
capital, the policy context in the UK, the existing research evidence on the links
between churches and social capital and policy developments within the Church
of Scotland. The findings from the national survey of congregations and
vignettes are presented in Chapters Four to Seven. The findings from the case
studies of congregations are reported in Chapter Eight. Chapter Nine provides
conclusions and recommendations arising from the research.

Chapter 2: Research Methodology
This research was funded by the Church of Scotland and was conducted by the
Department of Urban Studies, University of Glasgow, on behalf of the Church of
Scotland Board of Social Responsibility between August 2001 and June 2002.
The research comprised five stages.
Stage One: Literature Review
A comprehensive review of the existing literature relating to social capital,
congregations and community activity was carried out. This included analysis of
relevant government and church policy documents in Scotland, the United
Kingdom and the Unites States. Findings from previous research studies of
congregations in local communities in these countries were also examined. The
literature review is presented in Chapter Three.
Stage Two: Key Informant Interviews
In order to develop our understanding of the context of Church of Scotland
congregational activity and to identify key issues and questions for our
research, a series of semi-structured interviews were carried out with the
following individuals:
Rev. Ewan Aitken Church of Scotland Minister, City of Edinburgh
Councillor
Mr. Graham Blount Scottish Churches Parliamentary Officer
Mr. John Dornan Development Co-ordinator, Scottish Churches
Community Trust
Rev. John Miller Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of
Scotland
Rev. Martin Johnstone Urban Priority Areas Adviser, Church of Scotland
Board of National Mission
Sir Neil McIntosh Member of Church of Scotland Church and Nation
Committee, Chair of Commission into Local
Government and the Scottish Parliament

Mrs. Linda Rosborough
Head of Social Inclusion Division, Scottish Executive
Stage Three: National Questionnaire Survey of Congregations
A postal questionnaire survey was sent to every Church of Scotland parish. This
was a detailed questionnaire asking respondents about their parish (es), the
nature of their congregation, the extent and nature of community activities they
were involved in and their perceptions about the role of the church within local
communities. The overwhelming majority of returned questionnaires were
completed by ministers, although we received questionnaires that had been
completed by minister’s partners, session clerks, elders and members of the
congregations with specific responsibility for community outreach activities.
1083 postal survey questionnaires were sent out to ministers. 454 completed
questionnaires were returned, a response rate of 43 percent. The number of
congregations facing vacancies at the time of the survey is presented in
Appendix A, Table A.1. There were 236 such congregations, representing 15
percent of the total number of congregations. The impact of vacancies on the
response rate is apparent in that only nine such congregations returned
surveys. Taking vacant ministries into account the survey response from
occupied ministries was higher, at 54 percent.
Due to the Church of Scotland system of linked parishes in some areas,
ministers may be responsible for more than one parish. There are 1564
congregations listed in the 2001-2002 Church of Scotland Handbook. Survey
returns covered 493 congregations, making the coverage of congregations 32
percent.
Church of Scotland congregations are organised within 47 geographical
presbyteries (including one for England). Surveys were returned from
congregations in all 47 presbyteries. Five presbyteries had response rates of
less than 20 percent, whilst seven presbyteries had response rates of 40
percent or over. The response rates from the other presbyteries fell within the
20-39 percent range (the complete response rate by presbytery is presented in
Appendix A, Table A.1).

We also identified urban priority area (UPA) congregations, as defined by the
Church of Scotland. There are 295 UPA congregations, of which 103 returned
surveys, giving a UPA response rate of 35 percent. The UPA returns by
presbytery are detailed in Table A.2 in Appendix A. The findings from the
national survey are presented in Chapters Four to Seven.
Stage Four: Vignettes
Given the dynamic and complex processes involved in generating social capital
in local communities and the number of factors that impact upon congregation’s
attempts to become involved in wider community activity, we sought to deepen
our understanding of the issues facing local churches through a series of
vignettes. These involved semi-structured telephone interviews with
congregations that were involved in specific activities that we identified from the
postal survey as being particularly important in generating local stocks of social
capital. In total, nineteen such interviews were conducted. In most cases
interviews were carried out with ministers, although in some instances minister’s
wives, church elders and members of other local organisations were also
interviewed. The findings from these interviews are presented in a series of
boxed paragraphs running through Chapters Four to Six and are designed to
compliment the survey data through providing concrete examples and in-depth
analysis of the processes congregations are involved in. A full list of the
congregations involved in this stage of the research is given in Appendix B.
Stage 5: Case Studies
Detailed case studies were conducted of four Church of Scotland
congregations. These congregations were selected to provide a broad
geographical coverage and to reflect diverse economic and social
circumstances and a range of congregational structures and activities. The case
studies involved four elements:
a) A focus group with ministers, elders and other church members involved in
church activities in the wider community.
b) A series of telephone interviews with members of local organisations which
sought to identify the nature of their relationship with the church

c) A postal survey of church members enquiring about their activities in the
local community and their perceptions of their church
d) A postal survey of two hundred local residents in each case study area
asking for their perceptions about the role of the church within their
communities.
The findings from the case studies are presented in Chapter Eight.

Chapter Three: Social Capital, Churches and
Communities
3.1 Introduction
This chapter discusses the concept of social capital and develops a theoretical
framework for evaluating the role of church congregations in generating social
capital. The chapter continues by assessing the current policy context,
characterised by an increasing focus upon social capital as a vital element of
government policy and a recognition of the potential contribution churches may
make towards successful community development. Previous literature on the
relationship between churches and community and civic development is
discussed and is followed by a summary of the findings of existing research
work into churches and social capital in the UK and the United States. Finally,
the chapter briefly describes the organisational characteristics of the Church of
Scotland and the Board of Social Responsibility and concludes by placing this
research report within the Church of Scotland’s wider reform agenda
encapsulated in its Church Without Walls document (Church of Scotland, 2001).
3.2 Social Capital
Social capital has a long academic history, and was used as early as 1916 in a
study of rural community centres in the United States. The concept has reemerged
as an important element of contemporary academic and policy
debates, particularly influenced by the work of James Coleman (1988), Robert
Putnam (1993) and Frances Fukayama (1995, 1999). Robert Putnam provides
a useful introductory description of social capital:
‘By analogy with notions of physical capital and human-capital tools training that
enhance individual productivity- social capital refers to features of social
organisation such as networks, norms and trust that facilitate co-ordination and
co-operation for mutual benefit. Social capital enhances the benefit of
investment in physical and human capital’.

Frances Fukayama (1995) describes social capital as:
‘The ability of people to work together for common purposes in groups and
organisations…the ability to associate depends on the degree to which
communities share norms and values and are able to subordinate individual
interests to those of larger groups. Out of the shared values comes trust, and
trust has a large and measurable economic value.’
Fukayama highlights that social capital involves ‘reciprocity, moral obligation,
duty toward community and trust, which are based in habit rather than rational
calculation.’
Fukayama also tells us that social capital is dynamic:
‘Social capital is created when relationships are formed which facilitate cooperation
and co-ordination…since transactions create, renew or destroy
relationships, social capital can potentially change with each transaction’.
Therefore:
Social capital is an intangible resource which exists in the relations between
people
Stocks of social capital, like financial capital, are self reinforcing and
cumulative
Stocks of social capital become depleted if not used
Social capital involves expectations of reciprocity
Social capital can be summarised as:
‘A set of informal values and norms shared among members of a groups that
permits co-operation amongst them’ (Fukayama, 1999).

The particular relevance of social capital in current policy debates is based
around its role in neighbourhood decline or renewal. A healthy community is
assumed to be have high levels of social capital:
‘In which individuals trust, or feel a mutual sense of obligation to each other.
This feeling of trust creates an environment wherein people feel comfortable
socialising with neighbors and relative strangers because people expect others
to behave in accordance with social norms that encourage mutually beneficial
interactions’ (Temkin and Rohe, 1998).
In contrast, declining neighbourhoods experience networks that are disrupted
and weakened and population turnover erodes familiarity and trust. Policies and
initiatives aimed at reversing the decline are being implemented in a context of
community disengagement and disillusionment. Social capital is therefore an
important determinant of the success, or otherwise, of a range of policy
interventions:
‘Researchers in such fields as education, urban poverty, unemployment and the
control of crime and drug abuse, and even health, have discovered that
successful outcomes are more likely in civically engaged communities’
(Putnam, 1995).
This focus on policy outcomes rather than processes highlights a vital point of
distinction in studies of social capital between the existence of social
relationships and the extent to which these relationships are actually utilised by
local communities to achieve desired goals. This ability to successfully utilise
social networks has been termed collective efficacy (Sampson et al., 1997).
This issue is highlighted in debates about thick or thin social networks and
bonding versus bridging social capital. Bonding social capital may be defined as
thick social networks between like individuals (e.g. families) which enable
people to ‘get by’. Bridging social capital in contrast comprises weaker, but
wider linkages between heterogeneous individuals which provide opportunities
to ‘get on’. A related point, and important to any discussion of the churches’ role
in generating social capital, is the extent to which bonding social capital,

involving strong ties within a group, may actually act to exclude outsiders,
bringing benefits to members at the expense of other groups (Portes and
Landolt, 1996).
This focus on the extent to which communities are able to use social capital to
generate local benefits requires an examination of how local communities relate
to others at a wider spatial and social scale. Whilst social capital exists in
relationships between individuals (Routledge and Amsberg, 1996), social capital
is also defined as the ability of people to work together in groups and
organisations (Fukayama, 1995). Within our focus on the outcomes of social
relationships, and particularly the extent to which they generate bridging capital,
the role of local organisations, including churches, is likely to be crucial. This
requires a focus on the institutional infrastructures existing in local communities,
the ability of organisations to act on behalf of residents and the extent to which
co-operation is effectively institutionalised (Temkin and Rohe, 1998; Boix and
Posner, 1998).
In summary, any study of the contribution of church congregations to local
stocks of social capital needs to address:
To what extent do congregations contribute to bonding and/or bridging social
capital?
To what extent do benefits remain within the congregation or accrue beyond
it? Are congregations ameliorating or adding to divisions between groups
with strong internal bonding social capital but little bridging social capital
between them?
How do congregations contribute to the institutional infrastructure of local
communities through working with and supporting networks of local
organisations?
To what extent do congregations contribute to an outward-looking focus for
local communities, developing important beneficial linkages with agencies
and communities at wider spatial scales?

What sort of social capital is being generated in congregations? Do
congregations differ, and if so, in what ways, from other
community/voluntary organisations?
In posing this last question, Allen Hayes (2001) suggests four processes
through which congregations may contribute to social capital:
Mobilising resources that might not otherwise be mobilised to address
community problems
Raising consciousness about community problems among people who
would not otherwise be aware or engaged
Creating linkages between social groups that would not normally exist
Empowering social groups that normally have little influence
In identifying faith groups as potential agents of transformation and ‘enablers’ of
their local community, Lewis and Randolph- Horn (2001) identify four key roles
for faith groups, contrasting traditional and transformative roles (Fig 3.1):
Fig 3.1 The Different Roles of Faith Groups
Traditional roles
Identity Shared culture with
other people of faith
Worship
Religious beliefs
Pilgrimage
Care Care for their members
Serve others
Sanctuary and place of
refuge
Prophetic See needs and
respond
Denounce injustice
Offer alternatives for
members
Organisation Legal charitable
structure
National organisation
Sole use of buildings
and skills
Set moral standard for
Transformative Roles
Develop community pride
Neighbourhood celebrations
Share values that reflect the
common good
Implement change
Place for people to
experience spirituality
Reach out to others and
enable others to care
Nurture others’ talents
Place of peace and renewal
for all
Ensure all voice are heard
Give the poor a voice
Co-create a common vision of
how things could be
Strive for peace, here and
abroad
Mentors and nurturers of
smaller organisations
Support local economy
Share use of space, incubate
social enterprises and
community finance

secular life
organisations; support social
entrepreneurs
Practice local and fair trade
Source: Lewis, J. and Randolph-Horn, E. (2001) Faiths, Hope and Participation: celebrating faith
groups’ role in neighbourhood renewal
Building upon these two models, we have identified eight component domains
of social capital, and suggest that congregations may contribute to each of
these domains (Figure 3.2). The important characteristics of our typology are
that the domains are interlinked: activities in one domain will have effect on
other domains, and secondly, congregations may contribute to some domains
of social capital more than to others.
Fig. 3.2 A typology of the domains of social capital and the potential impact of
churches on social capital
Domain Description Potential impact of church activity
Empowerment
Participation
Associational
activity and
common
purpose
That people feel they have a voice which is
listened to, that they are involved in
processes that affect them and that they can
themselves take action to initiate changes
That people take part in social and
community activities. Local events occur and
are well attended
That people co-operate with one another
through the formation of formal and informal
groups to further their interests
Providing support to community groups,
giving local people ‘voice’, helping to
provide solutions to problems, assisting
local people to have a role in policy
processes. Showing people they can do
things for themselves
Establishing and/or supporting local
activities and local organisations,
publicising local events
Developing and supporting networks
between
organisations in the area Assisting the
formation of local groups and

Supporting
networks
and reciprocity
Collective
norms and
values
Trust
Safety
Belonging
That individuals and organisations cooperate
to support one another for either
mutual or one-sided gain. An expectation that
help would be given to or received from
others when needed
That people share common values and
norms of
behaviour
That people feel they can trust their coresidents,
local organisations and authorities
responsible for governing or serving their
area
That people feel safe in their local area and
are not restricted in their use of public space
by fear
That people feel connected to their coresidents
and their home area. They have a sense of
belonging to the place and its people
organisations
Creating, developing and/or supporting
an ethos of co-operation between
individuals and organisations which
develop ideas of community support and
collective welfare
Developing and promulgating an ethos
which residents recognise & accept;
securing harmonious social relations and
promoting community interests
Encouraging trust in residents in their
relationships with the Church, each other
and other institutions and the wider
community
Encouraging a sense of safety in
residents. Involvement in local crime
prevention initiatives
Creating, developing and/or supporting a
sense of belonging in residents
These domains and identified potential impacts provide the theoretical framework for
the research reported in the following chapters of this report. This chapter now
continues by placing this potential role for Church of Scotland congregations within its
current policy context.
3.3 The Policy Context
The context for current government interest in faith-based organisations is the
priority given to the regeneration of deprived, socially excluded communities
and neighbourhoods in the UK. As part of this aim, there is a revival in interest
in the role that faith groups may play in policy delivery and community
development in the UK (Sarkis, 2001). This interest, which mirrors similar trends

in the United States, is based upon a growing recognition of the range of
community initiatives that local faith communities are engaged in and the
potential synergy between the aims and practices of faith groups and
government policy objectives relating to neighbourhood renewal, reinvigorating
civil society and tackling social exclusion (Kramnick, 1997; Farnsley, 1998).
Four aspects of churches 1 are regularly highlighted as making them key actors
in achieving these policy aims:
The contribution of churches to the cohesion of neighbourhoods
The resources that churches have
Church links to their localities
The continuing church engagement within the most deprived and declining
neighbourhoods.
In the Foreword to a recent report on the role of faith-based organisations in
community development, the General Deputy Assistant for Policy Development
in the US Department of Housing and Urban Development stated: ‘Faith-based
organisations are important to the cohesion of neighbourhoods and the
development of local communities.’ The Bush administration actively supports
religious voluntarism as part of his avowed agenda of ‘strengthening civil
society and America’s communities and has established a White House Office
of Faith-based and Community Initiatives (White House Press Release, 2001).
These dual policy aims of civic reengagement and strengthened local
communities, and rationales about the particular contribution churches may
provide towards achieving these goals, are mirrored in the enthusiasm that the
UK government demonstrates towards an increasing role for faith-based
organisations. The Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions
(1997) guidance document for involving communities in urban and rural
regeneration argues that ‘Faith communities have a significant contribution to
make to neighbourhood renewal and social inclusion’.
1 Whilst this report focuses on the Church of Scotland and uses the term churches, many of the arguments
presented in this chapter apply equally to other faith groups, faith-based organisations or faith
communities.

The Prime Minister himself has placed this role for churches at the heart of
church presence in local communities: ‘Community action has always been a
central mission of the churches and other faith groups…faith groups make a
unique contribution.’ (Tony Blair, speech to the Christian Socialist Movement,
29 March 2001). Blair highlighted the importance of the churches’ role and
suggested a developing ethos of partnership between church and government:
‘The churches’ role in the voluntary sector, working in partnership with central
and local government, is legitimate and important. And where [churches] have
the desire and ability to play a greater role, with the support of your
communities, we want to see them do so’ (ibid).
The Scottish Executive has also acknowledged the potential importance of
churches within its wider policy goal of tackling social exclusion. Speaking in
1999 the then Communities Minister, Wendy Alexander said: ‘Churches have
always had a unique role in the life of our communities and they will continue to
have an important role in spreading the message of social inclusion’ (Scottish
Executive, 1999).
This avocation of a church role is often premised around the perceived
particular strengths of local churches:
‘Compared with other community organisations, faith communities are often well
resourced, have broad memberships with wide ranges of community contacts.
Faith communities can help partnerships understand the needs and concerns of
local people or groups particular needs’ (DETR, 1997).
Thus, churches are perceived to be:
Well resourced
Have a broad membership
Are well connected within local institutional networks
Have a direct connection with local people and are able to represent the
diversity of local communities

Tony Blair argues ‘You [Faith communities] are engaged directly. You know the
terrain. You have committed volunteers and often an infrastructure invaluable
for delivering projects speedily and effectively’ (Tony Blair, speech to the
Christian Socialist Movement, 29 March 2001). This emphasis on the efficiency
of church organisations reflects another rationale for government support.
Elsewhere in his speech Blair states that faith organisations ‘have developed
some of the most effective voluntary and community organisations in the
country. In many cases you meet urgent social needs directly. In others you
work in partnership with central and local government to give a special
character to the delivery of public services which the states funds and would
otherwise have to provide directly’.
This perception of the effectiveness of churches, operating within the wider
voluntary sector is echoed by the former leader of the Conservative Party:
‘The general lesson that sometimes things can be done better by religious, by
voluntary organisations, by charities than have ever been done by the state or
local authorities, I think is a very powerful lesson.’
(William Hague, quoted in Evens, 2001).
A further rationale for the involvement of faith groups in social inclusion is the
belief that faith groups ‘May offer a channel to some of the hardest to reach
groups’ (Social Exclusion Unit, 2001). The Home Secretary has explicitly
highlighted the unique contribution that churches play in renewing civil society
and engaging individuals in the most deprived and socially excluded
communities:
‘[Church organisations] are a resource available to all areas of our country,
even the most deprived, the least active and the most likely to be disengaged
form the political process. This is a resource that every Government
regeneration programme and the development of community leadership cannot
match…we wish to enable faith communities to contribute to the wider active
community’ (David Blunkett, quoted in Dobson, 2001).

A recent report by the Christian Socialist Movement (2001) suggests that the
involvement of faith communities in regeneration initiatives is appropriate ‘since
faith communities are often one of the few groups that operate in
neighbourhoods long abandoned by banks, businesses and shops.’
Faith communities are therefore argued to provide in some instances ‘the only
community-based structures in areas where other social institutions had been
eroded and are often long term ‘stayers’ familiar with local realities’ (Inner Cities
Religious Council, Press Release). Such thinking underpins a gradual move
towards a wider and more strategic involvement of faith communities in
government-funded regeneration initiatives during the 1990s (Evens, 2001).
Several steps have been taken to further the involvement of faith-based
organisations in neighbourhood renewal programmes. The UK Government has
indicated that it will pay VAT on the repair of listed buildings in the faith sector
and introduced the Community Investment Tax Credit to improve incentives for
the private sector to support voluntary and faith-based initiatives. The
government has also pledged support for the Inner-Cities Religious Council and
has briefed local community initiatives such as Sure Start and Experience
Corps about forming partnerships with faith organisations. The government
appears to be seeking three policy objectives. Firstly, to build the capacity of
faith-based organisations. Secondly, to facilitate and promote neighbourhood
partnerships that include faith communities. Thirdly, and most controversially, to
reduce barriers to faith communities accessing public funding for community
initiatives. (These objectives mirror those of the White House Office of Faithbased
and Community Initiatives, see White House Press Release, 2001).
A Comparative Funding Framework: Charitable Choice in the United
States
In the United States, the ‘Charitable Choice’ provision of the Personal
Responsibility and Work Reconciliation Act (1996) gave religious organisations

the same opportunities that secular non-profit agencies have in competing for
contracts to deliver welfare reform services.
‘Charitable Choice’ seeks to eliminate boundaries between church and state in
the provision of local services. State governments opting to contract with social
service providers are prohibited from excluding faith-based organisations simply
on the basis that they are pervasively sectarian (Griener, 2000). The legislation
clarified the range of acceptable partnerships and sought to address fears about
discrimination and evangelism. Faith based organisations did not have to alter
their environment (e.g. remove religious symbols) and were able to use
religious language and concepts in their welfare programmes (Griener, 2000).
Charities may employ their own workers on religious grounds, but may not
discriminate amongst recipients of aid based on individual’s religious
persuasion, nor could receiving aid be made conditional on undertaking
religious activity. In addition the government must guarantee an alternative if a
client objects to receiving services from a religiously affiliated provider (Spain,
2001). It also requires that federal funds must not be spent on inherently
religious activities such as sectarian worship or proselytising (White House
Press Release, 2001).
The Bush administration argues that many states and localities continue to
ignore the legal requirements of Charitable Choice; that the regulations of some
federal programmes continue to restrict the involvement of faith-based
organisations more than the law suggests and that federal agencies do not do
enough to form partnerships with faith-based organisations (White House Press
Release, 2001).
The most complex and controversial area of government and church
relationships and the role of churches has been in accessing public funds. The
UK government has stated that ‘A pragmatic approach will be taken to funding
faith groups recognising that they may be the most suitable organisation to
deliver community objectives’ (Social Exclusion Unit, 2001). The Chancellor of
the Exchequer has explicitly stated that faith communities are to be included in

government attempts to build partnerships with voluntary and community
organisations and to increase the access of these groups to public funding:
‘This funding will be available to all groups who meet the criteria, including faithbased
groups- mosques, synagogues and churches- who every day can make
such an important contribution to their local communities.’ (Gordon Brown,
quoted in Faithworks Press Release, 2001)
Obstacles to Church Involvement
There has been concern amongst the faith communities that, despite professed
government support, faith-based organisations have been prevented from
adopting a more active role in community development and neighbourhood
renewal. Prior to the 2001 General election, the Faithworks campaign, led by
senior British clergymen, called on the government to ensure that church
groups were actively supported in regeneration activity, rather than
discriminated against. The Faith in Politics report (Christian Socialist Movement,
2001) suggested that, whilst there was a willingness amongst faith
organisations to work in partnership with the government on regeneration
initiatives, there was a frustration amongst faith organisations that agencies
including local authorities were unwilling or unable to work with faith
communities. The report was based on a survey of 3000 church leaders across
the UK which found that 99 percent of churches would like to see specific
support from national and local government to ensure they were not excluded
from funds on the basis of their faith. The study claimed that on average 20
percent of churches in the UK felt they had been discriminated against by local
or national government in the allocation of grants (the figure was 19 percent in
Scotland). Nearly nine in ten respondents indicated that their church would be
interested in running or supporting projects aimed at helping the local
community if more funding and support were available from local or national
government. A two-year study by the Shaftesbury project (2001) similarly found
that faith-based community work was often poorly funded. In response to such
concerns the Prime Minister has called for pilot projects involving church groups
and local regeneration partnerships and has stated his determination to remove
obstacles to churches becoming involved in regeneration activity.

3.4 Churches and Social Capital: Civic Engagement and Community
Development
Historically, churches have played important roles in contributing to both civic
engagement and community development. Indeed, prior to the growth of the
state and the development of government welfare infrastructures, churches
were the primary providers of civic engagement and social services (Sweeney
et al., 2001). Churches have never been purely religious bodies, rather they
have traditionally been centres of civic life and prime centres for volunteering.
Churches have also historically contributed to community development and
there is a long association between religion and social reform (Kramnick, 1997).
Newman (1999) describes how the Catholic Church in Chicago has affected
how neighbourhoods form and change and how people develop interactions
and become engaged in these neighbourhood communities. Figure 3.3
highlights some of the positive attributes of churches cited in discussions of the
church’s role in the community.
Figure 3.3 Positive Characteristics of Churches as Instruments of Community
Development
Churches…
Provide a vehicle for social integration and a voice for marginalised groups
Provide opportunities to develop civic values and civic skills
Are a factor in the construction of identity and belonging
Are a means of combating stigma and boosting self-esteem
Are a generator of trust within communities through beliefs, customs and
obligations
Provide opportunities to exercise organisational control and develop
organisational networks
Are trusted by communities and seen as legitimate organisations in which to
invest time, effort and resources
Churches and other religious organisations have often provided important social
services in urban areas, particularly for immigrants and the poor, an example

eing the long history of church influence on African-American community
development in the Unites States (McRoberts, 2001). Churches have also
played a crucial role in integrating new groups into dominant civic orders and
have provided a voice to those traditionally marginalised within mainstream
society, including the urban poor, immigrants and women (Ammerman, 1996;
Spain, 2001; Verba et al., 1995).
It is argued that churches provide an impressive example of widespread civic
engagement and that congregations represent, in the US context ‘a significant
part of the American civic order’ (Ladd, 1998; Ammerman, 1996). The spiritual
focus of churches provides a moral foundation for civic regeneration (Saguaro
Seminar, 2000). In this analysis they internalise an orientation towards the
public good. Churches are seen as encouraging and providing opportunities for
volunteering, making financial contributions and developing civic skills and
increasing networks and associations- thereby contributing to the foundations of
social capital (Newman, 1999; Verba et al., 1995). Churches are both primary
meeting localities for communities, providing sites of ‘sociability’ and
‘redemptive’ places for local people (Ladd, 1998; Ammerman, 2000; Spain,
2001) and civic associations that encourage large numbers of citizens to
participate in an array of social activities (Ammerman, 1996).
In advocating the strengthening of congregations as civic institutions, Robert
Putnam (2000) claims that congregations create both what he terms ‘civically
relevant’ values, such as compassion, public duty etc. and civic skills such as
association and organisation. It is argued therefore that congregations and
other voluntary organisations generate both the basic ‘social capital’ of
association and the ‘civic capital’ of communication and organisational skills and
that they do this especially well for those least advanced in other sectors of
society (Ammerman, 1996). For example, immigrant groups have often used
church parishes to build social capital through learning civic skills and building
networks enabling them to develop and control their own institutions (Newman,
1999).
Churches may also play a role in creating the sense of wellbeing that is crucial
to strengthening communities. In an article about the relationship between

mental health and religious communities, Lynne Friedli (2001) argues that faith
communities need to be seen as more than simply an extension of ‘the care
package’. She argues that faith communities play an important role in
increasing understanding, challenging stigma and discrimination and also in
strengthening communities in terms of self-esteem, inclusion, communication
and cohesion. Faith is often a key factor in the construction of identity and
belonging for both individuals and communities (Ahmed, 2001). Such identities
and sense of belonging are both prerequisites and outcomes of social capital
formation. Faith-based social capital is grounded in the beliefs, customs, habits
and obligations of followers and this generates a form of trust that goes beyond
the formal mutual responsibilities of members of a common association
(Candland, 2000). Recent research in the UK also found that ‘the faith factor’ is
significant as a social force in the empowerment of individuals facing social
exclusion as shown by many examples of ‘faith-motivated social entrepreneurs’
working in deprived communities (Sweeney et al., 2001).
It is difficult to assess the extent to which churches play such a role, and the
contribution of churches to social capital compared to other civic institutions. A
report by the Saguaro Seminar on Social Capital (2000) claims that religious
organisations sustain more social capital and social capital of varied forms than
any other type of institution in the Unites States. The report estimates that half
of all the United States’ stocks of social capital are religious or religiously
affiliated. Other advocates of greater church involvement in strengthening
communities argue that rather than being another type of voluntary
organisation, churches are a unique community resource:
‘One of the primary functions of faith-based communities is to provide points of
identification and belonging in modern society. Some organisations are especially
important gateways to participation in the larger social order. Belonging some places
simply counts more and congregations are one of those places’ (Ammerman, 1996).
Ammerman believes that congregations are able to expend social capital in
service to the community because they are recognised as legitimate places for
investment by people with social capital to spend. In addition Ammerman claims

that congregations have the most pervasive infrastructure of any voluntary
organisations for the meeting of community needs and that congregations enjoy
particularly high levels of trust within their local communities. Whether the same
observations about the legitimacy and trust of congregations can be made in
the UK context is open to question.
As Farnsley (1998) rightly points out, in order to validate these claims, we
require to know more about congregations, what type of churches are involved
in community development and which ones are capable of such involvement. A
growing amount of research evidence is emerging on the contribution that
churches make to civic engagement and community development.
3.5 Existing Research Evidence on Churches and Social Capital
The Extent of Churches’ Contributions to Social Capital and Community Development
The Social Capital Community Benchmark Survey conducted by the Institute of
Government at Harvard University (2000) reported that religious engagement
had a significant impact on civic life in the United States and that ‘religious
communities embody one of the most important sources for social capital and
concern for community in America’. The study suggests that involvement in
communities of faith is strongly associated with giving and volunteering.
Religious involvement is positively associated with most other forms of civic
involvement. Controlling for demographic characteristics, religiously engaged
people show higher levels of social capital. They are more likely to be involved
in civic groups of all sorts, more likely to vote, to be active in community affairs,
to give blood, to trust other people, to socialise with friends and neighbours and
to have a wider circle of friends (see also Vallely, 2001).
Studies have also found very high levels of participation amongst churches
in community or social service programmes, with over 90 percent of
congregations indicating they were involved in at least one community
project in surveys carried out in the UK (Faithworks, 2001) and the US
(Printz, 1998; Ammerman, 2000).

However, The Urban Institute Study in the US, using data from the 1990
National Congregations Study with a sample of over 1000 congregations,
found that only 57 percent of congregations were involved in or supported
social service projects. This lower figure than other studies is suggested to
reveal an urban bias in previous studies.
The Organising Religious Work Project conducted by the Hartford Institute
for Religious Research, which gathered data from 549 congregations in
seven research sites in the US, found that on average congregations
provided money, volunteers, space, in-kind donations and staff time to six
community outreach organisations. The UK Faithworks report, based on a
sample of 3000 churches, claimed that an average of three projects were
run by those churches that reported being active in their communities.
If the Faithworks sample is representative, it suggests that there are 131,000
church-run projects in the UK. Similarly the Faith Makes Community survey
estimated that faith-based organisations provide thousands of volunteers to
community projects in the UK.
What Activities are Churches Actually Engaged In?
The Hartford Study found the primary task of congregations to be the spiritual
wellbeing of their members. Although this brings internal benefits to the
congregations, the study suggests it can be also source of empowerment,
particularly to marginalised individuals. The secondary priority for congregations
was generating fellowship. Again the work that congregations do at building up
a caring and functional internal community may bring indirect benefits to the
wider community, although this has not been adequately demonstrated. The
study categorised congregational activities into five types:
The provision of direct services to people in immediate need (for example
clothing, food, shelter)
Contributions to the educational, health and communal life of local communities
Community development and/or political and social advocacy
Evangelical and mission work

Civic and social causes (including opportunities for personal growth and selfhelp)
The activity which congregations were most commonly involved in was the first
of these, the provision of direct services to people in immediate need. This
finding was replicated in the Urban Institute study which reported that
congregations were most likely to provide small-scale, short-term relief involving
a small number of volunteers on well-defined periodic tasks rather than to
operate on-going projects. Spain (2001) defines this difference as ‘commoditybased
benevolence’ for example food pantries and thrift shops, compared to
‘relational ministries’ of job mentoring and training.
The second most common involvement of congregations related to educational,
cultural or health activities. The Urban Institute study found that churches also
made significant contributions to social capital through supporting local
organisations and by bringing together a diverse range of people within
communities around a common concern and then mobilising their various
resources to respond to the concern. The study found that 87 percent of
churches had connections with at least one other community organisation and
that three quarters provided volunteers to other community organisations. 57
percent of congregations donated a church space, and 45 percent made
financial donations, to other organisations. 59 percent of individual church
members claimed they participated in other community service organisations on
a regular basis. The most frequent partnerships are with religious non-profit
organisations, including other congregations.
This institutional infrastructure reflects the findings in the US studies that
congregations tend to work in partnerships with other voluntary and
governmental organisations, rather than running programmes themselves or
devoting staff members: ‘It is by weaving together a network of money,
volunteers and other supports that service agencies and congregations together
do good in their communities’ (Ammerman, 2000).

What Impact Do The Characteristics of Congregations Have Upon Their Activities?
Both of the US studies found that their theological orientation influences how
congregations relate to their community and the extent of their involvement in
service provision. The Hartford Study divided churches into three categories:
Evangelistic (44 percent of congregations were defined in this category),
Member-orientated (39 percent) and Activist (17 percent). Member-orientated
churches generated a lot of internal bonding social capital whilst activist
congregations were most likely to be involved in community development
initiatives. The Urban Institute Study found that politically and theologically
liberal congregations were most likely to be involved in community service
projects. A similar conclusion was drawn in the Flourishing Communities report
in the UK, although it argued that whilst theology was an important determinant
of levels of community engagement, a wide range of theological positions could
facilitate such engagement.
The Hartford Study found that regional differences were not important in
determining involvement in partnerships generating social capital, although rural
congregations were less involved in partnerships than urban ones. The Urban
Institute Study claimed that active congregations are most likely to be large, to
be located in poor neighbourhoods, but not to be wholly low-income
themselves. The Hartford Study found that educational and racial composition
makes no difference to levels of partnerships, however the Urban Institute
reported that African-American congregations were more likely to seek public
money.
In terms of size, whilst the Urban Institute Study found that large congregations
are most likely to be involved in community service partnerships, the Hartford
Study suggests that it is primarily the level of financial resources, rather than
number of members that enables church connections with other community
organisations to be formed and sustained (Ammerman, 2000; Chaves, 1999).
Similarly, the Flourishing Communities report found in the UK that church size
and the age profile of members do not provide a good measurement of
congregational engagement in the local community. In large churches, the very
size of local membership means they are an important organisation in the

neighbourhood. On the other hand larger churches have a tendency to get
caught up with internal development and maintenance and small churches may
have a very strong ethos of community involvement.
The Processes of Generating Social Capital: Strengths and Concerns
Research in the UK has confirmed many of the claims of US commentators
about the potential contributions churches may make. The mission statements
of congregations reflect concerns for local communities, they often have
significant resources, they provide a physical location for community activity and
there are many examples of church partnerships with wider networks and faithbased
activity in regeneration initiatives in providing local voice. The recent
Faith Makes Community Work report (Shaftesbury Society, 2001) confirmed the
current policy belief that churches in the UK could be particularly useful in
reaching excluded populations in regeneration areas. Similarly the Faiths Hopes
and Participation study (Lewis and Randolph-Horn, 2001) suggests that
churches have a crucial role to play in neighbourhood renewal for a number of
reasons. These include the fact that churches are rooted in deprived
communities and their members actually live in these communities and they can
bring a sense of hope and community identity to neighbourhood renewal which
can act as an important balance to the negative imagery which is often involved
in securing regeneration funding, inspiring and reproducing significant value
commitments (see also Sweeney et al., 2001). The report suggests that
churches, at their best, have a transforming effect within communities:
‘They can empower others in the community to participate as they help develop
a sense of local identity and pride, provide a local infrastructure, promote selfsufficiency
and begin to speak with a common voice and vision.’ (Lewis and
Randolph-Horn, 2001).
The report highlights the point that faith groups often have a long-term
perspective which allows them to offer continuity and commitment to
regeneration which can complement other agency work in renewal which may
be of a short duration. A crucial role for faith groups is their ability to provide
viable structures for supporting small social enterprises. Other reports have

highlighted the valuable contribution of faith communities towards employment
and vocational training initiatives and the importance of ‘citizenship’ and
‘community’ as motivating factors for faith community involvement in these
areas (Evens, 2001).
A number of concerns about the capacity and desirability of church involvement
in community development activities have been raised by previous research
(see Fig 3.4)
Figure 3.4 Concerns and Constraints about Church Engagement in Community
Development Activities
Churches primarily generate bonding rather than bridging social capital
Churches focus on social welfare and charitable concern rather than broader
notions of community development and empowerment
The capacity of churches to become involved in community development is
activity is limited
Church structures and congregations may not always fit with a
neighbourhood focus
Churches are often bypassed, or regarded as ‘troublemakers’ in partnership
or consultation processes.
Faith-based organisations often face distrust from some potential sources of
funding, including local government, leading to a reliance on religious
sources and charitable trusts
Churches have a limited ability to handle short term funding cycles and
complex application procedures
Local history can be an important barrier to church involvement
Churches are weakly linked to mainstream voluntary networks and agencies
There is a lack of top-down support for grassroots projects

A common concern of commentators is that religion may create bonding at the
expense of bridging social capital. Allen Hayes (2001) argues that:
‘Whilst acknowledging the important role that spirituality can play in bridging
differences, one must also be aware of its potential to bind people together in
communities that reject outsiders. In addition to creating exclusive communities,
organised religion can reinforce existing secular privileges and inequalities’.
Historically, Allen Hays argues, Christian churches have sorted themselves out
by social class and ethnicity. When community involvement is pursued by a
middle class church, it may be within strict limits that prevent the involvement
from challenging fundamental inequalities in the community. Such concerns are
reflected to some extent in the findings of the Benchmark Social Capital Survey
in the US which found that intensive involvement in communities of faith is more
likely to be associated with some aspects of social intolerance. Religious
involvement is linked to greater support for individuals, but not necessarily for
social justice. The report suggests that ‘the social capital embodied in religious
communities is more likely to bond individuals with those like them than to
bridge to those unlike them. Communities of faith are generous in their giving
and volunteering but are less likely to be involved in measures of social action
and exhibit relatively low tolerance.’
However, bonding social capital within congregations may in fact help
marginalised populations such as immigrants tackle their exclusion through
preserving culture and language, providing informal support mechanisms and
generating strong local institutions which encourage civic participation
(Ammerman, 1996; Newman, 1999). Thus the extent to which bonding social
capital is used to maintain or to tackle exclusion is likely to depend on the social
and political power of individual congregations within wider society.
The social bonds promoted by religious sentiments may not be conducive to
forming social capital and community development (Candland, 2000).
Famously, Robert Putnam’s study of Southern Italy suggested that organised

eligion was an alternative to, rather than an enhancer of, the civic community
(Putnam, 1993). Candland highlights the importance of the relations between
the state and religious groups on the ability of faith-based organisations to
generate social capital for community development. Newman (1999) argues
that parishes are often able to build strong bonding social capital, but are less
able to build bridging social capital due to a lack of institutional infrastructure, a
finding replicated in several of the recent UK studies.
There are concerns about the capacities of churches to become involved in
community development. Commentators have expressed doubts about whether
faith-based organisations are adequately staffed and trained, with particular
regard to receiving government funding (Sink, 2001). Writers such as Farnsley
have expressed concern about the consequences of such a lack of capacity:
‘The people who are pushing for congregations to shoulder more of the burden
for urban development need to be honest about church realities and capacities.
In the long run, congregations could be damaged by shifting too much attention
to community development and away from their many other ministries, both
internal and external. The more immediate danger is that many needy people
will go unserved if we assume that most congregations are doing or could do
something that they cannot’ (Farnsley, 1998)
It is argued that if churches are to be given increased responsibility, the
challenge is to discover community development practices and polices that
build on the actual institutional strengths of religious institutions (McRoberts,
2001). Studies have highlighted that many congregations have very limited
resources, including finance, and suffer from an over-reliance on a small
number of already overloaded volunteers, making it difficult for congregations to
devote staff or volunteers to competing institutional commitments (Sweeney et
al., 2001). The urgent requirement for capital investment in church buildings
demonstrates one such competing priority for resources. There may also be
differences of priority between ministers and congregations about the extent to
which congregational activity should be externally rather than internally focused.

The concern about discrimination within funding regimes and the
marginalisation of faith groups within local decision-making structures has
already been discussed earlier in this chapter, and has been identified in other
recent studies. A history of negative relationships between local organisations,
including faith groups and local government, can act as a significant obstacle to
the development of partnership working and an ethos of co-operative
institutional interaction. The fact that community projects tend to be ad hoc and
not tied into any strategic local or national framework is often a result of short
term funding streams, and such involvement often relies on charismatic
individuals, with the long term viability of these projects jeopardised by a lack of
sustainable institutional support (Sweeney et al., 2001). The limited capacity of
churches to access funding resources and to negotiate (often complex) funding
application systems is also a barrier to further involvement.
A number of studies have highlighted the finding that whilst churches contribute
a high proportion of local community activity, and have increasingly strong
networks with other faith groups, they are less well linked to mainstream
voluntary networks and agencies as well as local politicians, which may effect
their ability to achieve some of their aims (VAM, 1999). ‘The Churches still
have a poor grasp of their potential role in networking with other agencies to
tackle social exclusion and promote social justice. The work of their social
action often goes unrecognised and undervalued, even within the Church and
certainly in the wider community (Sweeney et al., 2001). The Flourishing
Communities report recommended that churches needed to be better linked to
existing networks. To facilitate this process, agencies needed to recognise the
potential role for churches and churches themselves required to position
themselves more firmly as part of the local community and voluntary sector
rather than as a separate local faith sector.
Concerns have also been raised about the role of churches in neighbourhood
renewal and the extent to which congregations are linked to their
neighbourhoods and how tightly they should be linked (Farnsley, 1998). In
some cases, such as parishes, these are closely tied to their neighbourhoods
and are geographically based, serving a particular geographic community rather

than a particular congregation. Indeed parish boundaries may become informal
or even formal neighbourhood boundaries (Newman, 1999). Sweeney et al.
suggest that parishes are venerable local institutions, acting as depositories for
local people’s sense of place (2001). However, faith as a form of social capital
need not be located in a geographical community, because a community of
believers may not require repeated face-to-face interactions to place trust in
each other, rather shared faith may be enough (Candland, 2000). The New
Deal for Community Evaluation found that some churches had particular
characteristics such as charismatic leadership, a particular theology or historical
status that attracted members from beyond the parish boundaries and created
‘gathered churches’ with little local contacts (Musgrave et al., 1999). Research
in the US has shown that different faith based partnerships have very different
relationships with neighbourhoods and neighbourhood organisations (Allen
Hays, 2001). Churches are not necessarily neighbourhood institutions.
Churches may pull people together around ethnicity, class background, life
stage or lifestyle rather than shared neighbourhood identity. Many churches
therefore draw membership from a geographic area much wider than the
immediate neighbourhood. This may increasingly be the case given the closure
of local church buildings in inner-city areas, resulting in remaining churches
serving areas larger than individual neighbourhoods (Musgrave et al., 1999).
They may not associate with neighbouring religious organisations, but are just
as likely to link with similar churches located in other neighbourhoods. This may
offer opportunities where churches think of themselves and their network
building activities as locally based but not neighbourhood focused. For example
Newman (1999) has described how Catholic congregations strengthened their
stocks of bridging social capital and increased their autonomy in local decisionmaking
through creating informal leagues of parishes which created ties
between the immigrant enclaves in Chicago. Thus whilst churches may
contribute to generating social capital, an exclusive focus on neighbourhood
impacts may not utilise churches in the most beneficial manner (McRoberts,
2001).
A final concern has been the extent to which the hierarchical structures of
churches inhibit the engagement of congregations at a local level. Despite the

expressed encouragement, for example by the Church of Scotland, for
congregations to take risks and to develop innovative strategies of community
development (see below), some of the previous UK studies have suggested that
existing national hierarchical structures do not provide sufficient autonomy and
flexibility for local congregations to respond to specific local needs.
A number of recommendations have arisen from these various studies of
church involvement in community development activity in the UK. The From
Story to Policy report (Sweeney et al., 2001) suggested that:
Faith communities should set themselves the aim of contributing to society’s
stock of social capital- establishing, extending and maintaining networks
throughout the community for the purpose of human wellbeing-consonant
with a Christian theology of koinonia and communico as defining the mission
of the Church to the world
Faith communities should commit themselves to close ecumenical and interfaith
partnerships to establish an effective faith network
Faith communities should work alongside partners in local regeneration
efforts, collaborate with the wider voluntary sector and participate with public
and governmental bodies in a combined assault on social exclusion
Faith communities should encourage volunteering and better training and
use of volunteers
The Faith Makes Community Work report (2000) suggests that the following
long-term church commitments build up social capital:
Gradual acceptance of a community development approach by the minister and
congregation over many years, including a you-can-do-it assumption
The practice of worship with other local Christians
Use of mission audit to help church look at itself and consider aims
Development of a lay involvement model which enables people to ‘blossom’
Not being limited by a church building
Support for citywide work though involvement by church personnel at the
diocesan level.

These particular strengths of congregations, identified concerns and
recommendations are examined in our research findings. The final section of
this chapter briefly describes the Church of Scotland and its recent influential
report A Church Without Walls.
3.6 The Church of Scotland
The Church of Scotland represents a truly national institution within Scotland.
The General Assembly is the church’s highest decision-making body and is
served by various Boards and Committees overseeing the national structures
and processes of the Church. The church comprises 1564 congregations,
situated in almost every community in Scotland and organised into 46
presbyteries in Scotland (with additional presbyteries in England and overseas).
The Church had 607, 714 communicants in 2000, with 43,661 elders and 1101
ministers serving 1269 charges.
Within the Church of Scotland, the Board of Social Responsibility (established in
1869) co-ordinates the largest voluntary sector agency in Scotland with over 80
units and projects, 835 full time and 837 part time employees and an estimated
2000 volunteers, providing care and support for over 4000 people per year with
an annual budget of £39 million.
Despite recent controversies about both the traditional and contemporary roles
of the Church in Scottish life (Reid, 2002; Devine, 2000), including arguments
about a declining influence based on falling membership and vacant ministries,
the presence of congregations throughout the nation suggests that the nature
and extent of church engagement in local communities will have a potentially
significant impact on neighbourhood renewal and community development in
Scotland.
The recent report of the Church of Scotland’s Special Commission anent
Review and Reform (2001), entitled A Church Without Walls sets out the
framework for the primary purpose and shape of the Church of Scotland at the

eginning of the new Millennium. Many of the findings of the report are
convergent with a focus upon the role of congregations in generating social
capital in Scotland’s communities. The report states that within a core calling of
the church based around ‘the personal, the local and the relational…the church
‘works’ where people join together, building relationships with each other and
the community to which they belong.’ Church Without Walls urges an explicit
external focus for congregations, including undertaking a community review at
least once every ten years to reflect on issues in the local community.
Congregations are also urged to assess potentials for developments within and
beyond the congregation, to explore linkages with other churches and to take
risks in encouraging faith to grow.
This research report aims to examine how congregations are engaged within
such a process, focusing on the personal, local and relational elements of
congregational activity. As such it attempts to answer some of the questions
raised in another recent Church of Scotland publication, Good News for A
Change (2001) which documents some examples of innovative Church of
Scotland engagement within local communities and asks:
What is happening in places where the church is active?
Why did congregations decide to do what they are doing?
How have these projects helped to serve the community?
Have they helped change the church?

Chapter Four: Church Activities, Services and Facilities
4.1 Introduction
The next four chapters report on the findings from the national postal survey of
congregations, conducted between November 2001 and January 2002. The
survey contained a mixture of closed and open questions, enabling a range of
quantitative and qualitative data to be generated. A full description of the
response rates is provided in Chapter Two. An explanation of the social capital
scores used in these chapters is provided in Appendix C. This chapter
describes the local contexts in which congregations operate, the involvement of
congregations in activities that generate social capital and the extent to which
congregations are involved in providing direct services and facilities to local
people.
4.2 The Local Contexts of Congregational Activities
The context within which congregations operate would be expected to have an
important influence on the nature and extent of their activities. Whether a parish
is rural or urban and the economic characteristics of the local community will
impact on the form and process of congregation’s involvement within their local
communities and will also affect the outcomes of such involvement. The
diversity of local communities will also have important consequences for the
Church of Scotland nationally in terms of the range of strategies it requires to
facilitate wider community involvement within its Church Without Walls agenda.
Table 4.2.1 reveals that congregations operate in very diverse communities
across the nation. Whilst over four in ten ministers identified themselves as
being situated in an urban area, three in ten operate in rural areas and a quarter

of congregations serve mixed urban and rural areas. Similar diversity is
encountered within local areas. Half of the survey congregations operate in
areas of very mixed economic and housing conditions. Four in ten
congregations operate in mostly affluent parishes. Only one in ten
congregations reported operating in mostly deprived areas. Housing tenure
closely reflects economic characteristics as would be expected. Only three
percent of congregations operate in ethnically diverse areas, although of
course, there are many areas where small numbers of individuals from ethnic
minority backgrounds will be present.
Table 4.2.1 Characteristics of the Local Areas Congregations Operate In
Characteristics of local areas
Number
*
Percent
*
The nature of the area
Urban 194 43.1
Rural 142 31.6
Mixed urban/rural 114 25.1
The economic characteristics of the area
Very mixed affluent and deprived 221 49.9
Mostly affluent 169 38.1
Mostly deprived 53 12.0
The housing tenure of the area
Very mixed area of owner–occupied and social 222 49.2
housing
Mostly owner-occupied housing 179 39.7
Mostly social housing 50 11.1
The ethnic composition of the area
Predominately white 440 96.9
Ethnically diverse 14 3.1
* Missing cases have been omitted from this analysis

The survey findings confirm the recent concerns of commentators (Reid, 2002)
about the extent to which congregations continue to reflect the wider
communities they are based in. A quarter of ministers felt their congregations
were very representative of the local population compared to thirteen percent
who believed they were not very representative. The majority of ministers (sixty
one percent) felt their congregations to be fairly representative, suggesting a
need for congregations to continually seek methods for attracting diverse
sections of their local communities to become involved in church activities.
4.3 Congregation’s Involvement in Activities That Generate Social
Capital
The survey asked a range of questions about various activities that
congregations may be involved in that potentially contribute to stocks of social
capital within their local communities. The results are presented in Table 4.3.1.
Using responses to these questions we generated a social capital score ranging
from 1- 25, signifying the extent of congregations’ involvement in these activities
further disaggregated into four categories:
Local Activities: including provision of services and facilities, disseminating
information, assisting integration and resolving conflicts within local
communities
Community Development: including advocacy, involvement in local
campaigns and empowering local people
Community Relations: including relationships with other organisations,
facilitating partnerships, building networks and establishing new community
groups
Pride, Safety and Belonging: the extent of the congregation’s involvement in
activities that generate any of these elements of social capital in local
communities
The full list of questions asked and further information about the construction of
this social capital measurement instrument is provided in Appendix C.

Table 4.3.1 Average Social Capital Scores
Max Average
Local Activities 8 3.6
Community Development 6 1.8
Community Relations 8 3.8
Pride, Safety and
4 1.7
Belonging
Social Capital Score 26 10.9
The results indicate that on average congregations are engaged in just under
half of the identified social capital generating activities. This proportion is
consistent across local activities, community relations and activities that
contribute to local pride, safety and belonging. The figures indicate that
community development is an area where congregations are less likely to be
engaged. These findings provide support for previous work that suggests
congregations are more likely to be engaged in activities that address the
existing problems faced by communities, rather than activities that seek to
empower local communities within wider social and political processes. It may
be argued that whilst congregations have scope to undertake further activities in
each of the four areas, particular focus should be given to community
development strategies. However, this is the very area in which congregational
involvement is likely to be most controversial as it includes involvement in
lobbying and campaigning activities, community advocacy and challenging
various local decision-makers.

Table 4.3.2 shows that urban congregations are, on average, involved in a
greater number of social capital generating activities than rural congregations.
This may reflect greater social problems and more potential partner
organisations as well as a difference in the nature and process of community
between urban and rural areas, particularly the extent of formal as opposed to
informal activity.
Table 4.3.2 Social Capital Scores by Parish Type
Parish
Characteristics
Urban
Rural
Mixed urban/rural
Urban Priority Area
Deprived
Affluent
Mixed
deprived/affluent
All
Average
Score
11.79
09.92
10.54
11.43
12.98
10.73
10.51
10.90
Similarly, congregations in deprived areas (including Urban Priority Areas) are
also more likely to be engaged in social capital activities, with those churches in
social rented housing areas being the most likely to be engaged (the average
social capital activities score in parishes containing mostly social housing is
13.02 compared to 10.91 in owner occupied areas). These findings are
consistent with previous research and validate the focus upon churches as
crucial institutions in deprived and declining communities. The figures suggest
that congregations operating in areas of mixed housing and mixed income are

involved in slightly less activities than those in more homogeneous parishes
(either deprived, social housing areas or mostly affluent areas of owner
occupation). This may reflect the difficulty such congregations face in
attempting to engage with a diversity of priorities and potentially competing
needs. The fourteen congregations who reported working in very ethnically
diverse parishes had above average social capital scores (average = 12.93).
This partly reflects the fact they are likely to be located in deprived, urban areas,
but it also reveals the extent of these congregations’ involvement in various
strategies to improve integration and social cohesion in their parishes (these
activities are discussed in section 5.2 of the following chapter).
We examined the impact that the numerical size of congregations has on
involvement in social capital generating activities. The correlation is .042
suggesting that size has a very modest impact upon the likelihood of
congregations being involved in social capital generating activities. Similarly,
presbyteries appear to have little influence on the extent of congregational
involvement in these activities. Presbytery average social capital scores range
from 8 to 14.5. Congregations in the large urban presbyteries of Edinburgh
(14.1) and Glasgow (12.5) have above average social capital activities scores,
and smaller presbyteries have lower social capital activities scores, but there
are not enough cases in these smaller presbyteries to draw any inferences from
this.
4.4 The Direct Provision of Services and Facilities to Local People
Much of the current debate about the role of congregations in community
development and their access to funding sources has focused upon a direct
provision role for congregations in which they establish and deliver a variety of
services and facilities to local people. We classified these services and facilities
based upon categories developed in surveys of congregations in the United
States (Chaves, 1999; Ammerman, 2000).

Table 4.4.1 shows that a sizeable majority of congregations (sixty five percent)
provide educational, cultural or health services to local people. However, only a
minority of congregations were involved in other forms of service provision with
just over a quarter of responding congregations indicating that they provide
direct services to local people in immediate need and a similar percentage
providing self-help and personal growth services to local people.
Table 4.4.1 Congregations Directly Providing Services and Facilities
Congregations…
(N=454)
Providing educational, cultural, or health services to
local people
Providing self-help and personal growth services to
local people
Providing direct services to local people in immediate
need
N % More than
50% of
users are
nonmembers
(%)
More than
80% of
users are
nonmembers
(%)
29 65.3 72 36
0
11 26.9 84 64
8
11 26.0 81 65
7
One issue identified in the debate about churches’ roles in local communities is
the extent to which they provide benefits to the wider community beyond their
own membership. The findings indicate that congregations do indeed offer
services to the wider community. Over seven in ten congregations reported
providing these services to a majority of non-members, with self-help and direct
services overwhelmingly provided to non-members.
Educational, Cultural or Health Services
Children’s clubs are the most common form of facility provided, with four in ten
congregations involved in running such clubs, which include both ‘traditional’
organisations such as Boys Brigades and Guides and a variety of other types
for members and non-members of the church alike. Three in ten congregations
provide some form of crèche facility for church services or events organised by
other community groups. Just over twenty percent of congregations provide

some form of cultural event for local people, and similar percentages provide
transport services and day care clubs for local elderly people. Few
congregations were involved in other forms of activity identified in this area.
Only approximately one in ten congregations provided arts projects, nonreligious
educational classes or after-school clubs. Six percent of congregations
provided day care clubs for local people with special physical or mental needs
and two percent provided home help services.
Table 4.4.2 Congregations Providing Educational, Cultural and Health Services
Number Percent
Children’s clubs 188 41.4
Crèches 136 30.0
Cultural events 100 22.0
Transport services 90 19.8
Day care clubs for elderly 86 18.9
Arts projects 50 11.0
Educational classes (other than 50 11.0
religious)
After-school clubs 45 9.9
Day care clubs for mental/physical 30 6.6
needs
Home help services 8 1.8
Other 77 17
Self-help and Personal Growth Services
Again, children feature prominently, with twelve percent of congregations
offering pre- school clubs for local children (Table 4.4.3.). Small percentages of
congregations provided support groups for parents, carers and people with
addictions. Very few congregations were involved in tutoring or mentoring
activities or employment and training facilities.
Table 4.4.3 Congregations Providing Self-help and Personal Growth Services
Number Percent
Pre-school clubs 58 12.8
Addiction support 39 8.6

groups
Parents support groups 24 5.3
Carers support groups 20 4.4
Tutoring/mentoring 13 2.9
Employment/training 5 1.1
Other 24 5.3
Direct Services to Local People in Immediate Need
The most frequent form of direct service provision to local people in immediate
need is congregational support to the homeless, with just over one in ten
congregations involved in such support (table 4.4.4). Only a small percentage of
congregations were involved in providing food, housing or shelter to local
people.
Table 4.4.4 Congregations Providing Direct Services
To Local People in Immediate Need
Direct services Number Percent
provided
Support to the
53 11.7
homeless
Food pantries 30 6.6
Meals to the
13 2.9
housebound
Housing/shelter 13 2.9
Other a 70 15.4
a Many of these other services involved activities we have categorised elsewhere such as day care and
lunch clubs or transport provision. Other services also included food co-ops, cafes or food parcels,
benevolent funds that make emergency payments or grants to individuals in need, provision of clothing
and bereavement care facilities.
Community Facilities
Social capital depends upon informal interaction between people, and such
interaction requires physical sites where people are able to participate in

associational activity. The survey suggests that churches are important in
providing such sites of interaction in local communities (Table 4.4.5).
Table 4.4.5 Congregations Providing Facilities for General Use in Local Areas
Number Percent
Meeting rooms 284 62.6
Community hall 271 59.7
Audio/visual
120 26.4
equipment
Transport 21 4.6
Other facility 42 9.3
Six in ten congregations provide meeting rooms for local organisations and
individuals and a similar number provide a community hall, which may be
utilised by local communities for a wide range of activities. Additionally such
halls are likely to have a symbolic value in terms of creating a sense of
communal identity in localities. The survey provides no evidence about the
extent to which such facilities are utilised and the diversity of their users, but
these figures suggest that providing meeting rooms and centres for communal
activities is one of the most significant contributions that Church of Scotland
congregations make to local social capital. Beyond the local utility provided by
church buildings, just over a quarter of congregations make audio or visual
equipment available to local people. A small number of congregations also offer
some sort of transport facility, for example a minibus.
A Supportive Role: Martyrs Boarhills and Dunino linked with St Andrews
Martyrs
This linked parish comprises the Boarhills and Dunino and St Andrews Martyrs
congregations. The parish is predominately rural, and mostly affluent, situated
in the north east of Fife in and around the town of St. Andrews. Members of the
congregation are involved individually in community activity including
membership of the community council and local educational projects. The

congregations have become involved in the Families First project in St.
Andrews. This community project has been instigated by the local Baptist
church which spent several years researching local needs in St. Andrews and
the surrounding area to prepare an audit of services required. The newly
established voluntary organisation involves professionals and volunteers in
delivering a wide range of services including a family befriending service, parent
and toddler groups, babysitting facilities, holiday, sports and after school clubs,
training courses, a community drop-in centre and financial support projects. The
organisation is currently sharing office facilities with the Baptist Church.
The project is supported by Boarhills and Dunino and St Andrews Martyrs
Church and the other Church of Scotland congregations in St Andrews in
addition to other local denominations. The minister of Boarhills and Dunino felt
that as a parish church, this was certainly an area of activity her congregation
should be involved in. It was important to her that such involvement ‘came with
no strings attached’ and that it was not simply perceived as an attempt to recruit
new church members. She also wished to be certain that this rationale was
shared by the other organisations involved, and became convinced that this
was the case.
It is clear that the development of denominational partnership working in this
project has been facilitated by the open approach of the Baptist Church. Their
minister initially attended a meeting with the Boarhills/Dunino and Martyrs
congregations and outlined the plans for the Families First initiative. Following
this, an open meeting was held to launch the organisation at which several
parish members, including the minister, attended and became individual
members of the new organisation (there may be an opportunity for the parish to
join the project as a corporate member at a later stage). The church has
maintained its involvement as the organisation has become established with the
minister attending meetings with the project manager to discuss local needs
and the contribution that her congregations may be able to make. Already the
church has made its meeting room available to the organisation and has offered
specific help as and when required.

The involvement of the Boarhills/ Dunino and St. Andrews Martyrs
congregations in this new voluntary community organisation highlights a
number of issues. Firstly, it demonstrates that different churches can
successfully work together and that such partnership working is dependent on
the attitudes of these churches and other organisations towards each other. The
attitudes towards the local Church of Scotland congregation are important in
this context. In this instance, the openness of the Baptist Church and the
willingness of churches to work together, reflecting a history of ecumenical cooperation
in the area, undoubtedly helped to facilitate the involvement of
Boarhills/Dunino and St Andrews Martyrs congregations. Secondly, this
example confirms that community needs may not be so obvious in rural or
affluent communities, but they exist and are important. The comprehensive
community audit to identify such needs prior to the establishment of the
Families First organisation has enabled it to develop a targeted range of
services across several issues. Thirdly, and perhaps most significantly, the
nature of the Boarhills/Dunino and Martyrs parish involvement highlights the fact
that Church of Scotland congregations can play an essential role in supporting
community activity instigated by other organisations. As such they may often
play an enabling and facilitating role rather than directly establishing or
managing communal or organisational activities. Whilst such support may be on
a relatively small scale, it may be vital to the success of community services,
and provides opportunities for congregations to become involved in community
development. In this instance, although Boarhills/Dunino and Martyrs are
generally elderly congregations and many members are engaged in other
community activities, the congregations are still able to offer their premises,
time and perceptions to other organisations. Such involvement fosters good
relationships between the congregations and other organisations, including
churches, with beneficial outcomes for both the congregations and the wider
local community.
4.5 Summary
The diversity of Scottish communities suggests that congregations will require
differentiated mechanisms for engaging in community development activities.

Flexibility and the ability to respond to local needs are likely to be crucial factors
and the Church of Scotland requires structures that facilitate autonomy,
innovation and differentiation within congregations to respond to such diversity.
The involvement of congregations in local communities is also made more
complex by the diversity that exists within, as well as between, parishes- half of
congregations work in ‘very mixed’ areas. Such diversity generates various, and
sometimes competing, priorities and congregations need to be sensitive to the
range of needs existing within local communities. The survey results suggest
that, whilst congregations are not entirely unrepresentative of their local
communities, there is scope for the church to broaden its appeal to less
represented sections of their parishes.
Church of Scotland congregations are on average involved in just under half of
an identified range of activities that may generate social capital in their local
communities. Congregations are less likely to be involved in activities that
contribute towards community development, suggesting that there is a focus on
addressing existing problems rather than any wider, long-term focus upon
community needs and empowerment. Community development is, however, an
area where the church’s relationship with the local authority and other
responsible agencies needs to be defined and its role in community planning
activities clarified.
Congregations in urban or deprived communities are involved in a greater
number of activities than those in rural or affluent parishes. Reflecting the
complex nature of engagement in diverse communities, congregations in
heterogeneous areas are slightly less likely to be involved in activities than
those in more homogeneous parishes. The one exception to this are
congregations in ethnically diverse areas who have above average social
capital activities scores. Neither the size of congregations nor the presbyteries
they are in appear to be significant as a determinant of involvement in social
capital generating activities. Whilst this measurement instrument is crude and
does not enable an analysis of the extent and efficacy of involvement in each
activity, the findings indicate that there is scope for congregations to examine

areas of activity in which they are not presently involved and to expand the
range of their activities.
Church congregations are involved in a wide range of activities that provide
services and facilities to local people. A significant number of congregations are
involved in such activities, in particular those related to education, health and
culture, with a prominent focus around children. However the role of Church of
Scotland congregations in directly providing services to local people is limited
and the majority of congregations are not at present engaged in direct service
provision. Rather, the more common role of Church of Scotland congregations
in social capital development is one of enabling and facilitating services
established or delivered by other organisations, through offering the use of
church resources.
Congregations appear to play a crucial role in the provision of physical sites for
interaction, participation and communal activity that forms the basis of social
capital in local communities. The majority of congregations make their buildings
accessible to locals groups and individuals, and as such provide a very large
number of centres for facilitating civic engagement throughout Scotland. Rather
than the danger of churches being, as one key informant interviewee put it
‘simply street furniture’, this research suggests that congregations appear
willing to open their doors to community usage. The extent to which these
premises are actually utilised is not established, but providing support to
congregations to maintain or adapt these buildings and to facilitate the use of
these community premises by a diverse section of the local population offers a
potentially effective means of supporting one of the most important contributions

that Church of Scotland congregations make towards social capital in their
communities.

Chapter Five: Developing Communities
5.1 Introduction
This chapter describes the nature and extent of congregations’ involvement in
activities that contribute to the development of communities. It reports on
congregations’ facilitation and utilisation of information networks in local
communities and the contribution congregations make towards building
cohesive communities through promoting social integration and understanding.
The chapter reports on congregational involvement in a range of community
development activities and presents findings on the influence of congregations
upon feelings of identity, safety and belonging within local communities.
5.2 Facilitating and Utilising Information Networks within Local
Communities
Providing Information
The empowerment of individuals to become engaged in communal activities
depends, at the most basic level, on a regular supply of information telling
individuals about forthcoming events and opportunities for them to participate in
these events or to join local organisations. Congregations play an important role
in assisting these networks of dissemination through acting as conduits for
community news and through distributing information about their own and other
community events to local people, including those individuals who have no
connection with the church. Three quarters of responding congregations
reported that they provide information to all local people. Table 5.2.1 shows that
newsletters are the most common method for disseminating information.
Obviously, the extent to which such church newsletters contain information
about non-church events and organisations will vary considerably. Three in ten
congregations reported providing a column in a local newspaper which may be
a useful method of reaching a wider audience. Information technology provides
new opportunities for churches to provide information, and slightly more
congregations reported using a website than the traditional method of notice

oards. Given the unequal access to informational technology (for example
within deprived communities or amongst the elderly) traditional methods of
communication are likely to remain important in reaching as wide and diverse a
range of local people as possible.
Table 5.2.1 Techniques for Disseminating Information
Number Percent
Newsletter 238 52.4
Web site 142 31.3
Notice board 135 29.7
Column in local
newspaper
135 29.7
Seeking the Views of Local People
In addition to disseminating information, effective engagement in local
communities depends on congregations accessing information about the needs
and priorities existing within their parish. Twenty eight percent of congregations
have formally consulted or sought the views of local people in the last two
years. The proportions of congregations utilising particular forms of consultation
in the previous two years are shown in Table.5.2.2.
Table 5.2.2 Forms of Consultation
Number Percent
Public meetings 65 14.3
Representation on local
56 12.3
committees
Church newsletter 41 9
Surveys 40 8.8
Local press article 30 6.6
Written consultation 22 4.8
Other 16 3.5

Congregations who have undertaken formal consultation exercises have utilised
a range of techniques to seek the views of local people. This consultation
occurs in four main areas. Several congregations have utilised surveys and
public meetings to consult local people about the nature of their local church
organisation and activities. They seek the views of local people about their
perceptions and expectations of the church and the services they wished to see
their local church providing. This involves firstly ‘internal’ aspects of
congregational activity such as the style, timing and location of services and
also includes consultation about the future organisation and priorities of parish
ministries. A second aspect involves activities linked to the Church Without
Walls agenda of external engagement and how churches could further meet the
social needs of their communities. Several congregations have sought the
views of local people on outreach activities in the parish and the type and forms
of activities the congregation should be involved in within the community. This
often takes the form of trying to identify priorities and new areas for
congregational activity.
The second area of consultation relates to church facilities and buildings.
Congregations have sought community opinions about the management,
renovation, redevelopment and future usage of community church halls.
Specific consultation exercises include canvassing views on how to encourage
more community groups to use a church hall, the adaptation of church buildings
as local community centres or medical surgeries, purchasing or developing new
church centres and the community usage of church grounds.
A third aspect of congregation’s consultation activities relates to the needs of
local people and concerns over the provision of local services and social
problems. These involve a large range of local authority services, including
elderly, maternity services and health and educational services, particularly the
future of local schools. Some congregations have specifically consulted local
young people about their needs. Congregations are also involved in
consultation about environmental issues concerning transport, industrial or
housing developments, road safety and mobile phone masts. Local people have
been asked their views on local facilities such as retail provision and the

location of cash machines. Consultation occurs about a range of local social
problems including drugs and alcohol dependence, vandalism, racism,
homelessness and crime. Other consultation activities have taken place over
the issues of refugees and asylum seekers. There was one reported instance of
a congregation consulting local people about relations between two rural
communities (see vignette). Churches have also hosted general election
hustings. Churches have used this information to either plan their own activities,
to facilitate the establishment of local organisations or activities that address
these needs or to represent community views in a wider consultation process,
for example with local authorities.
The final area of consultation activity involves congregations seeking local
views on the future of local areas. These include planning applications,
economic development and regeneration activities and local people’s
perceptions of the future need for facilities and retail provision and the
identification of priorities through local development plans. Specific issues
include the siting of licensed premises and community facilities required for new
housing developments.
Seeking the Views of the Community: Linton lw Morebattle and Hownam lw
Yetholm
Linton is a rural parish of three linked congregations (Linton, Morebattle and Hownam,
Yetholm) in the Scottish Borders. The minister became aware that changes were
occurring within the local community and that there was a need for the church to reflect
upon these changes and particularly about how these changes impacted upon the
perceptions of the church and what local people wished the church to offer them. In a
two-stage process the Kirk Session sought to identify the needs and priorities of the
congregations and then sought to compare these to the priorities and agendas of local
people outwith the church. As such, this work coincided with national church
developments such as Church Without Walls, which seek to establish where the church
is moving to. The minister also wished to establish information about the local people
who comprised his parish. This second stage involved the printing and distribution of a
questionnaire to every household in the parish (just under one thousand households).

There were approximately two hundred returns. Whilst the response sample may be
seen as biased because those most interested or involved tended to respond, it produced
interesting, if complex, findings. The survey asked a range of questions about people’s
faith, what they wished from church services and also a question about what the
congregation should be offering the wider community. Another component of the
survey was an attempt to build up a local skills register. The minister felt that anecdotal
evidence suggested that the very act of consulting people had generated interest (even
where this was hostile) and that the exercise had demonstrated that the church was at
least trying to be attentive to local concerns.
It proved difficult to translate the findings of the survey into obvious reforms of
church practice, and this finding is of wider significance to the perceptions that
congregations have of their roles within communities. The most striking finding
was the sheer diversity of views on all aspects of church life which emerged.
For instance, whilst both congregation members and the survey of local
residents indicated a wish for more flexible services, there was no consensus
about what this would involve. Similarly, respondents provided very differing
views about which different styles of music, use of prayer and fellowship activity
should be used. This raises the issue of how one parish church may, given its
resources, meet all these needs and in particular reconcile traditional and
modern priorities in service style. Despite these concerns, the minister believes
the exercise was worthwhile because it prevents the congregation from
planning its activities on false pretences. Some attempts to engage with this
diversity have been made, for example offering a choice of service styles rather
than the same service in each of the three congregations. The survey also
suggested that congregation members wished more time for quiet reflection
within worship and this is also being addressed. The question about what
congregations should be offering the wider community drew few concrete
proposals, suggesting that the development of such activities may require a
proactive leadership role from the church as well as a reactive response to
community wishes.
This attempt to gather the views of local people offered an opportunity for these
congregations to assess their own priorities in comparison to the wider

community (although like many rural areas, the boundary between church and
community is very blurred). It provided one mechanism for the church to tackle
any sense of it becoming more isolated from local non-members. The survey
method is time-consuming, both in organising and in interpreting results and
also does not guarantee unambiguous results, given the increasing
heterogeneity of most local communities. The survey also faced the issue of
faith being essentially a private matter, and therefore reluctance amongst some
people to respond. However such consultation exercises enable local
congregations to gain important insights into how they are perceived and what
the priorities of local people are. At the same time, they provide a vehicle for the
church to demonstrate that it is an organisation that both listens to, and is willing
to be influenced by, local people.
5.3 Building Cohesive Communities: Promoting Social Integration and
Understanding
Each Church of Scotland parish, in common with all spatial communities, will
comprise a heterogeneous mix of residents within which particular groups are
more or less likely to be susceptible to exclusion and marginalisation. The
extent to which such groups are integrated into wider community structures is
vital to the establishment of bridging social capital which enables the benefits of
associational activity to be distributed more evenly throughout communities. As
such, the empowerment and participation of marginalised groups within the
community enables barriers arising from exclusionary forms of bonding social
capital within communities to be broken down. This is likely to bring beneficial
results in terms of the levels of trust and feelings of pride, safety and belonging
that exist in the community as a whole. The survey asked congregations to
identify activities they had undertaken to promote the integration and
understanding of particular groups within the community in the last two years.
Over half of the congregations were able to demonstrate an important role in
this process.

At an initial level the internal structures and processes of Church of Scotland
congregations may contribute to the integration of marginalised groups. A focus
on the physical utility of church premises is an initial and important aspect of
this process. The extent to which church buildings and facilities encourage the
participation of particular groups sends important signals about the openness of
the church to those groups. A number of churches have provided disabled
access to their premises through constructing wheelchair ramps and lifts. Within
the churches, the provision of disabled toilets, special seating, wheelchair
space, extra lighting, and the availability of large print or Braille materials, loop
systems for people with hearing impairments and baby changing facilities create
an inclusionary environment for worshippers and other church users alike.
Beyond these physical measures, several congregations indicated that they
provide particular support and encouragement in assisting people with special
needs to utilise their buildings. One method of doing this is the involvement of
particular groups at worship services at special times of the church year.
Another method is the provision of transport to enable individuals to attend
church for either services or community activities.
The message that the minister and congregation send out to potential users is
also crucial. An explicit message of welcoming all regardless of age,
background or special needs supports participation, as do outreach efforts to
encourage the involvement of particular groups. Given that church gatherings
may be regarded as opportunities for bringing diverse groups of local people
together and may act as a safe locus for people to feel a sense of belonging,
both these physical and verbal signals are essential.
An important stage in this contribution is the ability of congregations to think
about how their buildings are utilised and to enter into dialogue with different
sections of the community about how these groups could become involved in
using facilities. Within congregations, several churches have sought to better
understand the different needs and priorities of young and elderly members in
order to engender a sense of belonging towards the life of the church.

Issues of integration and exclusion are also addressed through education of
congregations and the wider community and may be incorporated within acts of
worship (some of these are discussed in more detail below). Inviting guest
speakers from organisations working with marginalised groups to address
congregations is one such method. In addition both ministers and members of
congregations reported attending conferences and assemblies on poverty,
racism etc. and were involved in local forums seeking to integrate sections of
the community. Many congregations have used their involvement in local
Millennium celebrations to develop a vision of community cohesion and to
encourage understanding between different sections of the population within
their parish.
In addition to the provision of premises for organisations working to integrate
marginalised groups, other forms of generic church activity aimed at increasing
understanding between sections of the community include fund raising appeals
and donations to local and national organisations working with marginalised
groups, lobbying on behalf of particular groups and providing social events,
including dance, theatre and music, for marginalised individuals. Many
members of congregations also undertake regular visits to local residents,
which increases the social contacts of isolated or vulnerable individuals. Of
course, reflecting one of the major themes of this report, much of the
contribution congregations make towards encouraging integration and
understanding within communities comes from individual church members
involved in various local and national organisations that seek to provide support
to particular groups within society.
Table 5.3.1 Congregational Support to Particular Groups in Communities
Group within community Number Percent
Young people 154 33.9
Older people 102 22.5
Disabled people 86 18.9

People with mental health 71 15.6
needs
Homeless people a 59 13.0
Refugees a 26 5.7
Minority ethnic group a 25 5.5
Other 20 4.4
a. These low figures of course reflect the lack of these groups in particular areas of Scotland. Most of the congregations in mixed
ethnic parishes were involved in supporting the integration of minority ethnic groups and supporting refugees.
Young people
Table 5.3.1 shows that over a third of congregations reported involvement in
activities relating to the support and integration of young people in their
parishes. A large number of these congregations are involved in providing youth
club facilities to local young people (both church and non-church members).
Such support ranges from the church establishing a facility in its own premises
to providing financial support, equipment or volunteers for youth facilities run by
other organisations in other centres. Congregations run clubs on both week and
weekend nights and for a range of age groups including primary and secondary
school children. One congregation also reported running a club for older
teenagers and young people in their early twenties. In addition to the traditional
youth club with sports and computing facilities, several congregations
established, operated or supported youth cafes or drop in centres.
A number of congregations have appointed full or part time dedicated youth
workers. These workers work with young people (both church and non-church)
and seek to represent the views of young people and to organise projects.
Many of these workers also have links to local schools.
Congregations have also attempted to encourage the participation and
empowerment of young people, often through Millennium youth projects. This
has included an internal focus such as having young people leading all age
services of worship, giving young people a voice in the organisation of
congregational activity, including ecumenical initiatives and encouraging young
people to organise their own events in church premises. Congregations have

also invited young people to Kirk Session meetings to present their views on the
church and what it may offer them. However, beyond this the majority of
congregations extended this empowerment and participation to the wider
community and had sought to include young people in the decision-making
process within community projects. Congregations sought to develop linkages
with young people including school visits to churches, church representation on
school boards and encouraging recruitment to local church youth groups. A
number of congregations have been involved in organising or supporting local
youth forums or youth councils, both through church structures, such as the
North West Edinburgh Churches Youth Forum, and with other organisations.
Such forums have attempted to gather the views of young people, for example
about leisure and recreational amenities for themselves or discussions
regarding policing issues. Congregations have been involved in partnerships
with a number of agencies in this area, including focus groups, meetings and
joint working agreements with education workers, the police, youth workers,
social work departments and Social Inclusion Partnerships.
A number of congregations have sought to engage with the most marginalised
young people, including involvement in street work and YMCA projects. Other
congregations have established links with local schools for children with
educational and emotional difficulties including providing evening clubs and
drama classes for young people with non-attendance records at school. One
congregation provides a lunch club and social support for local pupils who have
been expelled from school. Another congregation provides accommodation for
the physical education and drama activities of a special educational needs
school. These attempts to engage with the most excluded young people are
crucial, given the tensions that often exist between these young people and
other sections of the community. Other congregations have sought to address
this issue, for example by providing mediation over disputes about young
people ‘hanging around’ in public space. After consulting young people about
what could be done to help them, one congregation opened a drop-in centre to
tackle this issue of young people wandering the streets. Congregations have
also organised forums involving both pupils and parents to resolve disputes
between local school pupils. The contribution to community harmony that

congregations make through organising holiday clubs and ‘traditional’ uniform
Boys Brigade, Scout and Guides activities is also important.
Youth Facilities: Buckie North
The Buckie congregation in the Northeast has become involved in the provision
and management of a youth café in their parish. The Solid Rock youth café
evolved from a local group called Jingles which ran activities for young people
but did not have its own premises. When the old council office building in Buckie
became available the group, with financial assistance from the Church of
Scotland Board of Responsibility, were able to purchase the premises and
engage two co-ordinators. The newly renovated building is now open to local
young people three nights a week as the Solid Rock café and drop-in centre.
The centre is run by an ecumenical management committee comprising
representatives from a range of local Christian denominations and relies on a
team of forty volunteers drawn from local congregations. Congregations also
provide financial support and the café is financed by the local Community of
Churches, the Salvation Army, the Rotary and a local multi-agency initiative,
with funding secured for three years.
The café offers a range of facilities to secondary school children including pool,
table football and a coffee bar and a range of events including body building
sessions, concerts by local bands, theatrical performances and an Alpha
course. About forty local children from throughout the local area use the
premises, with an equal balance of males and females. Many of these users
have no other connections with a faith group.
One rationale for the establishment of the Solid Rock facility was the problem
the town had experienced with teenagers having little facilities and resulting
issues relating to misuse of drugs and alcohol, vandalism, noise and perceived
intimidation. Since the opening of the facility the local police, who work closely
with the project, have reported a reduction in acts of vandalism. One of the coordinators
of the café believes it has also improved inter-generational
relationships as users interact with elderly volunteers, breaking down some of

the misperceptions on both sides. She believes that the facility is welcomed by
local young people, their parents and the wider community as a safe
environment where supportive relationships can be generated. She sees the
Solid Rock café as a caring resource for supporting individual young people
rather than simply a place for them to hang around. The activities in the centre
reflect an explicit Christian influence, which enables young people to engage
with and challenge aspects of faith through question and answer sessions with
staff, although children are not required to subscribe to any faith to use the
premises.
Providing Local Youth Facilities: Kinghorn
The Kinghorn congregation in Fife has established a drop in centre for local
teenagers. Named OFS (Off The Streets) the project developed from previous
summer Mission schemes and now offers a range of facilities for local children
aged 11-14 on a Friday night. Activities include a range of sports and board
games. The project attracts a fluctuating number of youngsters, many of whom
have no other church connections. Good attendance rates are aided by the
siting of the project in the church halls on Kinghorn high street. The project is
staffed by using a rota system of 10 church members and is publicised through
posters, local press articles and word of mouth in addition to the links provided
by the minister in his role as local secondary school chaplain. The congregation
currently finances the project although grant applications have been sent to the
local Rotary Club and the Church of Scotland National Mission. The project
compliments a youth club run in the local community centre and initial feedback
suggests that young people have appreciated the facility. The minister believes
that the congregation’s involvement in the OFS project addresses an important
local issue and enables the Kinghorn congregation to send a message that it is
keen on local engagement and involvement with the wider local community.

Involving Younger Members: Skene Parish Church
Skene is a rural parish in the north east of Scotland. It has recently been
involved in establishing a children’s forum as part of a wider parish education
initiative coinciding with the Church of Scotland’s Year of the Child. This
initiative has encouraged congregations to listen to the views of children about
how they see the church and what may encourage them to feel an active and
valued part of congregations. Skene has involved some of its younger members
in its forum scheme (there are currently about six children aged between 10 and
14 taking part). In addition to a questionnaire sent out to a hundred younger
members, a series of meetings were held with children asking them for their
views on the congregation and encouraging them to suggest innovations to the
life of the church. This has resulted in a number of events including children
being responsible for organising worship, including an Easter service and taking
part in the presbytery launch event for the initiative. In addition children have
introduced new aspects to services, including performing their own music. The
children have been encouraged to take responsibility for developing and
organising their own contributions to congregational activity. Examples of this
include children giving demonstrations and instruction on craft work activities at
Christmas time and in organising their own stalls as part of wider fund raising
and awareness-raising activities for children in the Third World.
This example highlights the gains to congregational life that may be achieved
through empowering young members in decision-making processes, giving
them a voice within the congregation and encouraging them to take
responsibility for their own activities within the church. This process has
assisted in integrating the younger members into the congregation, and
importantly, it has resulted in actions and changes to parish processes, rather
than merely being consultation with no resulting outcomes. The example
suggests that congregations can take relatively simple steps to integrate
younger members. This involves a willingness to experiment and to enable
children to influence traditional and established processes. In this instance, it
was reported that, rather than this generating tension, the children were aware
of the value of older members’ wishes and sought to balance their own priorities

with those of others. Whilst there is an increasing focus on churches engaging
with young people who are not members, children’s forums offer one method of
not only demonstrating a desire for integration internally within the
congregation, but also the value of engaging with younger children in addition to
working with teenagers.
Older people
Just under a quarter of congregations had assisted with the integration and
understanding of older people within the community. These congregations are
involved in a large number of activities that seek to integrate elderly people into
the social life of the wider community and to tackle the isolation and physical
exclusion that elderly people are vulnerable to. Many congregations organise
senior citizens clubs and explicitly seek to welcome elderly people into their
activities. They also provide transport facilities to elderly people to enable them
to travel to church and other activities and congregations organise outings
specifically for elderly parishioners. Many churches organise circles of care and
befriending schemes involving the provision of meals and visits to elderly
people. Congregations often provide these activities in partnership with other
local organisations and agencies, for example village care groups, local
organisations providing help to housebound and lonely people and charities
such as Age Concern. Many congregations also work with local hospitals and
medical centres in organising visits and running clubs. Another common activity
involves two way visits between church members and local retirement homes.
Congregations have also organised reminiscence and craft clubs to provide
support to recently widowed ladies. In addition to providing these facilities, a few
congregations have explicitly attempted to empower elderly people through
undertaking an audit of needs and holding open door meetings to identify the
priorities of older people.
Promoting Understanding Between Generations
A common source of tension within communities is often between young people
and elderly people. A number of congregations have sought to undertake a
series of bridge- building events between these two sections of their local
communities. These have included intergenerational projects, with young

volunteers helping a church-run old people’s day centre and encouraging young
people to visit and befriend older people in residential retirement homes. In
addition a few congregations have organised joint celebrations of different
generations and brought young and old people together to exchange life stories.
Supporting individuals with disabilities and mental health needs
A significant number of congregations are involved in a wide range of activities
providing support to individuals with special needs. Again, this involves a
number of self-contained church-instigated and run activities and also
partnership working with local agencies, charities and community organisations.
Congregations have contacts with centres for adults and children with learning
difficulties. In addition to the pastoral care provided by regular visits to these
centres, care homes and supported accommodation units, congregations
organise a range of coffee mornings, clubs and activities for individuals with
special needs. Importantly they also provide support services and social events
for their families and other carers. Congregations also work with a wide range of
other special needs groups, including those with mental health needs, through
providing drop-in centres and support for carers of people with depression and
dementia. They also provide a range of premises, support services and social
events for individuals with visual or hearing impairments and sufferers of
strokes and epilepsy.
Congregations often provide premises for use by local care groups. These
include partnerships involving dialogue and provision of support with local
health trusts, individual hospitals, health centres, social work departments,
carers and patients. Congregations are also involved in many community
housing projects. These include providing supported housing accommodation
and befriending residents through involving them in church events through
running clubs, inviting and welcoming people with special needs into
congregations, encouraging their attendance at regular services and organising
monthly services for both physically disabled people and people with learning
difficulties. Several congregations have been involved in providing new
supported accommodation including making available former church grounds

and renovating derelict buildings into special units providing self-catering
accommodation.
Congregations are often engaged in partnerships with specific local care
organisations that have a presence in their parish. Examples include
Cornerstone and Church Care in the Community projects, the Corbenic
community and schools for children with learning difficulties.
Beyond providing support services, several congregations are actively involved
in attempts to integrate and empower people with special needs. This includes
integrating residents of supported housing projects into the wider community
and providing linkages between residents. One congregation reported providing
work experience in their church coffee shop for people with learning difficulties.
Congregations also acted as advocates for individuals with special needs,
including lobbying local authorities, providing educational materials within local
communities and working with other organisations such as community councils
to improve disabled access to local public buildings.
A Resource for the Community: St David’s Park Memorial
The St. David's Park Memorial congregation in Kirkintilloch, outside Glasgow,
has been heavily involved in the development of a major community facility in
the town. The Park Centre aims to be a community based social care centre
offering a range of facilities to the wider public, with a particular emphasis given
towards individuals with special needs.
Following the union of the St David’s Memorial and Park parish congregations
in 1991, discussions were held about how the Park church buildings, which
were no longer required by the church, could be utilised. Discussions were held
with Contact Point (an established charity for disabled people), which led to the
formation (finally registered in 1996) of The Park Centre (Strathkelvin) Ltd
charitable company, with fifty percent representation on the board of directors

taken by the St. David’s congregation and Contact Point respectively. The first
Independence pilot project for people with learning difficulties began in 1994
and its success led to it becoming a full time initiative in the following year,
managed by Unity Enterprise with funding from the local authority social work
department. In 1997 a 25-year lease was obtained from St. David’s Memorial
Park church, whom remain the owners of the building. Considerable
renovations (costing approximately £100,000) to the building have been carried
out with further alterations planned including the construction of a mezzanine
level to enable the staging of theatrical public performances and concerts.
The centre currently has a large number of user groups including Independence
projects, Contact Point who continue to provide equipment and information and
run coffee clubs and sessions for disabled people, a Key Housing charity
project and a Crossroad Initiatives for carers. These projects have had
demonstrable successes, for example in providing future employment and
training opportunities for local people with special needs. In addition various
church groups use the facility including a men's club and girls brigade as well as
other community organisations including choirs, a Scout group, dancing and
slimming classes and Alcoholics Anonymous. The local primary school also
uses the premises after damage to its own buildings.
An elder who is a director of the facility believes that the rationale for the centre
was to make a clear statement to the local community that the church wished to
be involved with local people rather than simply to be involved in evangelical
activity.
The Park Centre example highlights a number of important issues for wider
reflection. Firstly, it provides an example of a congregation developing very
close and positive relationships with a local authority. Whilst a jointly funded
project had run into difficulties in the past because of suspicion about church
involvement, there is now argued to be a real change in attitudes, to the extent
that East Dunbartonshire Community Education Department and the Park
Centre are involved in a joint bid for New Opportunities funding to provide an IT
and drop-in facility.

Secondly, the Park Centre demonstrates the importance of accessing funding
for community projects. In addition to support from the local authority and
charities, the centre receives a number of grants from Lloyds TSB, which will
include intensive training for directors on business management and applying
for other funding sources. A director of the centre and church member said this
had been crucial to the feasibility of the project given the constraints on the
church’s own funds. Many members of the congregation are involved in the
Park Centre support group which raises funds for the centre. There is a chicken
and egg situation that impacts upon congregations seeking outside funding in
that successful applications often depend on a track record of previously
successful bids. Where this is the case, congregations can demonstrate a
viability which makes them eligible for other sources of funding, but achieving
this initial breakthrough can be problematic.
A third important aspect of the Park Centre is the partnership between the
congregation and the Contact Point charity. The 50/50 nature of the board
means that, as equal partners, both parties are required to compromise and to
modify their own priorities. This has created tension, but this tension is argued
to be beneficial for the Centre and also the congregation. Such partnership
working has caused some tension within the congregation, but the majority
support the venture as a worthwhile project and are willing to address the
complexities such partnership working undoubtedly brings.
Homeless People
Just over one in ten congregations have sought to integrate and promote
understanding of homeless people within communities. These congregations
provide a range of support to homeless people, both through donations and
through providing premises and volunteers, including ministers, to homeless
charities and organisations and also through direct congregational provision of
accommodation, meals, clothing and blankets. This includes provision of meals
at sleepover facilities and drop in centres within church buildings, utilising
church premises as referral points for agencies and as furniture and food

distribution points or outreach work including ‘care vans,’ street work and
distributing starter packs.
Church based centres and projects have also explicitly attempted to integrate
homeless people into supported accommodation through building friendship
with local residents and teaching a range of life skills. Congregations have also
attempted to integrate homeless people within congregations, for example
through the use of ‘Homeless Sunday’ services. Congregations have also acted
as advocates for homeless people, raising awareness of the issue, lobbying
local authorities and social services, representing homeless people on housing
issues and providing emergency financial support.
Minority ethnic groups and refugees
Congregations have provided support and welcome to asylum seekers and
refugees where they exist within their parishes. Activities had included
welcoming refugees on their arrival, either at airports or within local
communities. Congregations have offered opportunities for joint worship,
through encouraging attendance of members of ethnic minorities at services
and providing religious materials in a range of languages. Some congregations
have providing premises and volunteers for English language classes and have
offered their premises as drop in centres. A few congregations are responsible
for the co-ordination of services to asylum seekers in their local area, they
organise appeals for specific equipment and act as gathering points for donated
goods.
Several congregations are also involved in encouraging social cohesion in their
local areas. Some have assisted ethnic minorities in gaining suitable
accommodation and have provided opportunities for people from different ethnic
backgrounds to meet and socialise. A few congregations have made their
buildings available to a number of ethnic congregations and faith groups. Other
congregations provide outreach services to local Asian families and make their
premises available to local Asian organisations, including women’s groups.
Several congregations are involved in local committees, projects and forums
that seek to promote mutual understanding between ethnic communities and to

encourage the integration of faith groups. This has involved using public
worship services to address issues of racism and intolerance, establishing links
with local Mosques and publicly demonstrating support and solidarity with local
Muslim and Sikh families suffering racial harassment.
Such examples reflect wider attempts by many congregations throughout
Scotland which are seeking to develop understanding and integration between
Christian denominations. There are a large number of inter-church groups
involved in a range of projects including youth and school work and joint
visitation and services, for example with neighbouring Roman Catholic
congregations.
Encouraging Social Cohesion: St Rollox Parish
St. Rollox is an inner-city parish situated in Sighthill, a deprived area of
Glasgow, identified as an urban priority area congregation. Sighthill received a
lot of negative national publicity after the murder of an asylum seeker in the
area. The area continues to house a large number of refugees and St Rollox
congregation has been centrally involved in activities both aiding the integration
of asylum seekers and seeking to develop a positive profile for the Sighthill
area. Ladies from the congregation, and from surrounding congregations meet
with asylum seekers on a weekly basis to sort through donations that have been
received and to have an informal lunch together. The church also provides the
use of its hall to the Student Action for Refugees organisation which operates a
food co-op for both asylum seekers and local people. The congregation also
runs a drop-in centre once a week. Members of St. Rollox are joined by
members of other congregations, including other denominations, with
volunteers travelling from as far as Livingston. In addition to distributing donated
goods, volunteers assist asylum seekers, for example in finding information
about local schools, making doctors appointments or various local authority
processes related to housing. The congregation also co-ordinates two evening
English Language classes at beginner and intermediate levels. Church
members from various congregations and denominations are volunteers at
these classes, and are joined by a number of overseas students. The classes

have also included organised day outings. The classes are attended by
between fifteen to forty asylum seekers, and several hundred individuals have
been ‘students’ of the classes in the last few years. These drop-in centres and
classes may be the first contact that asylum seekers have with a local
organisation.
The congregation also runs an evening bible study class, which is now
composed exclusively of asylum seekers. Asylum seekers now account for
about forty percent of the attendees at Sunday services and the majority of
children at Sunday school are from asylum seeking families. The church hosts
a service in Tamil, presided over by a Tamil-speaking minister from Motherwell
and runs a baptism class conducted in Farsi. The congregation also runs a kid’s
club, attended by children of both asylum seekers and local people.
The congregation saw this as an opportunity to build up relationships with
asylum seekers and also to deepen their involvement with the wider community.
The church saw a need, and, whilst not feeling confident about their capacity,
due to an elderly and relatively deprived congregation, felt ‘they had to do
something.’ They are aided in their work by volunteers from other
congregations. The minister and other members of the congregation have also
sought to improve the reputation of the local area, giving many interviews to
journalists and continuing to be involved in disseminating positive images and
stories about developments in Sighthill.
Initially the church’s involvement with asylum seekers caused a few tensions
within the congregation in terms of balancing traditional aspects of services with
the accommodation of members from a range of religious backgrounds. There
was also the difficult issue of balancing support for asylum seekers with support
for the local community.
As a result of its activities, St Rollox church has become more actively involved
with the Social Inclusion Partnership and has developed relationships with other
community organisations and the local authority. As a result of this process, it
was reported that ‘we have become aware of them, and they have become

aware of us.’ The church reported positive relations with the local authority and
other local groups. The largest amount of support has come from other church
congregations, and as a result of funding from other congregations, the church
is in the process of funding a part time post for an outreach worker to work with
asylum seekers. The issue of providing continuity was a major factor here. The
minister is retiring, and was anxious to have some structure in place to ensure
on-going support to asylum seekers during the period of the vacant ministry.
Although it is difficult to substantiate, it also appears that local politicians and
youth workers have reported a positive image of the church, and that local
people regard the church as an important and active presence in the area.
Engaging with Diverse Communities: Pollokshields
Pollokshields is a diverse parish on the south side of Glasgow. It is an area of
mixed housing tenures, with half of the parish designated as an urban priority
area. The ethnic composition of the parish is heterogeneous with around sixty
percent of the population white and forty percent Asian Scots, with the majority
of these being Muslim although there is also a sizeable Sikh community. With
the Urban Priority Areas advisor, the Pollokshields congregation has been
examining ways in which the church can respond to this diversity and engage
with different ‘blocs’ of community. The changes in the area have created
tensions exacerbated by a few incidents in the aftermath of the 11 September,
but are also complex processes that require careful analysis and sensitive
policy planning. The dynamics of the community are constantly changing as a
result of the arrival of new residents. These new members of the community are
not only from ethnic minority backgrounds, but also white Scots moving into the
parish with different social and economic characteristics, many of whom see the
diversity of the area as a positive feature of Pollokshields which they wish to
become involved in.
Prior to the 11 September, the local Council of Churches had become involved
in informal meetings with local Muslim religious leaders. These meetings had
sought to develop understanding and to tackle the ignorance of other groups
that existed on all sides. These meetings established that the diverse local

communities shared similar priorities and concerns, particularly related to family
and youth issues. The Pollokshields church has also been involved in the work
of The Well, an Asian advice centre, where some members of the congregation
are workers. Meetings and events have also been held in the multi-cultural
centre. Another important aspect of the church’s work is support for the local
Asian Christian population. There has also been involvement by local church
members in the local campaign to protest against the closure of the Govanhill
swimming pool. The Pollokshields congregation is also involved in the
production and distribution of the long-established (25 years) Pollokshields
Guardian. There are currently plans to revise this ecumenical newspaper which
carries community and church news. The production of this newsletter not only
demonstrates inter-church co-operation, but also helps provide a media outlet in
a community that is not traditionally served by other local Glasgow papers.
Such a commitment to interfaith relations reflects a wider determination within
the Pollokshields church to broaden out its work to the wider community and to
become an institution that exists on a parish-wide basis and is engaged with the
community on a number of issues. This determination is partially a result of the
realisation that the church has often served a particular section of the
community. As a result of this renewed wider engagement, the congregation is
reported to have become more aware of issues that affect all parts of the local
community as they arise.
Building trust and co-operation between the diverse sections of the community
is undoubtedly a long-term process. There are problems of engaging with
disaffected groups of young people from all ethnic backgrounds. Despite the
fact that community workers and leaders have generally welcomed the
involvement of the church the representatives of the various faith groups also
face the problem of being marginal players to a degree as they do not
necessarily have the major community voice. The size and age of the
Pollokshields congregation and limited financial resources also place restraints
on the extent to which the church can engage in community development
activity, for example in recruiting workers to projects.

It is reported that the attempts to instigate multi- faith partnership has required
the church to sharpen what it believes in and has helped in the process of
clarifying what aspects of the congregation’s priorities may be compromised
and what needs to be retained. As with other examples in this report,
partnership working is reported to work most effectively when the church is
explicit about its beliefs. This both enables it to mould its own identity and
allows potential partners to identify where potential opportunities for joint
working, through mutual understanding and compromise, exist.
This example has highlighted the complexity of church involvement in
community development activity. Not only do many parishes contain different
sections of the community, whose social capital may be primarily bonding and
exclusive, but also the dynamics of community relations are constantly evolving.
This requires churches to be continually sensitive to these processes of change
and to plan their engagement with various community groups accordingly. A
commitment to a parish-wide focus which accepts both the heterogeneous
nature of communities and conceptualises an identity for the congregation as
one of many local groupings is an important aspect of the work of the
Pollokshields congregation. Such an approach enables the church, in
partnership with other faith organisations, to send signals to the wider
community that cohesion and integration may be facilitated whilst retaining
diversity.
Other sections of our communities
Some congregations have provided support to other groups who may be
marginalised or stigmatised within wider communities. This has included
providing meeting places, social events and toddlers groups for single parents
and supporting a range of women’s aid projects. One congregation reported
that it had proactively attempted to involve people from a travelling background
in congregational life and assisted in integrating travelling families into the wider
community where required. Several congregations reported involvement in a
number of alcohol and drugs addiction and counselling projects. Congregations

and ministers also provide chaplain services to prisons where these are located
within their parishes.
Resolving conflicts within communities
Another aspect of encouraging social integration and community cohesion is the
ability of local people to resolve conflicts that may arise between sections of the
community. The survey asked congregations to indicate if they had helped to
resolve any such conflicts in the last two years. One in ten congregations
indicated that they had been involved in such a process.
These congregations were involved in three levels of conflict resolution. At an
individual and internal congregational level ministers and members of the
congregation were involved in the resolution of individual conflicts through
pastoral care and counselling activities. This may involve disputes relating to
family break up, to small disputes within the community and disputes within the
congregation and also related to perceived controversial church activities (one
example would be the use of a church building by a drug prevention project).
A second level of conflict resolution involves mediation within local
organisations and agencies. This involves ministers or church members seeking
to build bridges between community organisations and seeking to integrate
local organisations such as school and hall management committees. Also
ministers as representatives on initiatives such as Social Inclusion Partnerships
may play a role in bringing local residents and agency officers closer together.
Of course, it needs to be noted that the church as an organisation could come
into conflict with other organisations.
The third level of conflict resolution involves wider disputes affecting local
communities. These reflect wider conflicts within local communities or disputed
decisions by local policy makers which are challenged by local people. In the
first category examples included tensions between young people and older
residents about facilities and vandalism, conflicts over land use, the siting of
local school facilities and racial or religious tensions. The second category
involves examples including the closure of local schools and nurseries, post

office closures, contentious planning decisions, siting of sewage treatment
plants and the erection of mobile phone masts.
The reported role of churches within these conflicts is primarily through
providing premises for public meetings. These meetings have provided an
opportunity for local people to learn more about divisive issues and in some
cases have resulted in conflicts been partially resolved or in plans for their
resolution being developed. A few ministers felt that the location of the church
as a place of neutrality and civility, and their own role as mediators, contributed
to reducing tensions and overt hostility between groups in these meetings. This
is impossible to verify, but certainly the use of church premises is one way in
which congregations can contribute to addressing divisive conflicts within their
local communities.
Some congregations, and particularly ministers, have acted as mediators in an
on-going process between different groups. Examples include disputes between
local schools and parents and working with young people and community police
to resolve tensions. One minister has also been involved in the steering group
of a proposed hospice, and has addressed fears about the project that had
arisen in the local community.
Congregations have been actively involved in conflict resolution or easing
tensions within communities relating to racism or religious tension. Part of this
activity has involved congregations disseminating positive publicity to counter
negative media attention and by leafleting local parishes to provide accurate
information about asylum seekers or to raise anti-racism awareness. Several
congregations report attempts to reduce religious divisions in local communities
through working closely with Roman Catholic congregations in joint services,
public solidarity events and other inter-denominational bridge building. Some
congregations have also been involved in anti-sectarian work in local schools.
In one instance a congregation had approached all the other denominations in
their town to oppose a planned march by an out of town Orange Order.

Bridging Spatial Divides- Melness and Tongue
Melness and Tongue parish comprises the rural communities of Melness,
Tongue and Skerray in Sutherland. The parish includes the village centre of
Tongue and surrounding scattered crofting communities. Economic changes
have resulted in an increasing focus upon tourism in Tongue with a couple of
hotels and a growing number of bed and breakfast establishments as well as
holiday homes reflecting a shift from a former crofting to a holiday area. The
scattered crofting community of Melness is situated across the Kyle of Tongue.
Until the bridge across the Kyle was constructed in 1972 the two communities of
Tongue and Melness were almost completely separated, and have therefore
largely developed in isolation from each other. The new minister has attempted
to forge links between these two communities. In response to continuing
concerns over the different priorities of the two areas, he instigated a
congregational meeting which discussed the relationship between the two
communities and also the financial situation of the parish. He has also unified
the two separate parish rolls that had previously been used. In addition, he
helped arrange a visit by the Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church
of Scotland to Skerray, which may be defined as a ‘community on the edge’
given its geographical isolation. This visit was appreciated by local people, and
enabled the church to demonstrate its continuing commitment to such outlying
communities. The minister has identified a continuing need for the parish to
respond to differences between people who are new to the area and longestablished
local crofting families. As one response to this, he has undertaken a
series of visits to residents in Melness to ensure that their needs and concerns
continue to be articulated within the wider parish processes.
This example highlights the difficulties that can be faced by the church in rural
areas. In addition to issues of finance and local concerns about services such
as shopping and medical care, the isolated communities of the parish result in
the church needing to demonstrate a commitment to all of its geographical

communities. This includes ensuring that the different priorities that may
emerge are incorporated into the activities and vision of the congregation. The
process of bringing different communities together and articulating all of their
needs is a long and complex one, but this example indicates that addressing
these issues through joint working and careful setting of priorities can help to
bring a sense of cohesion and unity to rural congregations.
Promoting Inter Faith Dialogue: St Gilberts Sherbrooke
St Gilberts Sherbrooke parish comprises a relatively affluent area of mostly
owner- occupied housing in the west Pollokshields area of Glasgow.
Pollokshields is a multi-racial community, with Asian families comprising about
twenty percent of the population in the St Gilberts Sherbrooke parish. The
minister of the parish has been involved in the establishment of an inter-faith
forum which has sought to bring together Christian denominations and Islamic
religious leaders in a mutual dialogue. The forum came into being after the
events of the 11 th of September 2001. The rationale was to create a structure
that would allow the various religious groupings in the local area to discuss
common concerns relating to fears about bigotry, religious intolerance, fear and
suspicion within the local community in the aftermath of the 11 th September and
the racial riots in Oldham and Bradford. These events acted as a catalyst for a
process which had long been muted in the area for building social cohesion and
addressing local issues of health and education which affected both Christian
and Muslim communities. Initially Muslim leaders were invited to address the
local Fraternity, a grouping of Christian organisations including two Church of
Scotland ministers, a Congregational minister, an Episcopal minister and a
Roman Catholic priest. This grouping met on a monthly basis to discuss matters
of mutual interest. The Fraternity was determined that religious leaders should
be seen to give a lead in building social and religious cohesion in the
Pollokshields area. At the initial meeting it was agreed that religious leaders
needed to work together to address fears and tensions within their own
communities and to provide leadership for the local community. After this initial
meeting with Muslim representatives, a further meeting was arranged to be held
in the local multi-cultural centre, comprising about twelve representatives of

Christian and Muslim groupings. After some difficulties in administration and coordination
a second meeting was held between Christian and Muslim
representatives which continued the dialogue about addressing local tensions
and promoting inter-faith working. A further meeting of the inter-faith forum will
shortly be convened. The St Gilberts Sherbrooke congregation fully supports
the involvement of their minister in this process. Although at this stage it is
difficult to demonstrate tangible benefits from this process, there is a sense that
a genuine engagement between faith groups is being built and that this may
lead to more permanent co-operative structures being established and a
widening dialogue between congregational members and Muslim groupings.
This example highlights the important leadership role that congregations may
play at times of crisis within local communities. The involvement in the inter faith
forum is particularly relevant to the debate about the extent to which religious
organisations can work to diffuse local religious tensions. The forum
demonstrates the possibility of building structures for dialogue between both
various Christian denominations and other religious groupings. Whilst such a
process involves a sensitive awareness of different religious outlooks and also
faces problems of co-ordination and representativeness, the ability of religious
organisations to engage in mutual dialogue sends a clear message of
leadership to their local communities that social cohesion and shared needs
must take prominence over ethnic or religious differences. As such, this
example has important connotations for building social capital across
communities of differing religion throughout Scotland.
5.4 Supporting Community Development
Beyond involvement in activities that generate associational interaction,
congregations have a potentially important role in building the capacity of local
communities to influence local decision-making to bring beneficial outcomes to
local people. Building this capacity involves strengthening the collective efficacy
of local communities through defining local needs, seeking solutions to local
issues of concern and strengthening the voice of local communities within

political structures. Churches will, to a greater or lesser extent, be perceived as
organisations that local groups approach for support in such community
development activities.
Table 5.4.1 shows the number of congregations who are involved in a range of
community development activities.
Table 5.4.1 Congregation’s Involvement in Community Development Activities
In the last two years has your church…
Congregations
Number Percent
Been involved in activities that help local people define their
needs? 79 17.7
Helped local people to find a solution to a local problem? 95 21.6
Been involved in any local community campaigns? 135 35.6
Represented or spoken on behalf of the community to 144 32.5
external bodies?
Been approached to become involved in any local issues? 206 46.5
Defining Needs
Eighteen percent of congregations reported involvement in activities that help
local people to define their needs, including involvement through Care in
Congregation 2 . Nine percent of survey congregations have conducted a local
survey (see vignette) and eight percent have been involved in developing a
community plan. Six percent have been involved in other related activities
including support or involvement with other organisations undertaking

community audits such as community councils, SIPS, and local development
groups, facilitating public meetings and exhibitions on planning issues or with
MSPs and councillors, and parish visitations. Attempts to define local needs
were also undertaken in relation to particular issues that arose, for example the
closure of a community facility or the establishment of a new local charity.
Solving Problems
One in five congregations have been involved in helping local people to find a
solution to a local problem in the last two years. Such solutions often involve
congregations assuming responsibility or providing accommodation for
community services that are no longer sustained by other agencies. One
example is a church running a rural post office (see vignette). Other
congregations have provided funding, accommodation or volunteers for
pensioners’ lunch clubs after local authorities or community councils have been
unable to provide continuing support to these activities.
Local congregations have also allowed their buildings to be utilised for
community facilities, for example making parts of the building available for
medical centres, building new surgeries in their Kirk, and providing community
kitchens, public performance spaces and youth drop-in centres. Other
congregations have provided overflow classrooms for local primary schools and
premises for nursery schools. Church buildings have also been offered to other
local organisations at times of crisis, for example when vandalism wrecked a
local health clinic, all community activities were transferred to church
accommodation and an Edinburgh congregation provided support to a local
Mosque after it was firebombed. Following a fire in a local tower block another
church provided emergency accommodation for residents. Church land has also
been offered for community spaces, including the siting of a new war memorial
after vandalism, the provision of youth facilities and car parking spaces.
Congregations have been involved in providing solutions to problems that have
emerged for local people and community organisations. Several congregations
have been involved in establishing after school clubs or mother and toddler
2 Care in Congregation is a church initiative aimed at developing congregations’ engagement with groups
within their local communities.

groups in response to perceived needs in local communities. This has included
the provision of volunteers, financial support and premises. One congregation
has helped a mother and toddlers group who had difficulty in meeting the costs
of hiring a hall. The congregation negotiated with the local school, enabling the
group to meet free of charge in a part of school. Several congregations have
helped to provide solutions through such a co-ordinating and facilitating role,
including establishing steering groups to initiate local youth and homeless
initiatives. One congregation has established a mentoring scheme for kids in
primary seven who will travel outwith the local area for their secondary
education.
Congregations also help local communities through accessing funding for
projects. Examples include funding for a variety of Millennium projects and for
community facilities through the Urban Priority Areas fund.
Congregations have also been able to provide support to communities at times
of crisis. Many rural congregations sought solutions during the foot and mouth
crisis through providing information, financial support and distributing taped
services to isolated farmers. Several urban congregations have been involved
in resolving local tensions and negative media publicity relating to the
integration of asylum seekers. Congregations also provide spiritual support to
communities facing difficult events, for example the bereavement of local
children. At the individual level, congregations also contribute to communal
activity by helping individuals find volunteering opportunities in the local area.
Campaigning
Almost a third of congregations have been involved in local community
campaigns in the last two years and a similar proportion have represented or
spoken on behalf of the community to external bodies. Congregations have
been involved in campaigns to improve transport linkages, including improved
bus services and Sunday transport services, and attempts to introduce traffic
claming measures and restrictions on heavy goods vehicles using routes
through villages. Congregations have also contributed to campaigns lobbying
for improved road safety including pedestrian crossings, traffic lights and repairs

of school crossings. Churches have often made parking spaces on their
premises available to local people at non-service times. Individual church
members are also involved in pressure groups involved in bypass or new road
building campaigns.
Congregations are also engaged in a range of local campaigns to protect or
improve local services and facilities. These include campaigns to reinstate
village post offices and local doctor’s surgeries. Congregations have also
sought to defend local hospital and nursing services, childcare facilities,
education provision (including primary and secondary schools and adult
education centres) and leisure centres from both threatened closures and the
transfer of services to more distant locations. Congregations cited involvement
in campaigns to protect local residential care and supported accommodation
facilities and have supported tenants facing mass evictions. In addition to
fighting the loss of facilities and services, congregations have also been
involved in campaigns to receive new facilities including tourism centres or
automatic bank telling machines or to improve existing facilities such as play
areas. Congregations have also contributed to campaigns to revive local
organisations such as community councils.
Several congregations have also been active in environmental campaigns to
save local parks, communal grounds and woodlands or to protect shorelines
and to improve water supply and sewage treatment services and have lobbied
authorities about planning applications and the siting of industrial or residential
developments. Some congregations have opposed licensing applications for
new public houses, night-clubs or sex shops. A fourth campaigning issue
relates to local economic development including threats to employment arising
from the closure of local factories or fishing quotas. Congregations are also
involved in campaigns organised by local regeneration and economic
development initiatives, including both economic development and crime
issues. Finally, a number of congregations have been involved in international
campaigns, including the Jubilee 2000 and Trade for Life programmes.

These campaigns have included the involvement of ministers or members of
congregations, both as church members and as individuals. Congregations
have provided premises for meetings and facilities such as publicity through
church newsletters, volunteers, printing facilities etc. Congregations have
conducted or supported petitions, public meetings, protest meetings and media
campaigns and have engaged in correspondence with local agencies, local
authorities, councillors, MPs, MSPs and the Scottish Executive, National Trust
and Heritage Scotland. These campaigns involve on-going relationships with
local organisations, representatives and authorities.
Community Advocacy: Ancrum linked with Crailing and Eckford linked with
Lilliesleaf
The Ancrum parish contains a number of small rural communities stretching
across a large area of farmland in the Scottish Borders. The church is the only
significant worship community in the area and has sought to develop an outlooking
focus, including for example sending the church magazine to every
house in the parish. The church has also developed relationships with the local
social and bowling clubs involving shared use of premises and publicity of their
various activities. The church has become involved in a number of local
campaigns, relating to the closure of the local post office and the lack of an
effective bus service. The post office, which was run by a member of the
congregation, had acted as a focus for the local community (including acting as
a repository for donations to Kosovo). When the owner retired, the post office
looked certain for permanent closure. However, following representation by the
minister and congregation members to the local MP and MSP, a member of the
congregation volunteered to operate the post office for one day a week, keeping
a vital local service viable on a part time basis. At the same meeting with the
MP and MSP, the church members made representations about the loss of the
local commercial bus service (which had not been widely utilised due to the
timing of the routes). A local school janitor who possessed a public vehicle
licence was approached, and as a result the bus, which is primarily a school
facility, is used at the weekend to transport local people to the towns of Gala
and Hawick which had become inaccessible to those without cars. The church

is currently discussing plans to use the bus to help local children in outlying
areas attend Sunday school. The church and individual members have also
written letters to the local authority about the closure of a major road to Melrose
and the situation of education in the area. During the Foot and Mouth crisis, the
congregation (along with other local congregations) kept in touch with isolated
farmers. In addition several members of the congregation serve on the local
community council.
The minister believes that such involvement in local campaigns have provided a
locus for the congregation within the community, encouraging a perception that
the church is willing to become engaged with local concerns and reinforcing a
sense of community amongst residents. Such involvement does not need to be
costly in financial or time terms, rather it relies upon identifying local needs and
matching those to the abilities and interests of local people and demonstrating a
genuine commitment to achieving benefits for the community. This is most
effectively achieved where the congregation has been specific in its aims and
envisaging a role as an enabler of local activity, ‘oiling the wheels’ of
engagement in the minister’s words. He suggests that such involvement
encourages a sense of purpose within the congregation, enabling members to
demonstrate a contribution to the services and activities provided for the local
community.
Involvement in community campaigns can be a sensitive issue for
congregations, particularly over planning developments which may be divisive
within communities. Examples include the siting of a new superstore, where the
views of residents in the immediate vicinity of the proposed store were different
to those of the wider community. Another example related to protests over the
siting of a new secure residential unit, where the congregation were reluctant to
support the protests because of their element of nimbyism. Congregations can
also face difficult decisions over providing venues for pressure groups
campaigning around controversial political issues such as genetically- modified
crops. These examples highlight the point that whilst congregations can
contribute to the empowerment of local communities in their dealings with
external agencies, it is much more difficult for congregations to become

involved in campaigns that are divisive within local communities. The general
pattern seems to be that congregations tend not to become involved in such
campaigns, other than to offer mediation, and thus avoid the risk of alienating
sections of the community.
External Representation and Advocacy
A third of congregations have also acted as advocates for the local community.
This has involved engaging with a range of organisations and agencies
including councillors, MPs and MSPs, local authority educational, social work,
housing and planning departments, health trusts, National Trust and Historic
Scotland, youth workers, police, local companies and media organisations. In
addition, congregations have acted as advocates for individuals, for example in
benefits tribunals and children’s panels. Congregations have undertaken this
advocacy role through consultation and correspondence with agency officers
and elected representatives, representation on regeneration partnerships or
health trusts and school boards and involvement in community safety
partnerships. Congregations have acted as community advocates on specific
local issues such as the closure of care facilities, the status of Gaelic
programmes on television, improved signage in towns, proposals for new
national parks, school inspection reports, representing local people in the media
and involvement on government working groups on the siting of detention
centres for asylum seekers. In addition to writing letters and attending meetings,
congregations have also been involved in the preparation of reports and
documents, auditing the views of local people and helping in the preparation of
grant applications. Often such advocacy is undertaken through the presbytery,
with congregations raising the concerns of local people and these concerns
then being represented at the presbytery level.
Involvement in Local Issues
Almost half of the congregations reported being approached to become
involved in local issues in the last two years. This suggests that, importantly,
many churches are perceived locally as organisations that should be included in
local decision-making or campaigning processes. On the other hand, half of the
survey congregations indicated they had not been approached. This may reflect

the lack of on-going issues, but it also suggests that some congregations are
not perceived as being organisations that are particularly associated with
community development issues. Churches are approached from both
community and voluntary organisations and from statutory agencies. A wide
range of local people and organisations have approached congregations and
asked them to raise issues on their behalf. These have included parents
regarding educational provision, controversial issues such as Section 28 and
facilities for young people. Local agencies such as the police or social work
departments have also asked congregations to represent local views on a range
of projects. Congregations are also asked to represent local views on
regeneration partnerships or as part of a local government consultation
exercise, for example on educational provision, traffic or housing development
plans. Congregations are engaged in a wide range of community forums, both
as the church and also through the membership of individuals. Congregations
are often involved in community councils or community associations. They are
also represented on Area Committees, Neighbourhood Forums or regeneration
initiatives including Social Inclusion Partnerships. Others forums include local
business associations, housing associations, tenants or residents associations,
elderly or youth forums, school boards, crime prevention panels, drugs forums
and neighbourhood watch schemes
Housing and Community Development Chalmers Ardler, Dundee
Chalmers Ardler is an urban priority area parish located in Ardler and St Mary’s,
a relatively deprived area of predominately social housing in Dundee. The area
is in the midst of a long-term process of regeneration, with housing and stock
transfer being the major focus of this renewal process. The area has
experienced a very large amount of demolition activity, to the extent that the
church, the community centre and the schools are now amongst the few local
buildings that have existed in their present form for a long time. A consortium
including Wimpey Homes and the Sanctuary Housing Association has
undertaken housing redevelopment. The new build housing will comprise a
tenure mix of housing association and owner-occupied dwellings.

The Chalmers Ardler congregation has been heavily involved in the housing
stock transfer and redevelopment process. A local steering group of residents
was established as part of the redevelopment process and the present
minister’s wife became an elected representative on this group. Several other
members of the congregation have also served on this group as local residents.
Although Chalmers Ardler is a gathered congregation, many of its members are
local residents and the minister actively encouraged their participation in the
redevelopment process through attending public meetings and involvement in
the steering group. Initial meetings of the Ardler Steering Group (which evolved
from the initial steering group but with a wider community development remit)
were held in the local community centre. It became apparent that this venue
was not ideal because it did not have a loop system for those with hearing
impairments. The Chalmers Ardler congregation offered their building as a
venue because it was equipped with a hearing system. A meeting was held in
the church, but there appears to have been reluctance amongst some partners
to use the church as a meeting place again, although the smaller church hall
continues to be used for community meetings. The congregation was kept
actively informed of developments through the invitation of various agency
representatives to their annual meetings, including the architects and
neighbourhood workers. These representatives reported that they found the
feedback and insights of the congregation to be useful.
A Village Trust has now been established to oversee the construction and
management of the new housing stock. The Chalmers Ardler church was invited
to hold one of the directorships on this group, and the Deaconess currently
represents the congregation in this role, with the minister’s wife also a member
as a local resident.
The minister believes that in general partner agencies and organisations have
welcomed the proactive input of the church into this process. Working in
partnership is a complex process, for example the church has had to establish
clear boundaries about the extent of its involvement and is conscious of the
need to balance involvement in partnership with its own distinctive theological
focus. It has been able to offer insights into the process, for example in

highlighting the importance of the spiritual aspect of regeneration at community
visioning events. The fact that the church is physically located in the heart of the
community and offers a symbol of stability has also been of benefit to other
partners. This involvement has also brought changes to the congregation, which
is now perceived to be heavily involved in community activities (although it
already had a long-term involvement through its Family Project and its
programme of visits to every resident).
This example indicates that congregations may play an important role in
community development in areas undergoing regeneration activity. Such activity
has huge consequences for congregations, particularly where demolition results
in a declining population and reduced sense of community. The physical
presence of the church offers a symbol of continuity and in this case, the
proactive involvement of the congregation has both facilitated dialogue between
agencies and local people and enabled the church to offers its own vision and
priorities to other partnership organisations. This need to work in partnership is
explicitly recognised by the minister, given the reduced capacity of local
organisations to provide separate structures and activities for local people.
Many areas of Scotland are currently experiencing stock transfer and
regeneration activity. This example shows how a congregation can be
constructively engaged within such processes, which have a huge impact on
themselves as community institutions.
Churches are asked to become involved in a wide range of issues, including
community facilities, housing developments and the needs of young or
homeless people. They are often approached as part of a wider consultation
process, for example by a local authority, or as part of a co-ordinated response
from religious groups, for instance on multi-cultural or anti-racism initiatives or
the integration of asylum seekers into communities. Congregations are also
regularly asked to support a wide range of charitable organisations and causes.
It is important to recognise the importance of informal relationships between
congregations and local organisations. Where these relationships are well
developed and are characterised by an ethos of trust and mutual compromise,

congregations can often bring beneficial outcomes to local communities and
themselves without recourse to more formal lobbying or campaigning activities.
One example of such informal negotiation provided by this research was a
congregation which has resolved the issue of a local business opening on
Sundays through direct discussion with the proprietor.
Encouraging Local Networks of Support
A third of congregations reported involvement, in the last two years, in activities
that encourage local people to provide support to one another (Table 5.4.2).
Table 5.4.2 Encouraging Mutual Support
Activities
Congregations
involved
(n= 454)
Number Percent
Providing transport 81 17.8
Child-care 50 11
Good neighbour schemes 45 9.9
Help with
44 9.7
shopping/gardening
Credit Unions 19 4.2
Other a 36 7.9
a. The majority of these involved befriending and visiting schemes. They also included
community welcome packs to new residents, shop mobility schemes, a rent guarantee
scheme, a money advice centre and furniture recycling project.
Addressing Rural Poverty: Upper Donside
The Upper Donside parish comprises a rural area of mixed wealth in the
Donside area of Gordon. The minister and congregation have become involved
in a recently established credit union which has sought to tackle problems of
poverty and loan sharking in the area. The credit union was established three
years ago and covers an extended rural area in the region. Two years ago the

minister was invited to become a member of the steering group of the union and
for the last year has been the chairperson. In addition to the minister, other
members of the congregation, and members of other local religious
denominations are involved in the credit union. The minister has attempted to
raise the profile of the union through articles in the parish newsletter and has
encouraged members of the congregation and other local people to provide
financial support to the union, which now has approximately fifty members. The
congregation is now exploring ways in which their church building can
contribute to the work of the union, for example through providing an accessible
location for a collection point, which is an important issue in rural areas. This is
part of an on-going process within the congregation of encouraging local people
to utilise the church building.
The sharp contrasts of wealth and poverty have sharpened the exclusion felt by
rural people experiencing poverty. The union also faces the problem of
managing the existing debt of local people. In addition, the union has tackled
the perception of the union as a poor person’s bank, and the traditional reliance
on either official or unofficial/illegal sources of credit finance. One way of
addressing this has been to present the credit union as an example of a selfhelp
organisation, dependent on the support and activism of local people. Local
MSPs and Councillors have actively supported the credit union. Initially, there
was a sense of surprise amongst partner agencies and local people that the
church should become involved in an area of activity they were not traditionally
associated with. However, positive co-operative relationships have been
established, involving recognition of common goals as well as an explicit
understanding of the distinctiveness of each partner’s own wider agenda. Such
partnership working is part of the wider aim of the Upper Donside congregation
to establish a role at the heart of the local community and to be regarded as a
worthwhile and productive partner in community development by local people
and organisations. One aspect of such partnership has been the ecumenical
nature of the credit union which has involved co-operative working between a
number of local denominations which has cemented existing good relationships
between the various local faith communities.

This example highlights the role that congregations may play in tackling rural
poverty. The Upper Donside congregation has been able to provide financial,
practical and symbolic support to this fledgling community organisation. As a
result, it has demonstrated to local people that it is engaged with the daily
issues they face and has assisted in fostering effective relationships between
the congregation and other local organisations.
5.5 Creating Community Identities: Pride, Safety, Trust and Belonging
If participation, engagement and relationships are the building blocks of social
capital, then local pride, safety and trust are crucial factors in determining the
extent to which individuals are willing to participate and engage with their local
community. There is a two-way causal link. Pride, safety, trust and belonging
will not only contribute to creating social capital but will also be beneficial
outcomes of increasing levels of social capital. It is not possible to draw clear
distinctions between these various aspects of community as they will overlap
and influence each other. Rather they are likely to be component parts of a
more tangible sense of community locally. A series of survey questions aimed
to identify more clearly these component parts and to provide examples of
specific activities and their linkages to these aspects of community wellbeing
(Table 5.5.1).
Table 5.5.1 Congregations’ Contributions to A Sense of Community
Involvement in activities that…
Congregations
Number
Percent*
a. Create a sense of community 316 75.2
b. Develop the identity of the local 179 51.7
area
c. Boost local pride 167 50.3
d. Encourage a sense of safety 97 32
*These figures are percentages based on the number of congregations that provided a yes or no response for these questions. For
questions b-d there were a large number of congregations (ranging from 24- 33 percent over the three questions) that did not provide

a response. Some of these missing responses may be a proxy for a negative response, but this cannot be assumed and they are
therefore removed from the analysis.
Three quarters of responding congregations indicated that they had been involved in
activities, in the last two years, which had helped to create a sense of community or
collective interest. Many of these activities are covered elsewhere in this report such as
helping with the integration of marginalised groups, the support of local community
associations which seek to foster a sense of community and the provision of volunteers
for a range of associational activity. Of particular note here are proactive attempts by
some congregations to welcome and integrate individuals who have recently moved into
local communities. Pastoral outreach to excluded individuals also contributes to
encouraging a sense of belonging.
Many churches act as focal points for a sense of community through their physical,
social and spiritual presence. In addition to church premises acting as meeting places
and sites for interaction and participation, in several instances campaigns and projects
involving the renovation of church premises (or other buildings) as local facilities have
provided important symbolic indicators of community renewal or continuity.
The importance of key religious ceremonies as community events also needs to be
recognised. Thus baptisms, weddings and funerals, in addition to Christmas services,
candlelit carol processions and Remembrance Day services, all provide occasions for
communal activities that add to a sense of local community. A large number of
congregations were involved in Millennium events which often comprised celebrations
of local communities and their cultural heritage. Involvement in community events, gala
days and festivals continues to provide a role for a large number of congregations to
contribute to a sense of community.
Churches may play a specific role in generating a sense of collective wellbeing in
response to times of crisis, both internal to communities (such as foot and mouth or a
spate of drugs-related deaths) and external events such as the 11 th September 2001 or
the Dunblane shootings.

Churches also offer support to local organisations providing opportunities for
participation and associational activity or organise their own social events including
dances, dinners, ceiliehs, coffee mornings, concerts, firework displays and youth
activities.
The Importance of Community Events: Kilmuir and Stenscholl Parish
Kilmuir and Stenscholl is a rural parish with a population of about 900. The
congregation organises two annual community events which have come to be
regarded as ‘lynchpins of the local community’. The congregation was keen to
establish a community social occasion, and building on a previously- held
summer mission event, they now organise a community beach barbecue each
summer. The event is funded and organised by members of the congregation
and includes food, entertainment and games for local children. The barbecue is
now in its fourth year and attracts about one hundred local people of all ages
from the surrounding areas. In addition, one member of the congregation now
organises a bonfire display, complete with food and parking facilities, in Kilmuir,
with the help of some of his neighbours. The bonfire night, which is also funded
by the congregation, has been run for the last two years and attracts up to
eighty local people. Whilst the events include some religious singing, the events
are designed to encourage the participation of all local people. As the minister
explains ‘We do this in Christ’s name, but do not promote them as primarily
evangelical occasions, rather people can participate as they choose.’
The congregation sees these bridge-building events as a means of fostering
their links with local people, in addition to providing a focal point for the wider
community. The minister believes that these events provide an opportunity for
the church to demonstrate it is interested in the wider local community and is

willing to provide community events for church and non-church members. An
outward looking attitude has been important to the congregation, as has the
ability to work in partnership with non-church goers.
Whilst the benefits of these events are somewhat intangible, they provide
opportunities to enhance local participation and a sense of belonging and
identity amongst the local community. In addition, such events have enabled the
congregation to demonstrate to both local people and community organisations
that they are not an inward-looking and self-serving organisation.
Supporting the Local Economy and Developing a Sense of Place: Colinton
The Colinton parish comprises a village that has become a relatively affluent
suburb of Edinburgh with a population of around 9,300. The church is located
just off the main street of Colinton. The minister and his congregation were
concerned that as the nature of the area changed from a village to a
commuter’s suburb, the main street was declining and that this was affecting
both local businesses and community involvement. As one aspect of
encouraging a thriving centre for the community, the minister addressed the
issues of local businesses in the area. Historically, there had been little cooperation
between small businesses and relations between them had
sometimes been strained. There were unresolved concerns about parking
facilities, the shifting customer base, policing and rates levels. The minister
brought together local proprietors to discuss how the village centre could be
rejuvenated to make it attractive to local people and to compete with larger
shopping centres in surrounding areas. This involved co-operation, for example
in providing hanging baskets and Christmas trees in public spaces. The minister
focused on an issue of shared concern to local businesses, that of parking and
traffic. He involved the local councillor and local authority network manager and
they discussed the various needs of local business (e.g. for short or long term
parking spaces) and as a result of this process parking regulations were
revised, the local junction was redesigned and safety measures incorporated.

The minister used the 900 th anniversary of the village to promote a celebration
of place and included local businesses in the designing of a logo and in selling
souvenirs. As a result of these activities the church has credibility with local
businesses and can demonstrate to local people that it can bring improvements
to the local area. There are now around thirty businesses involved in a local
association, which continues to promote aesthetic improvements to the main
street and to negotiate rating levels with the local authority. There is continuing
partnership between local businesses and the congregation. The church is
involved in providing a local café and restaurant which is used by local
employees and is also hired as a function suite by local businesses as well as
being used by the business association for its meetings. The minister was also
involved in facilitating the letting of local premises as a nursery school.
Such involvement reflects the explicit focus of the congregation upon
developing a sense of place for the community. As a place-based church, the
minister believes that the welfare of the congregation is tied into the wellbeing of
the local area and the sense of community that exists within it. A thriving main
street creates a living focal point for the village, creating a sense of belonging
amongst local residents and encouraging interaction and use of the village
centre, which brings benefits to the church in its central location. As such, this
depends on the church entering into a dialogue with the local community and
engaging with the place it is actually situated within, rather than a place it would
ideally wish to be in. Such involvement requires an ability to resolve conflict and
to create a sense of common purpose and direction. These initiatives also
involve a large amount of volunteer time, for example the café involves a
rotating team of over seventy people and a local youth project involves over
twenty volunteers.
This example highlights a number of issues. Firstly, it indicates that the role of
the local church is as important in affluent communities as in deprived ones.
The needs of such communities may be different, but an out-looking and flexible
congregation can identify such needs and engage with them. Secondly, the
example demonstrates that through engaging with local businesses, a local
church can bring benefits to local people and, through facilitating local economic

development, may encourage a sense of thriving local community. Thirdly, it
demonstrates the importance of encouraging a sense of belonging amongst
local people, in this case through promoting and improving the physical locus of
the community. Such a sense of place can contribute to the social cohesion of
areas that are experiencing changes in the nature of how social relationships
are maintained and how people identify with their place of residence.
Encouraging Local Economic Development: Tiree
The congregation of Tiree parish has been involved in a project that seeks to
bring employment and encourage tourism to the island. The minister and some
members of the congregation have participated in a project instigated by the
Tiree Heritage Society to preserve the sites of ancient chapels on the island.
The project aims to establish a pilgrimage walking route linking up pre- and
early Christian sites of interest. The congregation had been concerned to
preserve the ancient chapels and approached the Heritage Society with a
suggestion that archaeological restoration could be incorporated into the wider
project. It is envisaged that the project, which will last until 2004, will generate
some part-time employment for local people in marking out the pilgrimage route
and acting as guides and caretakers. Professional conservators are currently
working on the ancient chapel sites. The involvement of the congregation
reflects their perception of themselves as part of the local community and
therefore, the need for them as a church to engage with the interests of local
people. In this case, the congregation has sought to support the economic
transition of the island by providing opportunities for employment in tourism to
replace traditional crofting livelihoods. The future impact of the project should
result in increasing tourism, both generating direct employment in the project
and also in related industries such as bed and breakfasts.
This example highlights the important role that congregations may play in
supporting local economic development in rural communities. By focusing on
the religious heritage of their parish, the congregation has sought to work with a
local organisation to provide employment opportunities for local people, which

should bring beneficial impacts to the sustainability of the local community in the
future.
As with belonging and identity, generating local pride can be a complex and disputed
process, particularly where it is recognised that a sense of local pride can be divisive
and exclusionary as readily as it can be cohesive and unifying especially where it is not
widely shared.
Congregations have been involved in activities that seek to increase pride in the
physical environment of their parishes, for example clean up campaigns or the
refurbishment of civic buildings. Several congregations are involved in Scotland in
Bloom, Best Kept Village, and community regeneration awards. Congregations’
involvement in galas and community events also bolsters a local sense of pride,
particularly where they seek to celebrate a diversity of local identities.
Beyond the internal sense of pride within a community, congregations are also involved
in activities that aim to build a positive external image for their parish. These activities
include honouring success and achievement, encouraging local organisations and
individuals to achieve awards and promoting a wider recognition of local achievements,
for example by encouraging the media to highlight ‘good news’ stories or organising
local pride groups where local people celebrate the positive events in their communities.
Such activities are likely to be crucially important in areas suffering decline and
stigmatisation and may help a longer-term process of stabilising and renewing a local
community.
A third of responding congregations reported involvement in activities that encourage a
sense of safety among local people. The extent of congregations’ proactive involvement
in encouraging a sense of safety is partially dependent, as above, on the degree to which
fears of crime and insecurity are regarded as issues within local communities. Many
respondents felt that a sense of safety already existed in their parish, and that the
presence of the church was one reassuring aspect in this. Other congregations reported
that this was a very difficult issue to address given events occurring in their parish and
that it was a very wide and complex problem. Pastoral outreach to those most likely to
feel unsafe, as well as care to people who have suffered distressing or traumatic events

is an inherent part of many congregations’ activities. Several congregations reported
their full implementation of local authority child safety guidelines and the symbolic
reassurance this developed. Church buildings as safe premises for young and elderly
people were given as examples of how churches contribute to a sense of safety.
A few congregations reported involvement in more formal structures addressing
community safety concerns. These included membership of local community safety
partnerships and crime prevention panels. The churches, as partners, had been involved
in installing cctv, liasing with community police, addressing issues of youth conflict
(including providing opportunities for young people to take part in activities) and drugs
awareness programmes. A couple of congregations provide a meeting venue and
support to Neighbourhood Watch schemes. Congregations have also organised public
meetings to address concerns over crime and policing. One congregation has
encouraged a ‘walk together’ scheme for elderly people out at night and another has
been involved in organising petitions protesting about the adverse affect of the local
community’s proximity to a ‘red light’ area. Congregations also contribute to a sense of
community safety by seeking to reduce tensions and increase tolerance between sections
of communities, for example addressing the attitudes of and towards young people or
differences between ethnic and religious groups. In addition to addressing crime, several
congregations had been involved in road safety issues, including lobbying for
improvements to pavements and lighting, the installation of traffic lights, pedestrian
crossings and traffic calming measures, particularly on school routes.
Contributing to Community Safety: Pollokshaws
Pollokshaws is an inner-city parish in a mostly deprived area of social housing
in Glasgow, designated as an urban priority area by the Church of Scotland.
Members of the Pollokshaws congregation have been actively involved in the
establishment of a community forum addressing crimes of violence and
vandalism in the area. In response to growing local concerns about community
safety, the congregation hosted a public meeting about these issues in the
church, which was attended by over 500 local residents. The Session Clerk was
involved in publicising and setting up this meeting, which was attended by local
agencies including the police and City Council. As a result of this meeting a

forum was established to explore ways of tackling crime in the area. This
grouping now meets every six weeks (initially it continued to use church
premises for these meetings) with a church elder acting as its secretary. The
forum has secured funding for the installation of cctv in the locality and has also
successfully argued for an increasing role for community policing and a visible
police presence in the area. The church, as one of the partners of this forum,
attempted to bring the concerns of local people to the attention of the police. As
a result, local police officers are now more closely linked with community
organisations and attend many local community events. Whilst the church was
not regarded by local agencies as being the foremost community organisation, it
became apparent that local people wished to have the church involved in these
issues and that the church was often seen as a suitable ‘neutral’ organisation
and venue for facilitating community activity. One elder of the congregation is
also a member of the local crime prevention panel and has sought a greater
involvement of the wider congregation in this organisation.
As a result of this involvement, and the congregation’s engagement in a large
number of community activities, the perception of the church as a community
partner has grown. Church members are engaged in a wide range of activities,
including managing the local community burgh halls. Whilst it is unclear to what
extent congregation members themselves see an explicit connection between
their faith and their motivation to make their area a better place to live in, the
minister believes that such a connection does exist. Fear of crime is an
undoubted factor in reducing a sense of community cohesion and
empowerment. Church involvement in this issue has therefore been important in
building a sense of belonging and engagement amongst local people. This is
particularly the case where the congregation, through its involvement in the
community crime forum, has acted as an advocate in conveying local people’s
concerns about crime to agencies such as the police and local authority and
through working with these agencies and others to implement practical solutions
to the problems.
Trust will exist at different levels within local communities; for example levels of
trust between residents may be very different to levels of trust between

esidents and local agencies and authorities. The extent to which local people
trust congregations is important. Firstly, such trust is vital if local people are to
be willing to engage with church activities, and secondly because trust in the
local church may contribute towards wider trust in community organisations,
helping to build the institutional capacity of local communities. Almost four in ten
congregations reported that local people’s involvement with their church had
either improved or increased in the last two years as opposed to less than one
in ten who felt it had got worse or decreased (Table 5.5.2).
Table 5.5.2 Local People’s Trust of and Involvement with Congregations
Local People’s Involvement with your church…
Has increased/improved
Stayed the same
Decreased/got worse
Number*
173
226
39
Percent*
39.1
51.1
8.8
How is your congregation perceived by local nonmembers?
A well known and trusted organisation
A partially known and usually trusted organisation
An unknown and untrusted organisation
222
213
1
49.3
47.3
0.2
* Missing cases and ‘don’t know’ responses have been omitted (18 in total)
Perceived levels of trust towards congregations also appear to be high. Half of
the survey respondents believed that their congregation is ‘a well known and
trusted organisation’ locally and the other half felt they are at least ‘partially
known and usually trusted’ (only one respondent felt their congregation to be
unknown and not trusted). It is difficult for ministers or others to answer this
question on the basis of substantive evidence. However, these responses
suggest that there is a stock of goodwill towards congregations within local
communities which congregations should seek to build upon, particularly
through addressing those sections of the community where they may only be
partially known, and therefore only partially trusted.

5.6 Summary
Three quarters of congregations reported providing information to all local
residents, most frequently through newsletters. A third of congregations have
utilised new opportunities provided by information technology such as a web
site. There are undoubtedly opportunities for other congregations to develop
similar capacity, including e-mail. This may provide opportunities to reach wider
audiences and may overcome some of the physical difficulties in disseminating
information in rural communities. However, traditional forms of communication
such as newsletters and notice boards continue to be important. Firstly,
because they are accessed by sections of the community not using IT.
Secondly, newsletters and notice boards, in addition to providing information
about communal events, may in themselves be physical symbols of community
cohesion and associational activity. Whilst congregations will be involved in a
network of informal dissemination to local people, these more formal methods of
providing information are valuable because they are more likely to reach local
people who are not within existing circuits of information exchange.
The findings show that congregations can and do consult their local
communities, especially in respect of churches’ own facilities and roles.
However, there is scope for many more congregations to more widely use
formal consultation methods to gain the views of local people. These figures do
not cover the informal consultation that will go on between church members and
other local residents, and may provide a primary source of establishing the
views of local people. However, such consultation is more likely to represent the
views of individuals with a connection to the congregation rather than reaching
those without such a connection. As the example above demonstrates, formal
consultation can be a complex and costly process, particularly in time terms.
However, one advantage of formal over informal consultation is its visibility.
Congregations will be able to more accurately assess their own needs and
priorities in conjunction of the needs of the wider local community. In addition,
local churches will also be able to demonstrate to a range of individuals and

groups in the parish that they are interested in people’s views and that they
have an outwardly looking focus combined with a willingness to listen to, and by
implication, to be influenced by, local people.
The heterogeneity of local communities provides both opportunities and
challenges for Church of Scotland congregations. Social capital can exist as a
bridge between local groups, bringing beneficial outcomes to local cohesion, or
it can act to bond exclusive groupings and exacerbate divisions within
communities. Some sections of our communities are particularly susceptible to
exclusion and marginalisation. The evidence suggests that Church of Scotland
congregations play an important role in many communities in supporting and
integrating such groups and thereby contributing to trust, association and
participation that comprise the key elements of social capital. Congregations are
particularly likely to support young and elderly people and people with physical
disabilities or mental health needs. Some congregations have also sought to
integrate homeless people, refugees and minority ethnic groups. However, the
figures also indicate that there is scope for more congregations to be involved in
these activities. Strategies to facilitate integration and understanding should
involve both a focus on how inclusionary the internal activities and images of
congregations are and also an external focus upon how congregations can
contribute towards the support and integration of marginalised groups within the
wider community.
One in ten congregations have attempted to resolve conflicts arising within their
local parishes (several ministers reported that conflicts are not apparent in their
local communities). Congregations become involved in conflict resolution at
various levels, with the neutrality of the minister and the church site itself being
important. They provide premises for meetings and may become more actively
involved in a longer mediation process. Congregations have also used reactive
measures to build ecumenical and multi-racial links between communities in
response to particularly divisive events. However, the examples given above
also indicate the beneficial outcomes of congregations becoming involved in
proactive measures to improve integration and understanding between religious
groupings in their local communities.

The role of the church in promoting community cohesion and social integration
is a varied one which includes a wide range of activities and approaches
including: providing support services; co-ordinating local efforts to assist
marginalized groups; advocating and lobbying to the authorities on behalf of
individuals and groups; opening up opportunities for socialisation and
integration and raising awareness and educating people on issues of exclusion
and inclusion through the normal church channels. An important and valuable
characteristic of the church which assists these efforts is the neutrality of the
church itself, both the church building and the minister’s role of mediator.
One recommendation made within A Church Without Walls is that
congregations undertake community reviews to assess how they may best
facilitate engagement with their local communities. The heterogeneity of
communities and the range of other agencies and organisations can act as a
barrier to congregations having a clear understanding of local needs and how
they may play a role in addressing them. Only one in five congregations have
undertaken audits of local needs. Such a process, whilst complex and time
consuming, provides a basis for effective future engagement and there is clearly
scope for more congregations to undertake such an exercise.
Similarly, a fifth of congregations had provided a solution to local problems. This
often involves congregations making important interventions at times of crisis in
local communities, for example reacting to the loss of communal facilities. A
third of congregations have either acted as advocates for local communities in
wider decision-making process or participated in local campaigns. Whilst such
involvement may on occasion be controversial and potentially divisive it may
also empower local people, increasing the collective efficacy of communities,
bringing beneficial outcomes to the area and demonstrating a willingness on the
part of congregations to engage with the priorities and concerns of local
residents. Congregations also appear to be perceived as important local
institutions in such processes. Almost half of the survey congregations reported
being approached to become involved in local issues. Whilst there is still scope
for congregations to increase their profile and accessibility, this finding suggests

congregations are well placed locally to contribute to further community
development. In particular, the organisational and administrative skills of
ministers and congregation members have proved important with churches
offering experience of group formation and organisation, communication,
information retrieval and distribution and access to finances. Also important to
the church’s advocacy and representation roles has been its position as an
active member of local partnerships.
Congregations play an important role in contributing towards the sense of
community within their parishes. Three quarters of congregations reported
activities that contribute towards this sense of community and half of the
responding congregations have attempted to strengthen a local sense of pride
and identity. These activities are likely to increase a sense of identity with the
local community amongst residents, thereby contributing to trust and belonging
and facilitating wider engagement in communal activities. Churches can
contribute to such elements of social capital both through their own processes
(internal/ traditional and external/innovative) and also through supporting the
activities of other local organisations and contributing to civic occasions. Such
involvement is most likely to generate stocks of social capital when it includes a
focus on both the environmental and social aspects of local community and
when it aims to celebrate the diversity of identities within an area. Whilst there is
a danger that bolstering local pride and identity may become an exclusionary
process, it may play a particularly important role in securing stability and
renewed commitment to the area in declining or rapidly changing communities,
both urban and rural. A third of responding congregations were engaged in
initiatives to improve local people’s sense of safety, another important precursor
to people’s willingness to engage in communal activity. Churches appear to be
relatively well known and trusted organisations within local communities,
providing a positive platform for further attempts at engaging in local activities.
Congregations also appear to be engaging with the Church Without Walls
agenda, with four in ten reporting that relations with local communities have
either improved or increased in the last two years.

Chapter Six: Supporting Community Infrastructure
6.1 Introduction
One of the most important aspects of social capital is the extent to which
informal networks between individuals can be translated into effective forms of
partnership and circuits of communication between organisations. The strength
of the institutional infrastructure of local communities is therefore an important
element of the ability of local communities to develop the capacity to work
collectively to achieve local aims. This chapter describes the involvement of
congregations in establishing community organisations, supporting existing
groups and the extent to which congregations are engaged in partnerships with
other organisations.
6.2 Membership and Support of Local Community Groups
One of the key findings of this research is that much of the contribution that
congregations make to local stocks of social capital is generated by the
activities of their members within other, non-church, community organisations.
This finding is supported by the sixty nine percent of responding congregations
(n= 425) that indicated individuals involved in the community through the church
had then gone on to be involved in other community organisations or activities.
A majority of churches seem therefore to act as training grounds for community
activists (further evidence on this issue is presented in the case studies in
Chapter Eight).
However, the survey results provide a mixed picture about the extent to which
church members are engaged with other local community groups (Table 6.2.1)
Whilst almost four in ten congregations reported that between half to almost all
their members were also members of other community groups, a further four in
ten congregations have less than a third of their members as members of other
groups.

Table 6.2.1 Proportion of Church Members Involved
in Other Local Community Groups
(n = 434)
N Percent
Less than a third 169 38.9
A third 102 23.5
A half 85 19.6
Three quarters 53 12.2
Almost all of them 25 5.8
(Missing cases = 20)
Three points are important in the interpretation of these findings. Firstly, it will
be impossible for ministers to provide a completely accurate assessment about
the extent of their membership’s involvement in other organisations. Secondly,
individuals who are active in one organisation, perhaps especially the church,
will have a propensity to be active in others, as found in the US Social Capital
Benchmark Survey referred to in Chapter Three, thus making it difficult to
assess the impact of church membership on their other activities. Thirdly, whilst
the majority of congregations reported that half or less of the individuals in their
congregations are members of other organisations, this still often represents a
sizeable number of individuals. It is worth bearing in mind that the national rate
of volunteering amongst adults in Scotland is around a fifth (Scottish Executive,
2000), and therefore if ministers’ assessments are reasonable, then church
members are extraordinarily active in local affairs.
The most frequently reported type of organisations that church members are
involved in are charitable or voluntary organisations (Table 6.6.2). Ninety
percent of congregations reported individuals being members of such
organisations. Four in five congregations contained members of social and

sports clubs whilst three in five congregations reporting having members who
were involved in local community development and campaigning organisations.
Table 6.2.2 Organisations Church Members are Involved With
Type of organisation Number Percent
Charity/ voluntary organisations 404 89
Sports/social clubs 363 80
Community
288 63
development/campaigning
Other a
(n= 454)
91 20
a. Within other specified organisations there were 24 references to community councils and 10 to
membership of school boards or PTAs. Political parties, local authority councillors and housing
associations were referred to six times. Other organisations included trade unions, hall management
committees, neighbourhood councils, health councils and crime prevention panels. Other references were
to organisations that would be defined within voluntary organisations. (Several of the above organisations
may also be defined as community development or campaigning organisations).
Our survey asked if churches had provided assistance or support to community
groups in the last two years. Eighty two percent of congregations indicated this
to be the case. Table 6.2.3 shows the proportion of congregations providing
support to different types of community organisation.
Table 6.2.3 Local Organisations Supported by Congregations
Types of organisation number percent
Voluntary sector organisation 268 59
Religious organisation 193 42.5
Community council/forum 187 41.2
Other community group 155 34.1
Residents or tenants
association
70 15.4

Other a
(n =454)
45 9.9
a. Almost of the organisations identified as other fitted could be classified within the other five categories
Support was most commonly given to voluntary organisations, with six in ten
congregations indicating support to this sector. Just over four in ten
congregations provided support to other religious organisations. About the
same proportion of congregations provided support to community councils or
forums. This suggests that churches are involved in supporting local secular
campaigning organisations to the same extent that they are involved in
supporting religious organisations, indicating that perceptions of churches as
primarily insular organisations focusing on support to other religious
organisations is not accurate (of course, these figures do not give an indication
about the differing extent of support given to each organisation). Similarly, over
a third of congregations have supported another community group.
The survey then identified the nature of support congregations gave to other
local organisations (Table 6.2.4)
Table 6.2.4 Types of Congregational Support Provided to Local Organisations
number percent
Provide a meeting place 292 64.3
Provide staff or volunteers 223 49.1
Provide financial support 179 39.4
Provide equipment 88 19.4
Provide support in other
ways
(n= 454)
28 6.2
The most common form of support is in providing meeting places for
organisations, which sixty four percent of congregations indicated having done.
Half of the survey congregations also provide staff or volunteers to other
community organisations. Four in ten congregations provide financial support

and two in ten provide equipment. These findings show the importance of the
physical assets of local churches and also reaffirm the importance of their
memberships as local resources for communal activity. These forms of support
may be more significant than the financial contribution churches make, although
this is still significant. Other forms of support included the provision of office
facilities and publicity materials.
6.3 Involvement in Community Activities and Events
Eighty five percent of congregations indicated that they had been involved in
activities or events for local people, including those outside the congregation, in
the last two years. Congregations indicated involvement in a range of such
activities (see Table 6.3.1)
Table 6.3.1 Church Involvement in Activities and Events for Local People
(including those outside the congregation) in the Last Two Years
Type of event or activity Number Percent
Schools or children’s event 270 59.5
Gala day 222 48.9
Social gathering 211 46.5
Arts or cultural event 152 33.5
Excursions 98 21.6
Environmental
66 14.5
improvements
Community demonstrations 39 8.6
Other activities
(n= 454)
36 7.9
Events for schools or children were the most common activity, followed by gala
days and other social gatherings. However, for the second and third of these

activities, just under half of the survey congregations indicated involvement.
Similarly, only a third of congregations reported involvement in local arts or
cultural events. These figures may reflect the lack of such activities and events
in local communities, however, they suggest that some congregations may be
missing an opportunity to engage in such communal events which encourage
participation and are important contributors to a sense of local community and
identity.
Congregation’s involvement in these events most frequently consisted of
providing volunteers for such events, followed by providing a venue and
assisting with the planning and organisation of events. Financial support, whilst
not insignificant, was less regularly provided (see Table 6.3.2).
Table 6.3.2 Nature of Congregational Involvement
Nature of congregation’s
Number Percent
involvement
Providing volunteers 330 72.7
Providing a venue 296 65.2
Providing organisation 249 54.8
Providing financial support 145 31.9
Other
(n=454)
18 4
Almost three-quarters of the responding congregations provided volunteers for
events and sixty five percent had provided a venue for events. A majority of
congregations had also helped in the organisation of these events. Financial
support was less frequent, with three in ten congregations reporting giving
money to events.
6.4 Involvement in Partnerships
Fifty seven percent of congregations reported that they were involved in
partnerships with other community or voluntary organisations in their local area
(Table 6.4.1). The most usual form of partnership is with other churches. Just

under a quarter of survey congregations have been involved in partnership with
local charities and just under a fifth have been partners with local care
organisations. There were less regular partnerships with community councils
and only one in ten congregations reported a partnership with the their local
authority.
Where congregations are involved in partnerships with other community or
voluntary organisations they tend to be for one of three purposes: organising
and running community events, activities relating to community development
and thirdly, the provision of local care services.
Table 6.4.1 Congregation’s Involvement in Local Partnerships
Partner organisation Number Percent
Other church 195 43
Local charities 108 23.8
Local care organisations 86 18.9
Community council 76 16.7
Local authorities 47 10.4
Other organisation
28
6.2
Purpose of the partnership
Community events
Community development
Local care services
Regeneration
Campaigning activity
Other
(n=454)
126
115
111
56
36
52
27.8
25.3
24.4
12.3
7.9
11.5

Engaging in Community Regeneration: Middlefield
The parish of Middlefield is located in a deprived area of mostly social housing
in Aberdeen and is identified as an urban priority area by the Church of
Scotland. The area forms part of a Social Inclusion Partnership (SIP)
regeneration initiative. The Middlefield minister was nominated by local primary
schools (as their chaplain) to become a representative on the SIP. Such a role
reflected a tradition of wider community involvement by the Middlefield
congregation, including the Manor Project that provides housing for individuals
with learning difficulties. Whilst the minister was keen to become involved in the
SIP he believes that this role could also be filled by a member of the
congregation. The involvement requires a heavy time commitment through
attending meetings, both the general partners meetings and also the health and
wellbeing sub-committee, which focuses on promoting health and exercise. The
congregation has been involved in supporting the SIP and providing finance to
initiatives such as the Middlefield Community Project which involves local young
people in the regeneration process and the food co-op which uses church
premises. The minister’s wife is on the co-op’s committee.
The minister believes that his involvement on the SIP has widened his networks
of friends and associates and enables the church to be aware of what is going
on and promotes opportunities for the congregation to be involved in the
regeneration efforts, although as an elected representative, the minister is
unable to delegate his role to other church members.
Whilst the minister has not encountered overt problems in assuming this role,
there have been some tensions both within the congregation and with other
agencies, for example over a controversial proposal for the siting of a needle
exchange system. In addition, there can be conflicts between the differing
agendas of the church and other community organisations, and in reconciling
the primary role of the church as a religious mission with the secular priorities of
others. Such tensions have been resolved through the minister being explicit
about the church’s views and priorities and these are mostly accepted by other

partners. Indirect discrimination faced by the church has tended to be as a
result of the perception amongst agencies that the church is not traditionally an
organisation that has been, or needs to be, involved in regeneration activity.
The church had countered this by attempting to demonstrate its willingness to
be involved with the local community and agencies and through presenting itself
as tolerant of others’ agendas rather than being overtly dogmatic in its views.
The challenge the minister has faced has been in advocating the distinctive
contribution that the church can make to regeneration, in particular through the
spiritual wellbeing of local people.
This example demonstrates that congregations can be included within wider
regeneration strategies and that they can contribute to regeneration in a number
of ways including financial support, the provision of premises and volunteers
and in promoting a distinctive concern with the spiritual wellbeing of local
people. Such involvement necessitates a substantial time commitment from
church representatives and also faces the challenge of reconciling the
distinctive contribution of congregations with the priorities of secular
organisations and agencies. This example indicates that whilst such tensions
are not insignificant, they are not necessarily a barrier to congregational
involvement in social inclusion partnerships if mutual understanding and
toleration are developed, emphasising the benefits of, rather than the difficulties
with, multi-organisational working.
Only one in eight churches reported that they had played a liasing role between
organisations in their local area. There is a difficulty in distinguishing between
formal and informal structures and processes of liaison. Several respondents
from smaller communities suggested that there is such a degree of overlap
between the church and community organisations that on-going informal liaison
is inevitable and is sufficient. One respondent commented ‘Church and
community are one and the same- those who are church members also serve
the community and committees in many ways’. Another respondent felt that in
small rural communities ‘the church tends to be the focal point for village
activities’, so that both physically and organisationally, it played a prominent coordinating
role. The definition of the church as an organisation or as its

membership which is raised elsewhere in the report, is apparent here. Church
members are members of other organisations too, creating processes of liaison,
for example as parents at local schools, or youth leaders. Congregations
therefore provide a source of volunteers for other community organisations and
also serve on local bodies with an explicit co-ordinating remit. Several
congregations reported having a church representative on their local community
council to foster co-ordination between the two organisations.
Where churches contribute in more formal or discernible ways to local coordination
and liaison between organisations, the most common techniques are
those that are linked into existing church activities. The use of church premises,
including offices, is predominant, both in providing accommodation for coordinating
events and group meetings and also in providing publicity for these
events. Beyond this some congregations reported providing space for local
organisations to publicise joint events and one congregation reported providing
community pages upon its own web site.
The next level of liaison activity is congregational involvement in co-ordinated
activity with an inter-church or ecumenical focus. This may entail organising
local chaplain services to schools or hospitals or co-ordinating local groups
such as the Women’s Guild. It may also involve a co-ordinating role for
ecumenical events or more on-going processes of inter-church liaison.
Examples given include a Church of Scotland congregation playing a liasing
role between a Roman Catholic congregation and local non-denominational
schools. Several congregations reported playing a co-ordinating role in bringing
together local denominations to support charitable organisations. In some
instances, congregations played a co-ordinating role within larger ecumenical
groupings such as local Churches Together groups, or in co-ordinated working
with other denominations and faith groups as part of wider social inclusion
partnerships, for example the ‘Bridging the Gap’ project in Glasgow's Gorbals.
In some cases, therefore other community umbrella organisations may play a
co-ordinating role, making it unnecessary for churches to attempt to replicate
this.

Some congregations report a primary role as the co-ordinating organisation for
wider community group liaison structures. This sometimes comprises groups
who use their premises. For example one congregation hosts a youth forum for
approximately ten organisations such as the Boys Brigades, Guides, toddlers
group and a crèche that use church facilities. Several ministers or church
members also report a co-ordinating or chairing role on local organising
committees for gala days or other community celebrations. Many congregations
had a prominent co-ordinating role in local Millennium celebrations.
There are a few instances of congregations being involved in establishing or
facilitating liaison groups for wider community activity. These include a local
workers forum bringing together the police, community education workers,
social workers, health workers and others. Other groups that congregations
have liased with include local authorities, local voluntary groups, businesses,
local media, medical practices and tenants associations.
One minister reported chairing a group of General Practitioners and social
workers tackling drug and alcohol misuse in the area. In the most developed
example of a formal co-ordinating role, one congregation hosts a community
forum three times each year inviting representatives from statutory and
voluntary organisations, and then maintains relations and co-ordinates agreed
actions between these meetings.
Strengthening Institutional Infrastructure: Bathgate Boghall
The Bathgate Boghall parish in West Lothian is situated in a mostly deprived
area of social housing. The congregation has developed a number of links with
other organisations, both local community groups and public agencies including
the local authority.
The focus upon external relationships is explicit in the structures adopted by the
congregation including both faith sharing and community sharing. The Kirk

Session comprises two working parties. One working party has an internal
focus, its remit being to develop the spiritual welfare of the congregation
membership. The second working party is an outreach group with an external
focus, forming links and undertaking activities with both the local community
and also developing an international focus. Such a division has enabled this
working party to be responsible solely for relations outwith the congregation.
Elders with this group (comprising approximately twelve members) are
‘specialists’ in particular areas, for example in links to primary schools or peace
and justice. This provides those members with expertise and commitment within
a structure enabling them to dedicate their time to particular forms of community
activity.
The congregation has fostered good working relationships with local political
representatives. Both the local councillor and the tenants association hold their
surgeries and meetings respectively in the church. In addition, the church has
hosted a number of public events linked to the impacts of local policy
developments upon the local community. These have included question and
answer sessions with the local MSP, MP and Councillor and meetings about
vandalism in the area. The church has also been involved in the local
regeneration process, hosting an interactive session with local people and
architects about area development plans. The congregation has been involved
in on-going working relationships with local agency officers, for example over a
church-instigated proposal for a youth café in the area. The church was
involved with community education on a working party to set up structures for
youth participation and facilities in the area. The congregation also has strong
links with the local primary school, where some of their members undertake
activities such as storytelling and costume making. In addition the congregation
has made a donation to the school library. The church has also worked with
community police to tackle crime and a spate of vandalism in the area, which
had affected the church, costing several thousand pounds.
The church has also been able to provide support to agencies at times of crisis.
When vandalism to the health centre resulted in its closure for two months, the

church offered accommodation for the continuation of important services
including a food co-op and mother and baby groups.
Such partnership working demonstrates the potential for positive and
constructive relationships between the church and local agencies, including
local authorities. These relationships have improved over time, with local
community organisations and agencies being ‘glad to have a pair of hands’ in
the words of the minister, as the church offers its support. The involvement in
these partnerships and activities has also raised the profile of the church and
affected how its role is perceived locally. It was reported that both local
individuals and organisations are much more likely to contact the church and
are prepared to consult the church and ask for church support than was the
case previously. As such the church can offer some sort of enabling role within
the process, and these relationships have contributed to increasing recognition
amongst agency staff that both the church and the local community can offer
valuable insights within local decision-making frameworks.
As well as supporting existing local organisations, churches may strengthen the
institutional infrastructure of a local community through establishing new
community organisations, either unilaterally or in partnership with other
organisations. Seventeen percent of congregations reported that they had been
involved in the establishment of such a new local organisation in the last two
years. The nature and amount of newly established organisations are presented
in table 6.4.2. The most frequent type of organisations established are those
serving elderly people, teenagers and young families, which account for over
forty percent of newly established organisations identified in the survey. Many of
these organisations have been established through partnership working with
other organisations.
Table 6.4.2 Local Community Organisations Established
Through Church Activity in Last Two Years

Organisation Type
No
Senior citizens clubs a 15
Parents and young children 13
groups b
Youth facilities c 9
Arts, drama and dancing clubs 7
Religious groups d 7
Development, planning and 6
heritage e
Out of school clubs 5
Support clubs for disabled people 3
Thrift shops/cafes 3
Community lunches/suppers 3
Supported accommodation 2
Housing support 2
Support to asylum seekers 2
Business support f 2
Friendship/welcome groups 2
Men’s group 1
Women’s group 1
Young adults forum 1
Homeless support group 1
Alcohol support group 1
Other groups g 4
Total 90
a. Includes lunch clubs, keep fit, retired persons and widows support clubs
b. Includes mother/granny and toddler groups, playgroups, parent craft classes
c. Includes youth clubs, employed youth workers, drop in centres/cafes
d. Includes church associations, ecumenical projects, outreach, alpha course
e. Includes heritage trusts, village action group, parish association
f. Includes a business association and a community employment charity
g. Includes a Duke of Edinburgh Award Scheme, an amnesty group, support to prisoners’ families and a new village
hall
These figures do not include organisations established more than two years
ago, nor do they include organisations or projects that have emerged through

church involvement in larger umbrella community structures or projects. This,
along with the fact that the survey sample represents only a third of
congregations in Scotland, suggests that church activities are resulting in the
establishment of a significant amount of new community organisations on an
on-going basis. It is important to note that these figures only indicate the
establishment, rather than the continuing sustainability of these projects and
organisations. Indeed, some ministers reported instances of community
organisations or initiatives failing after a short period of time. Where such
organisations have been identified, they have been omitted from the figures
given below. The figures below do not attempt to give a relative weighting to the
different types of organisations established. Therefore, both a dance class and
a newly- constructed village hall association are counted once in the table,
although the extent to which they contribute to associational activity and
participation in local communities is likely to be very different.
The research findings indicate that congregations vary widely in the extent of
their relationships with other local organisations (Table 6.4.3).
Table 6.4.3 The Nature of Relationships with Local Organisations
Nature of Relationships
Continual contact and
communication
Regular contact and communication
Occasional contact and
communication
Rare contact and communication
Percent
16.6
36.4
38.2
8.8
Whilst just over half have continual or regular contact with local organisations,
almost as many have only occasional or rare contact. The figures suggest there
is considerable scope for congregations to develop mechanisms for
communication with local organisations on a more frequent basis. Of course,
such contact as a two way process also depends on the willingness of other
organisations to engage with the church. However, these findings indicate that a

congregational focus on local residents as individuals may result in a neglect of
the opportunities for associational activity and institutional co-operation which
may bring the greatest benefits to the local area within a wider political context.
The survey reveals that Church of Scotland congregations demonstrate a very
strong commitment to collaboration and partnerships with other faith
organisations (Table 6.4.4). Eighty eight percent of congregations reported
involvement in work with other churches in their local area. This most frequently
takes the form of joint services and worship and informal meetings, although a
significant number of congregations are also involved in joint campaigns and
formal partnerships.
Table 6.4.4 Working with Other Churches
Nature of joint working Number Percent
Joint services/worship 361 79.5
Informal meetings 306 67.4
Joint campaigns/ working groups about 157 43.6
faith
Formal partnership 93 20.5
Providing local services 88 19.4
Campaigns about local issues 69 15.2
Other
(n=454)
47 10.4
Beyond partnership working within local communities, beneficial outcomes are
likely to arise from developing networks at wider spatial and social scales. Such
wider networks enable the development of bridging social capital, opening up
opportunities for more powerful partnerships and enhancing the collective
efficacy of local organisations. Just over a third of congregations (36 percent)
reported being involved in partnerships with organisations outside the local
area. Working with religious organisations is the predominant form of such
partnerships, followed by partnerships with voluntary sector organisations. The
involvement of congregations in wider partnerships with other community

organisations, local government and the private sector outside is very limited
(Table 6.4.5).
This limited engagement of congregations in outside partnerships is reflected in the
finding that only twelve percent of congregations had encouraged or assisted any links
between local groups and organisations outside the local area in the last two years.
Table 6.4.5 Partnerships Outside the Local Area
Outside partner Number Percent
Religious organisation 113 24.9
Voluntary sector organisation 62 13.7
Community organisation 27 5.9
Local government
18 4
organisation
Private sector organisation 6 1.3
Other organisation 19 4.2
6.5 Summary
One of the key findings in this report is that the contribution of congregations to
local stocks of social capital and institutional infrastructure often arises as a
result of individual members participating in the activities of other non-church
organisations. Although the proportion of church members in each congregation
engaged in other community activity seems to vary considerably, it nonetheless
represents a relatively sizeable contribution to volunteering. The survey also
suggests that congregations play a significant role in facilitating and supporting
other local organisations (particularly voluntary and charitable groups) and
community events, through providing premises, volunteers and finances.
However, the survey findings present a very mixed picture about the current
nature of relationships between congregations and other local organisations.
Almost as many congregations are as likely to report rare or occasional contact

with other local groups as those which report continual and regular contact,
suggesting a degree of institutional isolation for many churches. Fostering and
strengthening relationships with other local organisations is therefore one area
in which Church of Scotland congregations should focus their activity, and
which could bring substantial benefits to the effectiveness of organisational
networks in local communities.
Just over one in ten congregations indicate that they play a co-ordinating role
between local community organisations. This liaison is often informal and
organic, and is often the result of church members being members of other
organisations, particularly community councils. However, beyond this, some
congregations are able to identify a more formal co-ordinating role for
themselves. This is often related to the use of their premises or providing
access to resources such as publicity. Where congregations have established
or maintained formal co-ordinating structures these are often related to
ecumenical working or local community celebrations. Very few congregations
play a formal co-ordinating role between statutory and voluntary organisations,
although this may often be due to other umbrella organisations already
performing this task.
The survey findings also indicate that whilst less than a fifth of congregations
reported that a community organisation had been established as a result of their
activity in the last two years, this still suggests that at a national scale, a
sizeable number of new community organisations and projects are being
generated primarily by local Church of Scotland congregations. The most
frequently established organisations are those providing services to senior
citizens, young people and families with children. These figures are indicative,
and in addition a quantitative survey of newly established organisations does
not provide data about the effectiveness of these organisations within their local
communities. These findings suggest that congregations, depending on local
circumstances and needs and the relative strength of other local organisations,
may contribute to institutional structures through supporting the co-ordinated
working of existing organisations and in supporting the establishment of new

organisations where they are required. The figures also suggest that there is
scope for greater involvement of congregations in this area.
There is only a very limited involvement by congregations in partnerships with
organisations outside their immediate local area and where such partnerships
do exist they tend to be with other religious organisations. Developing such
partnerships is a complex process for congregations, particularly if they involve
joint working with secular community organisations, local government or the
private sector.
Indeed, the rate of participation of churches in partnerships with local authorities
is very low, especially given the important role played by churches in providing
and protecting local services. A focus on internal partnerships within
communities is also not unique to churches (see Burns et al, 2001). However,
given the importance of bridging social capital in contributing towards
communities securing local benefits and influencing decision-making processes
at wider political, spatial and social levels, congregations should look for
opportunities to develop such partnerships both for themselves and to
encourage wider linkages for other local organisations.

Chapter Seven: Shaping the Church’s Role in Local
Communities
7.1 Introduction
This chapter discusses how ministers perceive the role of their congregations
within local communities and describes the differing viewpoints that exist within
the wider debate in the church about the involvement of the church in funding
procedures and the provision of services. The chapter also reports on the
identified strengths and weaknesses of congregations with regard to their
contribution to wider local communities
7.2 The Role of the Church Within Local Communities
The survey findings indicate that congregations are involved to a greater or
lesser extent in a wide range of activities that generate social capital. Often
such involvement raises complex and controversial issues about the role of
congregations and the wider church and the nature of their relationship with
local communities, other community and voluntary groups and the government.
This section of the report discusses how ministers and other respondents view
the role of their congregation and identifies the various arguments expressed
about the extent of church involvement in wider community development
activities. Using three categories of congregational activity, drawn from a
comparable study in the US (Ammerman, 2000), we asked respondents to
identify which activities constituted the main focus for their congregations (table
7.2.1).
Table 7.2.1 The Focus of Congregation’s Activities
Main focus of congregations Number Percent
Member orientated activities
Evangelical activities
Community activities
272
72
25
59.9
15.9
5.5

Can’t say/more than one of 85 18.7
these
Of course congregations are likely to be involved to some degree in all these
forms of activity, reflected in the fact that almost two in ten congregations could
not identify one activity as more important to them than others. Of those who did
identify one set of activities, six in ten congregations reported memberorientated
activities as being their main focus, fifteen percent reported a focus
on evangelical activities and five percent a community focus. These results
mirror the findings in the US and indicate the challenge facing the Church of
Scotland in broadening its activities and engaging with communities. Such a
focus upon members reflects both theological perceptions about the role of
churches but may also be a partial result of a context in which congregations
are involved in a struggle for their own numerical and financial viability, leaving
little resources for wider community-orientated engagement. These figures
suggest that, if community-orientated activity is to be fostered, both of these
aspects need to be addressed by the Church nationally. It also highlights the
debate within the Church about the extent to which congregations should
become involved in direct provision of services and partnership with local
government and other agencies.
One in three congregations (n=149) receive outside funding for projects they
are involved in. Two in ten congregations receive funding directly from the
Church of Scotland for their projects (Table 7.2.2). The figures for other funding
sources suggest that, whilst only a small proportion of congregations are
involved in accessing outside funding. congregations are to some degree
plugged into secular funding sources, and are not merely reliant on finance from
other religious organisations.
Table 7.2.2 Funding Sources for Congregations
number percent
Church of Scotland 93 20.5
Government 59 13
Secular Organisation or Charity 42 9.3

Other Religious Organisation or 34 7.5
Charity
Other 34 7.5
The survey asked respondents to say whether they believed their congregations
would be interested in applying for government funding to provide services to
local people and whether they felt the church should be seeking a greater role
in the provision of services to local people. The results are shown in table 7.2.3.
Table 7.2.3 Respondents’ Attitudes to Funding and Service Provision
Numbe
r
Would congregation be interested in applying for government
funding to provide services to local people?
Yes
No
Not Sure
156
80
212
Percen
t
34.8
17.9
47.3
Should the church be seeking a greater role in the provision
of services to local people?
Yes
No
Not Sure
229
74
140
51.7
16.7
31.6
The results reveal a great deal of uncertainty about this question. There are
many more definite positive response to these two questions than definite
negative responses, and a slight majority of all respondents felt that the church
should be seeking a greater role in the provision of services to local people.
However, almost half of all respondents were not sure if their congregations
would be interested in applying for government funding and a third were not
sure about whether the church should be seeking a greater role in service
provision. The reasons for such responses are given below. One important
conclusion to be drawn from these figures and qualitative survey responses is

that, whilst the majority of respondents (who are of course mostly ministers) felt
the church should be seeking a greater role, they were much less certain about
whether such a role should be developed through congregations rather than the
national church. This indicates the need for further debate in the Church about
how local congregations and national church activity, for example the work of
the Board of Social Responsibility, can be developed in co-ordinated and
complimentary structures of action and responsibility.
Many of the arguments relating to further church involvement in service
provision or government funding involve theological issues about the role of
priorities of the church and the division between church and state, which goes
beyond the remit of this report. They include views about the priorities of
congregations, the balance between meeting spiritual needs and secular care
and the independent advocacy role of the church. There was a consensus
amongst respondents that where services are already adequately provided the
church should not attempt to duplicate them. However many respondents
argued that service provision is either insufficient or suffering cuts, and that the
church has a role in ‘plugging gaps’ or providing a higher standard of care,
building upon the strengths discussed below. For other respondents, the role of
the church should be to voice concerns rather than filling a role which they
argue is the responsibility of government. There was broad consensus that a
useful role for congregations may be in identifying the service needs of local
communities and yet fewer than a fifth of congregations have been involved in
this type of activity. Again there were contrasting views about whether
identifying needs should then result in congregations acting as pioneers or
initiators of services or primarily as enablers and supporters of other agencies in
service provision. There was consensus about the importance of church
individuals as opposed to formal structures in contributing to local services and
facilities and the catalytic presence of congregations, either through formal or
informal processes. This issue is discussed below.
Arguments about the extent to which the church should become involved in
service delivery reflected conflicting views about the relative strengths and
weaknesses of congregations. Many respondents believe that it would be

difficult to assess local needs and that there is a need to concentrate dwindling
resources on congregations. Other respondents also suggested that the church
may not necessarily be a suitable institution for providing services due to a lack
of sufficient skills and that other agencies are better equipped for the task.
Complex rules and strict regulations were also raised as a barrier to greater
church involvement in service delivery. However others argued that many
congregations had good resources, including management and organisational
ability, technical skills and knowledge. Congregations were also likely to benefit
from being trusted and through comprising local people who could identity
needs and who were in daily contact with the potential recipients of services
and facilities.
One influencing factor in the debate about how the role of the church in local
communities evolves is how ministers and others perceive the division of
responsibility for aspects of community development between the church and
other agencies. Table 7.2.4 demonstrates that in many aspects of community
engagement, ministers believe there is a shared role for churches and other
agencies.
Table 7.2.4 The Division of Responsibility between Church and other Agencies
Mainly
churches’,
responsibility
Mainly other
Agencies’
role
Shared role

N
%
N
%
N
%
Moral instructions and
179
40.1
5
1.1
262
57.7
guidance
Resolve local community
0
0
188
41.4
260
58.6
conflicts
6
1.3
189
41.6
254
56.6
Meet local immediate needs
Instil norms of acceptable
54
12.2
52
11.5
337
76.1
behaviour among local people
Help people overcome
82
18.3
21
4.7
345
77.0
personal difficulties
Train people in interpersonal
8
1.8
222
50.1
213
48.1
skills
Boost the self confidence or
sense of empowerment of
12
2.7
124
27.7
312
69.6
local community
Shape the future of the
21
4.6
57
12.8
369
82.6
community
Speak on behalf of the local
9
2.0
105
23.6
331
74.4
community
Connect the local community
29
6.5
97
21.8
318
71.6
to the outside world
Whilst four in ten ministers believe that moral instructions and guidance are
mainly the responsibility of the church and two in ten ministers believe that
helping people overcome personal difficulties is primarily the church’s
responsibility, under one in twenty ministers believe that it is mainly the church’s
responsibility to meet local needs, to shape the future of the community or to
speak on behalf of the local community. However, the majority of ministers do
identify some role for the church along with other agencies. Such figures
reaffirm the importance of the church seeking to build partnerships with other
agencies in order to contribute to co-ordinated community development
activities.

7.3 Strengths and Weaknesses
This section examines the particular strengths and weaknesses of Church of
Scotland congregations in regard to their contributions to the wider local
communities in which they exist. Table 7.3.1 shows the most important factors
identified by respondents in enabling congregations to undertake activities in
their local communities.
Table 7.3.1 Enabling Factors
The most important factors enabling churches to contribute Numbe Percent
to the wider local community
r
Your faith/mission 256 56.4
Being trusted 194 42.7
An active congregation 177 39.0
Being community focused 78 17.2
Being long established 69 15.2
Relationships with local organisations 47 10.4
Being representative 42 9.3
Other 13 2.9
Faith and mission remain central to the ability of congregations to contribute to
local communities, as does the degree to which congregations are trusted. An
active congregation is important, although actual characteristics seem less so,
only seventeen percent of respondents felt that being community focused was
one of the most important factors. Whilst trust was identified as one of the two
most important factors, such trust is not perceived to be particularly generated
by the long–term establishment of the church in the local area. This reflects the
fact that most churches have a very long history, and their relationships with the
local community are likely to have fluctuated during this time. It also suggests
that trust may be generated relatively quickly. Less than one in ten respondents
felt that being representative was an important factor. This may reflect the
limited overall representativeness of congregations (reported in Chapter Four)

and is therefore a statement of necessity, in that being representative as a
precondition for involvement would be a barrier for many congregations.
Nevertheless, representativeness remains an important issue, particularly in
determining external perceptions of the church. The fact that only one in ten
respondents felt that relationships with other community organisations was an
important factor supports other findings that congregation’s links with other
organisations are relatively weak and are not seen as a priority. This may reflect
the lack of local organisations in particular parishes, or reliance upon informal
linkages, but institutional infrastructure is important to the efficacy of social
capital and requires a determined focus by congregations. Other important
factors contributing to the ability of congregations to develop social capital
included the location of the church and the accessibility of the congregation,
both to physical premises and through a welcoming attitude. A willingness to
work with other organisations was also mentioned, reflecting the point made
above. Finally, the importance of funerals and weddings in both demonstrating
a church presence locally and in generating a sense of community was also
highlighted.
A lack of resources appears to be the most significant constraint upon
congregation’s ability to contribute to the wider community, including a lack of
financial resources, expertise and members (Table 7.3.2). Over four in ten
respondents also suggested that local apathy was a major barrier. This
indicates the importance of the context in which churches operate. Just over a
quarter of respondents felt that the particular focus of their congregation limited
their ability to contribute to the wider local community, providing further
evidence of an inward-looking orientation amongst a number of congregations.
A similar proportion of respondents felt that the size of their congregation was
also a barrier to community activity, although such a perception is not borne out
by other survey results (see Chapter Four).
Table 7.3.2 Factors Inhibiting Engagement
Numbe
r
Percent

Lack of resources 227 50.0
Local apathy 201 44.3
Focus of the congregation 129 28.4
Size of the congregation 121 26.7
Regulation 59 13.0
Lack of trust between
16 03.5
organisations
Other 87 19.2
Only one in ten congregations felt that regulation inhibited their involvement in
wider community activities and very few respondents felt that a lack of trust
between organisations was a barrier to engagement in social capital generating
activities. Other barriers identified included ageing congregations and a lack of
volunteer time caused by already committed individuals and family or work
commitments. The context of the local community may also inhibit involvement.
A few respondents suggested that declining or increasing populations could in
different ways act as a barrier. Negative local perceptions of the church, or
simply preconceived ideas about what activities churches are involved in, is
also reported to prevent wider engagement. It also proves difficult for some
congregations to adequately assess and then address local needs. A few
respondents felt that the nature of relations between congregations and
presbyteries or the national church may also be detrimental to supporting
greater congregational involvement in community processes. Finally, the point
was raised that in some areas services are already provided or there is a
perception of no local needs existing that are not being met.
A key finding of the survey is the difference between the official structures of the
church and the activities of its individual members. Many church members
make vital contributions to local non-church organisations and activities,
suggesting that the role of individual church members and their involvement in a
range of community activities may be an effective contributor to local social
capital even where the institution of the church as an organisational entity may
not be. Thus whilst the church may not be identified as formally involved in
many community activities and organisations, its members are involved and in

part their motivation and dedication is influenced by their church membership.
As such much of the contribution of congregations to social capital is unseen
and in many senses may not be quantifiable (see Chapter Eight). The role for
the church in this understanding is to encourage, accommodate and support its
individual members to participate in, take responsibility for, or initiate activities in
their local communities. The contribution of church congregations is, in the
words of the previous Moderator of the General Assembly ‘organic and integral
rather than formal and structural.’ A key questions here is the extent to which
the church should itself act as an agency in itself, or as an enabler of other
agencies. This involves the recognition of the fragmentation of both governance
and faith groups and the diversity within local communities. As one key
informant interviewee put it, ‘the role of the church is to be at the heart of the
local community, not the heart of the local community.’
Many respondents felt that in rural areas the distinction between church and
community was especially blurred, that they were already ‘churches without
walls’, and that members are engaged in community groups, resulting in their
being little need for the church itself to be a focus for participation.
Several respondents reported a change in both attitudes and actions within their
congregations, moving from a previous inward-looking focus to a wider
connection with the local community. This is recognised as a long and complex
process, requiring a change in perceptions not only within congregations, but
also in the way that other agencies and local residents view the church. As one
part of this process, several respondents reported a need to move away from a
previous reliance on chance, ad hoc interactions with other community groups
towards a continual dialogue within more permanent communication networks.
Respondents argued that a focus on church activity in local communities
needed to reiterate the importance of spiritual wellbeing, through faith, hope,
friendship and self-respect which the church aims to foster. Within this the role
of ‘traditional’ activities such as pastoral care, wedding and funerals and support
to non-local charities and organisations remains crucial.

7.4 Summary
This research replicates findings in other studies that most congregations will
focus upon member-orientated activities. Given the scarcity of resources and
pressure facing many congregations at this time, this focus may limit their ability
to engage in community activities, although almost a fifth of congregations
reported that they gave equal priority to all three forms of activity. In addition to
some theological concerns raised by a significant number of ministers, the
findings indicate that whilst there is a positive perception of the desirability and
willingness of congregations to access secular funding sources and to engage
in a direct service provision role, there are concerns about the feasibility of them
doing so. There was a consensus that churches should not replicate existing
services where these are adequate and also that encouraging the activities of
members in non-church organisations should remain an essential method for
congregations to contribute to local facilities.
A very complex picture has emerged about the particular strengths and
weaknesses of congregations as institutions for fostering social capital. Often
this manifests itself in directly conflicting viewpoints about the characteristics of
congregations. For example, some respondents argue that congregations have
particular strengths through their memberships, resources and expertise,
whereas other congregations are prevented from undertaking further community
activity precisely because of a lack of members, overworked volunteers or
financial limitations. In another example of this diversity, some congregations
argue that a particular strength is the level of trust and goodwill generated by
congregations towards the church, whereas others report a degree of mistrust
and prejudice, not just from other agencies but from local residents themselves.
Three important findings can be identified within this complex picture however.
Firstly, the importance of faith and mission to congregations remains crucial to
their involvement in wider community development activities. Increasingly,
congregations appear to be seeking to broaden this spiritual focus outward to
reflect needs in the wider community.

Secondly, the focus, perceptions and attitudes of ministers and congregations
appear to be more important determinants of involvement in social capital
generating activities than ‘structural’ factors such as regulations, size of
congregations or resources. This suggests that whilst resources create
limitations for the activities of congregations, they should not in themselves be a
barrier to wider community engagement.
Thirdly, any focus upon the contribution of congregations to social capital in
their communities requires a recognition of the extent to which individual church
members are involved in communal activity and participate in other
organisations, partially as a direct result of their faith, but in ways which are not
recognised as formal church activities. One of the most influential mechanisms
through which the church can support social capital is therefore to continue to
support and facilitate the activities of its members in other, non-church
organisations. However, such an approach requires a note of caution. Whilst
such individual activity and informal working undoubtedly bring unquantifiable
benefits to local communities, the wellbeing of local communities is also
dependent on the empowering of local people and a strengthening of the
institutional infrastructure where local organisations can successfully act as
providers and advocates for local people. This research has demonstrated that
many congregations are limited in the extent of their engagement with other
organisations, potentially isolating themselves from the benefits partnership
working may bring both to themselves, and to other agencies and thereby local
communities. A dual focus on the individual and informal work of their members
combined with an increasing emphasis on partnership and organisational
networks offers the most effective mechanism for congregations to contribute to
social capital in their local communities.

Chapter Eight: Findings from the Case Studies of
Congregations
8.1 Introduction
The development of local stocks of social capital is both a long and complex
process in which the impact of congregational activities will be influenced by the
geographic, economic and social conditions of their local community and the
nature of relationships between congregations, local residents and local
organisations. In order to provide a more in-depth analysis of the processes of
social capital development and to gain the perceptions of other actors including
church members, local residents and local community organisations, detailed
case studies were conducted of four Church of Scotland congregations. These
congregations were selected to provide a broad geographical coverage and to
reflect diverse economic and social circumstances and a range of
congregational structures and activities. The case studies comprised four
elements:
a) A focus group with ministers, elders and other church members involved in
church activities in the wider community.
b) A series of telephone interviews with members of local organisations
seeking to identify the nature of their relationship with the church
c) A postal survey of church members enquiring about their activities in the
local community and their perceptions of their church. In Lilliesleaf a similar
study was being undertaken by the ministerial team, therefore members
received a slightly different questionnaire than in the other three case
studies, meaning that some results are not directly comparable or available
for this case study.
d) A postal survey of two hundred local residents asking for their perceptions
about the role of the church within their communities. Caution needs to be
taken in interpreting the data provided by the residents survey as a result of
the disappointing response rate. Whilst a response rate of approximately fifty
percent was received in each case study area for the survey of church
members, in two of the case studies the response rate from local residents

was little over ten percent. Whilst this provides interesting indicative findings,
the sample size does not enable representative and statistically robust
findings to be presented.
This section is presented in three parts. The first part provides individual case
study reports from each of the four parishes. The second part provides some
aggregate data from the surveys, presenting an opportunity to compare the
views and perceptions of church members and non-church members about the
role of their local congregations. Finally, a summary and conclusions are
presented in the third section.
8.2 Case Study of Bonhill Church of Scotland, West Dunbartonshire
The Area
The town of Bonhill is situated in the Vale of Leven, close to Alexandria and
Dumbarton and within commuting distance of Glasgow. Bonhill is a mixed area
of new owner-occupied housing developments and identified urban priority
areas of social rented housing. The relatively high levels of local unemployment
reflect the reduction in local employment opportunities caused by the decline of
the textile industry, which was traditionally the predominant employer in the
area. Another major local employer, the Allied Distillers plant, was also in the
process of closing down during the course of this study. Most local people now
commute to work, either to Glasgow or to jobs in local government, health or the
services sector in the wider Vale of Leven area.
The location of the area close to Loch Lomond and the western Highlands has
resulted in tourism becoming increasingly important to the local economy,
although Bonhill itself has received less direct benefits from this than
neighbouring communities. Whilst Bonhill comprises a relatively young
population, there are few local employment opportunities for this age group,
contributing to the high unemployment rate. The Bonhill congregation has
identified tackling problems arising from unemployment and drug misuse as key
priorities for their future activities.

Bonhill Church
The Bonhill parish dates back to 1225. The present structure of the church was
formed twenty seven years ago as the result of a union of two congregations in
Bonhill. The church and church hall are situated close to the centre of the town.
There are currently 950 members of the congregations and 60 elders. The
present minister, Rev. Ian Millar has been in post for twenty six years. He
estimates that fifteen percent of his congregation are aged under 35, whilst 45
percent are aged 60 or over. One distinctive feature of Bonhill is the extent to
which it has become a gathered congregation, reflected in the fact that half of
the membership live outwith the Bonhill parish boundaries. The changing
relationship between the church and the local community demonstrates at a
local level several of the issues affecting the national Church, none more so
than the fact that church membership and attendance are no longer regarded
as ‘the done thing’ (reflected historically in the close linkages between church
membership, local employers and employment opportunities) by the majority of
local people.
The Church and The Community
The Bonhill church has developed a central role for itself as both a physical and social
focus for local communal activity. One of the main priorities of the minister and his
congregation over the last quarter century has been to develop the church hall as a
community facility. The extent to which the congregation has been successful in
achieving this aim is demonstrated by the frequent use of church facilities by a large
number of local organisations and individuals. The church has been substantially
renovated, creating space for the community hall and meeting rooms and storage space
for a range of equipment, all of which are utilised on a daily basis, both during the day
and in the evenings. Groups using the facilities include carers and counselling groups
such as alcoholics anonymous and weight watchers, disability groups, local community
development groups such as tenants associations and cultural groups such as local
drama clubs. In addition, the church provides a site for a number of clubs for elderly
people and also young people’s activities including boys brigades and kick boxing
clubs. The church also hosts a mother and toddlers group and pre- and after school clubs
for local young people (see below).

The provision of an accessible and well- resourced site for these groups is one
of the most important contributions that the Bonhill church makes to social
capital in the local community. The financial cost of hiring other facilities is often
prohibitive for small organisations, particularly in deprived areas, and it was
argued by church members that some of these organisations would not be able
to function without access to the church facilities which may be hired at a
relatively low cost. It is interesting that the local community centre is also used
frequently. The church therefore provides a complimentary facility, rather than
merely plugging gaps, and there is evidence that a degree of co-ordination
exists between the two centres. The heavy use of the church facility is
remarkable given that, by its own admission, the congregation did not explicitly
seek out local organisations, but rather local organisations have tended to
approach them about using these premises. The levels of engagement are
primarily a result of word of mouth and reputation. The fact that the hall is used
so heavily is a result of three factors which have influenced the growing local
reputation of the church. Firstly the church has provided excellent facilities to
the groups which initially used the halls, both through an effort to refurbish the
premises and provide equipment and by church members offering an effective
and supportive management of local groups’ use of church facilities. Secondly,
and most importantly, the congregation has deliberately striven to develop a
welcoming and engaging ethos for all of its activities. This has included an
overtly welcoming attitude to individuals whether they are church members or
not and regardless of their personal circumstances. As one member put it ‘The
shadow you cast is important in determining how local people react to the
church.’ Within the development of this reputation, the minister believes it is
essential that local people are aware that they can approach the church without
questions being asked or judgements made. The twenty or so members of the
church present at the focus group were unanimous about the extent to which
the attitude and activities of the minister himself have contributed to this
reputation for openness and non-judgemental engagement.
A third aspect of community engagement has been the determination of the
congregation to say yes, as far as feasibly possible, to all requests for help they
receive from the local community. Whilst the congregation faces pressures

esulting from this approach, it has enhanced the reputation of the church as a
place where both local organisations and individuals are welcome, regardless of
any obvious connection to ‘traditional’ associations with the church.
Such a degree of community engagement brings a wide range of benefits.
Undoubtedly the church has provided support to individuals, both at moments of
crisis in their lives, but also through an on-going site connecting local people to
organisational activity and a wider sense of community. The wider community
has benefited through the strengthening of institutional infrastructure provided
by the range of organisations and groups that are supported by the church and
many of whose activities may be dependent on the existence of the church
facilities. Thirdly, the Bonhill congregation has itself benefited from this process.
The attendance at services is growing, and draws in individuals from all
sections of the local community and from a large surrounding area.
The church hall and its usage provides a physical symbol of the church’s
commitment to community, not only bringing benefits to organisational activity
and a sense of community, but reflecting a wider spirit of engagement with local
people. Although the church hall and formal church activities explain a great
deal of the prominence of Bonhill within the community, the importance of
individual church members’ participation in local organisations and communal
activities should not be neglected. Many of the membership are involved in
other local community groups and church members were directly responsible
for the establishment of both the Bonhill Community Drama Group and a local
Amnesty International group. The church is also involved in providing
organisational capacity, financial support, volunteers and venues for local
community events and activities which have included arts festivals, such as a
local pageant that played to 200 plus people, and various social gatherings
including dances, events for children and schools and community excursions.
The regular church rituals of weddings, baptisms, funerals and church services
also contribute to local social capital and sense of community, particularly given
the very large attendance at many of these occasions.

Relations with Other Organisations
The church has seen its reputation enhanced as an important institution locally
and has also become an important community actor, well known and consulted
across a wider area. It has also developed partnerships with local agencies
including local government, which recognises the church as an important voice
in the local decision-making process, providing opportunities for the
congregation to influence policy outcomes.
Thus, the development of the core activities based around the church hall has
resulted in opportunities for the church to contribute to local social capital in
other ways. For example, the Bonhill congregation has developed close
partnership with local schools, other church organisations, Dumbarton Theatre
Group and the local authority, which approached the church to provide views on
local issues and to be part of a consultation process on the development of
local services, which has resulted in a continuing congregational dialogue with
local government. The church maintains continual contact and communication
with local organisations, and appears to be a well-known and trusted institution.
It has developed partnerships with local community councils and tenant
associations as well as charities. On occasion it has provided financial support
to other organisations, but most frequently it contributes to local organisational
networks through the provision of facilities. The church is reported by members
of other local organisations to be ‘excellent in the community’, and has
contributed to the strong sense of community in Bonhill indicated by many
respondents.
Organisations utilising the church premises include a local playgroup, providing
facilities three days a week for fifteen local children. The church is also used by
Bonhill Out of School Care group, which provides snacks, toys and computer
equipment to approximately forty children from local schools. The service, which
has been running in Bonhill church for three and a half years, operates Monday
to Friday during term time and daily during school holidays. The co-ordinators of
both these projects reported that the church provided a very welcoming and
supportive environment for their activities. In addition to rent levels being
considerably lower than elsewhere, the church had provided equipment such as

computers and overhead projectors and church members had assisted in
building equipment such as cupboards.
The local community council keeps the church informed by sending copies of its
minutes and has developed informal networks of communication with the
congregation. Some community council members are also members of the
church. Members of the local tenants association also reported being aware of
linkages with the church. Similarly the Dalmonach community centre has had
informal linkages. Even members of community councils from neighbouring
areas were aware of the levels of activity at Bonhill church. Rev. Millar has
conducted services at a local sheltered housing complex and individual
residents of the complex also attend Bonhill services. Such networks are one
outcome of the congregation’s wider ethos of collaboration and perspective of
the church as part of the local community.
The case study also demonstrated the ability of local churches to influence
wider community relations. Bonhill church works closely with the local Roman
Catholic chapel to improve ecumenical relationships. A member of the chapel
reported that Rev. Millar facilitated evangelical working and linkages at both a
clergy and lay member level. These two churches have worked closely on a
number of projects including supporting a children’s hospice and various
charitable events and its is reported that the two church communities are very
close. Bonhill is also engaged in joint services of worship, informal meetings
and providing services with other local churches.
Challenges
Bonhill church faces a number of future challenges. It is evident that the church
is a dynamic local institution, and that its important status within the community
and exceptionally positive local image are the result of a momentum built up
over a considerable period of time. This has enabled the church to gain a
visibility and prominence that leads to increasing opportunities and requests to
participate in and facilitate a growing range of community activities. The church
has played a substantial role in generating local social capital through this
process and such levels of engagement will continue to bring significant

enefits to local individuals and organisations. The willingness of the church to
accommodate all local requests undoubtedly contributes to this success, but it
also creates pressures on its resources, particularly the time of its members as
volunteers. This is partially ameliorated by the strength and size of the
congregation, but retaining financial and volunteer capacity is an on-going issue
and in particular suggests a need to focus upon attracting younger members.
The diversity and spatial scale of Bonhill church’s influence and reputation
places it in strong position to contribute to economic and community
development at wider policy levels, but the church needs to decide about the
extent to which it wishes to develop this community advocacy role, given the
other pressures it faces. Such a role also entails a realignment of its relationship
with local government and funding sources. There is considerable frustration
within the congregation about the difficulty in securing formal funding sources.
Whilst the congregation finances its many activities, a renewed focus upon
funding sources would be worthwhile, although this is also dependent on the
attitudes and application processes of potential partners.
The church’s role in the community is based on a proactive attempt to broaden
its engagement and to address all the sections of the local community.
However, in one sense its activities are reactive, based upon the requests it
receives from local individuals and organisations. This brings many benefits,
and may well be the primary role it may play in responding sensitively to
changing needs and priorities. However there may be potential for Bonhill
church to play a more proactive role in co-ordinating organisational activities
and in facilitating joint working between organisations in addition to enabling
individual organisations to develop. Given its many other commitments such a
role would be difficult and time-consuming, but would bring benefits of
increased cohesion and co-ordination of local activity.
Finally, Bonhill congregation’s priorities for the future are indicative of its ethos
of adapting to change and reflect the church’s characteristics of innovation and
openness. However, as focus group participants pointed out, involvement in
addressing community problems, such as drug misuse and unemployment,

equires training and expertise and also the development of new forms of
relationships with other agencies including local government. Such engagement
therefore will necessitate new methods of working and forging new linkages
with local agencies.
Survey Results
The responses to the questionnaire survey indicates that there are very high
feelings of trust towards Bonhill church amongst residents, with the church seen
by members and residents alike as effective in supporting both local people and
organisations and a widespread belief that the church is interested in the whole
community (Table 8.2.1).
Table 8.2.1 Attitudes towards Bonhill Church
% strongly agreeing
or agreeing with
statement
Members
(n=112)
Resident
s
(n=27)
You can usually trust the church to do what is right 89 (42)* 80 (44)
The church is effective at supporting local people 96 (55) 70 (37)
The church is effective at supporting local organisations 88 (40) 67 (26)
The church is interested in the whole community 93 (62) 63 (37)
The church usually reflects the views of the local
61 (13) 59 (22)
community
Church members are representative of the local
68 (24) 52 (26)
community
Church members are particularly involved in local 59 (20) 59 (22)
organisations
* Numbers in brackets ( ) indicate percentages of respondents who ‘strongly agree’ with each
statement
Church members reported the importance of Bonhill church in encouraging a
‘close knit community in Bonhill’ and ‘keeping the community together in all
walks of life’. The church was characterised by members as both creating a
very strong internal community of support, but also of being an active part of the
wider community. One striking feature of the responses was the way Bonhill
church was perceived by non-members as reaching out to local residents of
other or no faiths, as one resident put it:

‘Bonhill Church and particularly the minister is a place you can always go for
comfort and guidance regardless of whether a member or not’.
Three respondents, who identified themselves as Roman Catholic, spoke of
their respect for Bonhill Church and for Rev. Millar. Other residents spoke of the
beneficial results for community links that interfaith co-operation brought about.
The reputation for honesty and approachability that Rev. Millar has is central to
this.
Church members were less certain about the extent to which the church
reflected the views of the local community, although seven in ten felt the
congregation to be representative, compared to half of the small sample of
residents. A similar majority of members and residents felt that members were
particularly active in the community, suggesting that, importantly, church
members are not only involved in activity, but have managed to convey this to
the wider community and to become a very visible presence.
Table 8.2.2 The Local Importance of Bonhill Church
The church is important…
% strongly agreeing
or agreeing with
statement
Members
Resident
s
In creating a sense of local community 92 (55)* 85 (41)
For spiritual well-being locally 94 (60) 85 (46)
In providing facilities for local people in need 79 (34) 59 (22)
For providing social occasions/community events 96 (40) 67 (22)
In helping to promote the needs of local people to outside
agencies
68 (25) 48 (22)
* Numbers in brackets ( ) indicate percentages of respondents who ‘strongly agree’ with each
statement
A large majority of both members and residents felt that Bonhill parish church
was important in creating a local sense of community and providing social
occasions and community events (Table 8.2.2). Members and residents were
slightly less certain about the role of the church in promoting the needs of local
people to agencies, partially, as they reported, through a lack of knowledge of
this area of engagement.

Conclusions
It is apparent that Bonhill Church has grown in terms of membership, financial
stability and influence in the local community. The ministers and members
believe this growth to be primarily a result of their faith and the development of
a vision of openness and enabling local action. The minister has been pivotal in
this process. In part his strength comes from his long-term ministry which has
enabled consistency and the development of his reputation as a widely known,
trusted and dynamic local actor. However, more important is his flexibility and
openness, and a willingness, as one respondent put it ‘to go the extra mile to
help people’ which enables him and the wider congregation to accommodate
the needs and priorities of a range of diverse groups.
Bonhill church has undoubtedly contributed to stocks of social capital in the
local community. It has facilitated and supported both the participation of a large
number of individuals in local events and has also enabled a growing number of
local organisations to establish themselves. The church has also made
substantial contributions to bridging social capital, in particular between
churches in the area, contributing to a local sense of social cohesion. Bonhill
demonstrates the potential capacity a church has to become a prominent and
trusted actor in local community development, responsive to local needs and
priorities and also the ability of churches to develop a role as advocates for their
local community in wider decision-making processes. This case study also
suggests that the national church can best assist congregations such as Bonhill
through encouraging autonomy, flexibility and innovation, complimented by
structures that provide support in gaining funding and that enable active
congregations to receive the resources they require to develop their roles within
communities. Such active engagement has also brought demonstrable benefits
to this church, including a growing membership and wider community
relevance, both of which are continuing priorities for the Church of Scotland at a
national level.

8.3 Case Study of Holy Trinity Church of Scotland, Wester Hailes,
Edinburgh
The Area
Holy Trinity parish lies within Wester Hailes, a large peripheral housing estate
constructed on the western edge of Edinburgh in the late 1960s, with a current
population of 11,000. Despite considerable regeneration intervention, primarily
through the ten year New Life for Urban Scotland programme begun in the late
80s and continuing through the Wester Hailes Partnership, the area continues
to suffer multiple deprivation with levels of poverty, low educational attainment
and single parent households above the city average. The housing tenure
remains primarily social rented housing, with local authority and housing
association stock and a number of right to buy and new build owner–occupier
developments. Wester Hailes has been physically transformed since the 1970s,
and the Holy Trinity web site identifies much of this transformation as a result of
the ‘initiative of the local community.’ The Holy Trinity church and community
centre is located in the centre of the estate, adjacent to the Wester Hailes
Partnership and Wester Hailes Representative Council (the community
organisations’ umbrella structure) offices and five minutes walk from the major
shopping centre complex.
The Church
The present Holy Trinity Church was built in 1972, and therefore its
establishment is concurrent with the beginnings of the estate. The church can
trace its history to the 12 th century. The historical streams of the ministry were
dually to help the poor and to undertake evangelical preaching directed to the
poor. Church members state that these two streams came together when the
successors to the Trinity College Church and Lady Glenorchy’s Church were
united in 1958 on a site in central Edinburgh, prior to the relocation to Wester
Hailes in 1972, and that these two themes continue to provide a dominant
influence for the work of the ministry.

The current minister, the Rev. Stanley Brook, has been in this charge for fifteen
years, the associate minister for ten years and the deaconess for eight years.
This continuity and stability was argued to be a crucial factor in the ability of the
church to undertake a co-ordinated community development role. The church
has 247 members, with approximately a half regularly attending services, and
24 elders. The membership of the congregation reflects the number of young
people in the parish. It is estimated that 20 percent of the congregation are
under 35 and that only 20 percent are over the age of 60. An estimated 70
percent of the congregation live within the parish boundaries.
The Church and the Community
The Holy Trinity congregation has identified an opportunity to provide help and
services to local people, particularly in the wake of reduced government funding
to the area. Its web site identifies three areas of particular focus:
- Support for single parent families (80% of births in the area are to single
mothers)
- Education (secondary school leavers’ achievement is about half of that of
the City of Edinburgh average)
- Alleviating general poverty (76% of households in the parish receive some
form of benefit).
The wider vision of the congregation is ‘to develop our role in the community of
Wester Hailes as we move into the new millennium.’ The level of community
outreach activity undertaken by Holy Trinity is reported to have been being
growing steadily since the 1990s.
Currently the church offers facilities in its church building and an adjacent
community hall, additionally providing meeting rooms and audio-visual
equipment. The church buildings are made available to community groups and
for conference events bringing delegates from further afield. The congregation
believe that further community development is increasingly constrained by
physical limitations and the high maintenance demands of the present buildings.
During the course of the research the main church building was substantially
damaged as a result of an arson attack. A primary aim of the congregation is to

improve the facilities that they provide to the wider local community through the
creation of a Trinity Centre. This will involve the refurbishment of existing
buildings, together with the construction of a community café and sports hall,
aiming in the long term to ‘allow communal activities to be available throughout
the week’ (see below*). The church web site states: ‘We intend to add value to
the lives of the people with whom we have contact, now and in the future.’
The church acts as an important conduit of information to the local community.
It provides information through its notice board, a newsletter, a column in the
local ‘Sentinel’ community newspaper and in its well-developed web site. In
addition the congregation have produced television programmes. The church
also proactively attempts to gather information from the local community
through conducting its own surveys and placing requests in its newsletter and
local press articles asking local residents for their perceptions about the
relevance of the Holy Trinity congregation to the local community.
Holy Trinity provides a number of direct services to local people in immediate
need, including an emergency food cupboard and an additional clothes store,
accessible free to any local resident. It has also helped in decorating residents’
homes and has on occasion donated small financial grants to those in
immediate need. The congregation also provides a daily café in its premises,
offering affordable or free meals to local residents. In addition the congregation
operates a kid’s breakfast club to youngsters aged five to twelve, few of whom
are church members. The congregation have a dedicated youth ministry team,
providing a drop-in centre for teenagers, and through their Teens Club, which is
attended by between 60 to 80 local young people, offers football, basketball,
pool quiz nights, help and information with living skills, drug education,
computing and counselling services. Holy Trinity has particularly well developed
links with the local schools, reflecting one of its three main areas of focus
identified above. It provides chaplaincy services to four primary schools in the
area and a drop in counselling service in the local secondary school. In addition
it offers children’s and teenager’s ministries, including Alpha courses, children’s
holiday clubs and teenage camps and events.

Holy Trinity also plays an important role in seeking to integrate marginalised
sections of the local community. Its premises are made available to the local
Asian Women’s Group and in its café/drop-in centre local young people who
have been expelled or excluded from schools are given lunch and an
opportunity to chat to members. Elderly residents are also provided with meals
and are given help in their homes and transport when required. The
congregation also established a new mother and toddlers group in the area. An
important characteristic of the Holy Trinity congregation is that around fifteen
percent of its membership comprises individuals with various mental health
special needs. The congregation offers a supportive environment, and can
demonstrate examples of providing training, work opportunities and increasing
self-esteem to many of these members. The various facilities offered by the
congregation are also made available to a number of individuals referred to
them by local social work and citizen’s advice services, suggesting an
engagement with, and awareness of, the church amongst local agencies. The
church’s commitment to supporting marginalised individuals is further
demonstrated in its involvement in chaplaincy services to a local prison.
The congregation provides transport services, crèches, after-school clubs,
educational classes and arts projects to both its own membership and nonchurch
local residents. The church also organises parents’ support groups,
addiction support groups, tutoring and mentoring facilities to local people. Much
of the contribution of the church to social capital comes through its pastoral care
activities, including attempts to foster good neighbour relations and providing
transport, help with shopping and gardens, child care, and befriending initiatives
to members and others. The church contributes to wider social events in the
parish, including gala days and community celebrations, arts events, and
environmental improvement schemes, both through its individual members and
through official church participation.
Relations with Other Organisations
The minister characterises the relationship with local organisations as one of
regular contact and communication. The church has contributed significantly to
the institutional infrastructure of Wester Hailes. Individuals have gone on from

church involvement to activities in other local organisations including
neighbourhood councils and the congregation has provided financial support,
volunteers, meeting places and equipment to a range of local religious,
voluntary and community organisations. The church does not undertake a coordinating
role between local organisations, arguing that the local
Representative Council already undertakes such a role.
The church has some connections to local agency networks. It has participated
in planning discussions, particularly with regard to the re-opening of the Union
canal through the estate, and has links with local school boards, neighbourhood
councils and anti-racism awareness campaigns and has been actively
approached to become involved in these organisations and issues. It was
involved in a local campaign for better street lighting and has supported people
in letter-writing campaigns on local issues as well as hosting local meetings. In
addition, it sought to provide a solution to a local problem by making its car park
facility freely accessible to all. The church has good links with local housing
agencies and the community newspaper. It has worked with both the Wester
Hailes Partnership and the local neighbourhood council. These relations are
sometimes difficult, characterised by a mixture of warmth, unawareness and on
occasion a degree of hostility, reflecting the fact that, according to church
members, they face a struggle at personal levels. Overall, church members
believe that local community organisations are tolerably well disposed to the
church, although there is an amount of indifference towards their activities. The
church recently lost seat its seat on the local neighbourhood council.
Holy Trinity is heavily involved in partnership with other churches in the area,
including undertaking campaigning and promotional activities and has benefited
from receiving volunteers and limited financial support from other congregations
with greater resources. Holy Trinity has participated in training programmes and
joint ventures with a range of religious organisations, including a significant
number of student secondments to the congregation. The church has close
links with the local Roman Catholic congregation, publicising each other’s
events, guest preaching and numerous ‘lose affiliations’. The church holds joint
elders meetings, prayer gatherings and outreach and youth events with the

local Baptist church. It also has what the minister describes as a ‘live link’ with
the local Episcopal congregation, which has contributed a donation to help with
Holy Trinity’s youth ministry. This harmonious relationship also manifests itself
in several members of the Episcopal church working as volunteers in the Trinity
café. Holy Trinity is linked with four local Church of Scotland congregations,
organising communal elders meetings and joint services. The five
congregations are currently exploring the possibilities of staff exchanges.
Holy Trinity is less involved in partnerships at wider levels beyond Wester
Hailes, apart from bringing some groups to work with local youngsters within its
youth ministry programme.
The minister believes that within the wider community, the church is a partially
known and trusted organisation, a view validated in the survey responses of the
small sample of residents shown below. Members of the church focus group
were insistent that local ownership and effectiveness were essential in
community development, and that they were well placed to facilitate this. The
minister argues that the church role within this must be indigenous, ‘as servants
not imperialists’. Church members identified two factors as central to this
process. Firstly, the importance of faith, and the need to link the spiritual focus
of the church to local social and political development and secondly, the key
importance of relationships with individuals and local organisations, which
enable the church to address the limitations its own resources place upon it.
Survey Findings
Whilst several residents stated that the church meant nothing to them, and were
negative in their assessment of its activities, other non-members were ‘glad its
there and know its doing good work in the community.’ The church column in
the local paper was mentioned by some as helpful and encouraging.
Table 8.3.1 Attitudes to Holy Trinity Church
% strongly agreeing
or agreeing with
statement
Members Resident

(n=83)
s
(n=20)
You can usually trust the church to do what is right 93 (47)* 55 (25)
The church is effective at supporting local people 89 (48) 40 (25)
The church is effective at supporting local organisations 64 (20) 45 (20)
The church is interested in the whole community 89 (54) 50 (25)
The church usually reflects the views of the local
44 (15) 40 (15)
community
Church members are representative of the local
71 (28) 30 (15)
community
Church members are particularly involved in local 62 (15) 40 (10)
organisations
* Numbers in brackets ( ) indicate percentages of respondents who ‘strongly agree’ with each
statement
Church members strongly believed that the congregation acted as an ‘outreach
of hope for the community’ and many argued that it had actively ‘reached out to
the community in practical ways’. Whilst there is some doubt about the
effectiveness of the church (Table 8.3.1), around half of the responding
residents trusted the church and felt it to be interested in the wider community.
Members are sure about the effectiveness of the church in supporting local
people and its interest in the whole community and believe themselves to be
representative, although they were less certain whether the church reflects the
views of community.
Table 8.3.2 The Local Importance of Holy Trinity Church
The church is important…
% strongly agreeing
or agreeing with
statement
Members
Resident
s
In creating a sense of local community 91 (55)* 50 (25)
For spiritual well-being locally 95 (61) 50 (30)
In providing facilities for local people in need 94 (57) 45 (30)
For providing social occasions/community events 57 (18) 45 (15)
In helping to promote the needs of local people to outside
agencies
71 (30) 40 (20)
* Numbers in brackets ( ) indicate percentages of respondents who ‘strongly agree’ with each
statement
Half of the responding residents believed that the church was important in
creating a sense of local community (Table 8.3.2), whilst church members see
Holy Trinity as particularly important in providing for those in need. (Some nonmembers
stated that they were aware of, and supported, the children’s

eakfast club and the church’s role in promoting the needs of local people to
outside agencies). The church was also regarded by its members as playing a
vital role in engendering a spirit of hope and possibility in the wider community.
Conclusions
It is easy to characterise Holy Trinity as, in the words of the minister, ‘ a
suffering congregation in a suffering community’. However, the congregation
has achieved significant successes. An important feature of this success has
been the emphasis upon incorporating and supporting individuals within the
wider activities of the church, with a focus upon the spiritual and emotional
wellbeing of individuals, rather than simply providing services.
Financial constraints upon the congregation are demonstrated by its decision to
sell communion silver to raise desperately needed finance. The congregation is
constantly striving to achieve a balance of successful political and pastoral
relationships, although the church faces some difficulties in negotiating the
complex relationships it has with secular bodies. Whilst members recognise the
need to secure grant funding to further its activities, Holy Trinity has
experienced difficulties in obtaining grants from established secular sources.
The focus group members believed that at times faith was a disadvantage in
this process, for example they have been required to differentiate the activities
or management groups of potential community projects from the wider church.
As with other congregations in similar locations, Holy Trinity operates in a
competitive environment in seeking to obtain Social Inclusion Partnership
funding. Several members felt there was a dissonance between the rhetoric of
government support for faith groups and the reality of these funding
mechanisms. This difficulty in accessing secular streams of resourcing has
partially been compensated by the support Holy Trinity receives from the wider
church, such as the Board of Mission and grants from a religious charity,
achieved as a result of the excellent linkages it has developed. Equally
important is the perception within the congregation that they have a degree of
autonomy and may take risks in developing innovative forms of community
support and engagement.

The willingness of the congregation to engage with the community
demonstrates the importance of not developing a laager or defensive mentality.
Holy Trinity defines itself as a community within a community, not exclusive but
related to the local people and promoting a sense of family and providing hope.
Bridge building is crucial, requiring an acceptance of different values, strengths
and weaknesses. The team ministry has been very important to the ability of the
congregation to continue to develop a community development focus in the face
of several setbacks, and to develop a long-term commitment to community
outreach and within this a recognition that small successes to individual
residents are hugely significant to their lives, and that such contributions are as
important locally as major ‘community-level’ breakthroughs.
* The proposed Trinity Centre aims to provide improved kitchen facilities,
laundry and shower facilities, a multi-purpose rooms for counselling, workshops
and seminars, and a cyber café. It will be used as a site for basic training and
new computerised services including debt repayment supervision. The
renovation will include improved disabled access and an expansion to the café
and larger accommodation for food and clothes stores. The long-term vision is
for a dedicated sports and leisure centre providing five a side football, pool and
table tennis, aerobics and incorporating a spectator’s gallery. In addition to a
new sports hall, there will be a café and new reception area.

8.4 Case Study of Lilliesleaf Church of Scotland (Eckford and
Lilliesleaf)
The Local Area
Lilliesleaf is a small village located in the Borders county of Roxburgh. It has a
population of approximately 400, which is around half of its mid 19 th century
population. This reflects the wider social and economic changes resulting in
fewer people remaining to work on the land. Traditionally a community of
farmers and those working on the land the village is increasingly home to
workers who commute to the surrounding towns and to Edinburgh. The village
is near the larger towns of Selkirk and Jedburgh and this also promotes access
to the smaller rural church preferred by some residents of these towns. The
local primary school has just under a hundred pupils while local social life is
generally supported by the local pub, the Plough Inn, and a small village shop.
Lilliesleaf has a stable population, with a core of long-term residents although
there has also been some new housing development proposed. Young people
in particular leave to employment or further education elsewhere, often not
returning. The proposals for the re-opening of the Borders railway may change
the life of the village once again in the future but for now Lilliesleaf remains an
attractive though isolated village with some degree of hidden rural poverty side
by side with affluence like many other villages in the area.
The Church and the Community
Lilliesleaf has changed as a parish over time quite dramatically with links
between other parishes evolving and changing over time culminating with the
current parish containing three churches – Ancrum, Crailing and Eckford and
Lilliesleaf itself. The current minister is Rev. Frank Campbell. There are 150
members of the congregation with ten elders. Ninety percent of the
congregation live within the parish boundaries. Turnover among the
congregation has primarily been due to death and infirmity since the area is
predominantly made-up of older people highlighting a stability in the community
but also a certain difficulty in getting new members. In response to these issues

ecent times have seen the church canvassing its congregation on their views of
the positive aspects of the church and the development of the role of the church
among the wider community.
The poverty briefly mentioned earlier was seen as an important aspect of life in
the area though it was also viewed as something of a hidden problem with
people getting on with things even in situations of relative hardship. Related to
these issues, but also a feature of rural living, was the spatial isolation that
some members of the community experienced. Living one or two miles down
the road could mean being well out of the circuit of communication and
increased difficulties associated with getting provisions and seeing others. One
treasurer, for example, lived a mile away when he was in Ancrum and found
that he felt isolated from local news and happenings.
The Church Role
The role of the church was viewed with a sense of mission and the need to act
as a mouthpiece for the congregation as well as the wider community on a
number of issues. The need for a focal point and for a sense of leadership, was
regularly cited in our interview with the minister and church treasurer. The
church was seen as an important forum for wider discussion and as a channel
for communication with authorities. The example of local road proposals which
had met with local resistance was given. This was a case in which the church
had represented local views, with some success, to the local authority. The
church building itself is clearly important in providing a specific place for people
to meet though its precise role as a place of worship was emphasised. The
general loss of services in rural areas was seen as a key area in which the
church might make some difference. This was linked to an implicit authority and
privileged position which the church had in local matters.
There was a general belief that around half of the local population go to church
for something once a year so it was important to build on even this small role for
some people to try and communicate with a broader base within the local
community. One basic way of communicating with local people was through the
distribution of a magazine to members and some other individuals, though it

was not sent not to all local residents. In general the community was seen as
quite open with denominational barriers being viewed as being less prominent
than in other areas of Scotland. This was demonstrated in the members of other
churches who occasionally attended Lilliesleaf church.
Other forums also existed for local people to meet. The local pub, for example,
provided a place for people to chat while the village shop also provided a similar
role. However, in the case of the pub there was also a social club which was run
mostly by church members (though as individuals rather than in their role as
members of the church). This raises another important point in that the majority
of ‘community active’ people were more often to be found in the church.
Newsletters were sent out throughout the year to the community whether they
were church members or not. This acted as means of communicating what was
going on in the area and to spread the role of the church through the
community. The role of the church was felt to spread through a great deal of the
local community’s lives but that this was often not acknowledged – it was
strongly felt that the role of the church locally would quickly become apparent if
it were to close. The role of this rural parish was also widening with
townspeople coming to church more often and this was generally viewed with
enthusiasm.
Another wider role for the church related to its function as a form of ‘social glue’
for the community, providing companionship for people like widows and
widowers in the area, people who were often thought of as those who would
never ask for help themselves. The minister took this role seriously and, for
example, would park at one end of the village in order to walk through in order
to talk to any parishioners he might meet.
Relations with Other Local Organisations
The local church was engaged with a range of other organisations in both the
religious and everyday life of the community. Within the church itself meetings
were occasionally held with other parishes with whom they might sometimes
work together on specific issues but this was generally rare. Church members

were well represented on the local community council which again supports the
idea that local church members were to some extent more motivated in local
community activities.
Some contact was made with members of the local Pentecostal church who
would also come to some of the activities and services at Lilliesleaf as well as
the local scout leader. However, it is important to understand that the very small
size of the village meant that there were very few other organisations who the
church might work with and, in general, the church itself was the catalyst of the
majority of local community activities.
Survey Findings
In Lilliesleaf parish there appears to be a greater degree of difference between
the perceptions of members and non-members. Only three in ten residents
agreed that they could usually trust church (although very few of these
respondents actively distrusted the church, rather they were unsure or unaware
of church activity). A higher percentage of residents felt that church was
effective in supporting local people. One non-member believed the church
‘strives to give a voice to the needs of a local village in supporting practical
solutions’. This suggests the church faces a challenge in demonstrating
relevance to those not currently engaged with it, in terms of representativeness
and the activities of its members.
Table 8.4.1 Attitudes towards Lilliesleaf Church
% strongly agreeing
or agreeing with
statement
Members
(n=41)
Resident
s
(n=36)
You can usually trust the church to do what is right 85 (39)* 31 (0)
The church is effective at supporting local people 82 (41) 47 (3)
The church is effective at supporting local organisations 76 (21) 37 (0)
The church is interested in the whole community 87 (40) 42 (11)
The church usually reflects the views of the local
community
Church members are representative of the local
community
50 (8) 19 (0)
66 (21) 31 (3)

Church members are particularly involved in local
organisations
59 (23) 31 (3)
* Numbers in brackets ( ) indicate percentages of respondents who ‘strongly agree’ with each
statement
Several survey respondents reported having no connection with the church and
were unaware of its activities. Several more respondents reported having no
personal connections with the church but respected its activities and recognised
the important role it played for others. Clearly, the majority of residents see the
church as important to creating a sense of local community and providing social
events, although the church is less widely perceived by non-members to be
involved in providing facilities or promoting the needs of local people. There
was strong support from church members for the minister and his efforts to
increase levels of community engagement but that this process had been
difficult.
Table 8.4.2 The Local Importance of Lilliesleaf Church
The church is important…
% strongly agreeing
or agreeing with
statement
Members
Resident
s
In creating a sense of local community 95 (39)* 58 (11)
For spiritual well-being locally 87 (31) 42 (8)
In providing facilities for local people in need 59 (13) 26 (0)
For providing social occasions/community events 67 (23) 49 (3)
In helping to promote the needs of local people to outside
agencies
54 (15) 23 (6)
* Numbers in brackets ( ) indicate percentages of respondents who ‘strongly agree’ with each
statement
Conclusions
The isolation, deprivation and general diminutive size of the village of Lilliesleaf
meant that contact was necessarily more sporadic while the ability of the church
to engage with others was also hampered in a way that urban churches do not
have to contend with. A drive to understand the motivations and capabilities of
church members and to extend the role of the church locally was seen as part
of wider remit of church activities that saw it as a significant leader locally in
acting as a mouthpiece for local affairs. To some extent there was also a feeling

of exclusion from the wider urban agendas and this was related to the
withdrawal of rural services in the area.
While the church was generally engaged in its own affairs locally this must be
set in the context of a small community with similarly small number of
community forums. While the congregation is ageing and generally fewer go to
church there was a positive feeling about the significance of the church’s role
locally as a form of ‘social glue’ which helped people to get by in their personal
and communal difficulties outside of the formal role of the church as well as
sticking together against external threats when these arose.
8.5 Case Study of St Monans Church of Scotland, Fife
The Local Area
St. Monans is a rural coastal community in the East Neuk of Fife, comprising
700 houses with a population of 1500. The village is built around its harbour,
with many old houses around its main streets and newer estates built inland.
The village has a long tradition of fishing and boat building employment, with at
one time three boat yards existing in St. Monans. Both industries have declined,
and although there is still a very small active fishing community, the village, like
much of the surrounding areas, has a relatively high unemployment rate. The
population used to be very stable but has become more fluid as new houses are
constructed and young people in particular leave to employment or further
education elsewhere. It is estimated that two thirds of the remaining population
have traditional connections to the village. A growing number of St Monan’s
residents commute to work and tourism is an increasingly important part of the
local economy, despite the lack of cafes and bed and breakfasts in the village.
The village comprises mostly owner occupied housing, although it has a mix of
affluent and deprived households, with both commuting middle class and rural
working class residents.

St Monans Parish Church
St Monans church has been established for 700 years at its present site on the
shore west of the village. The Auld Kirk of St Monans became ruinous after the
Reformation but was re-roofed in 1646 to become the village’s parish church.
Further restoration was carried out in the early nineteenth century and the
interior was restored in 1955. The present minister is Rev. Donald McEwan,
who has been in the charge for just over a year. The church membership is
currently 277, with 16 elders. Roughly a third of the members regularly attend
services. Reflecting the population in the village as a whole, 50 percent of the
congregation are aged over sixty with five percent aged under thirty five. 90
percent of the congregation live in the parish boundaries, although some
members live in nearby Anstruther, Pittenweem or St Andrews.
The Church and the Community
The minister and church members felt that there were no barriers between the
church and the community and that he was recognised by local people as their
minister whether or not they were members or attended church. Although the
minister reported that the activities of the church were primarily memberorientated,
he also believed that the church was a well-known and trusted
organisation locally. The church distributes a magazine to members and other
named individuals, but not to all local residents. The last piece of wider public
consultation undertaken by the church addressed the issue of the ministerial
vacancy now filled by Rev. McEwan.
The role and profile of the church locally is reported to be demonstrated in its
central function in funerals, baptisms and weddings (attendance at funerals may
be as high as three hundred people compared to the usual congregation of one
hundred). Other services are said to be very important in anchoring the church
within the wider local community, in particular Easter, Christmas and
Remembrance Sunday. The church plays an important role in the main annual
civic event in St. Monans, the Kirking of the Sea Queen. This gala occasion
involves a local schoolgirl being crowned the village’s Sea Queen for the year.
On the day a major procession is led to St. Monans Church, where a ceremony

takes place. This ceremony is clearly important to the identity of the village, and
the church’s role, both as physical location and through the ceremonial part
played by the minister, is central.
The physical presence of the Church within the village increases its visibility and
makes it a central symbol of the village’s identity and traditions. The Church
benefits from both the striking Kirk building, whose location, age and
architecture make it an important heritage site and also its hall, which provides
a premises for communal activities in St. Monans. The minister and members of
the congregation are determined that neither the Kirk nor hall become ‘closed
buildings’, but rather that they are open for visitors and are used by the
community. As tourism becomes increasingly important to the local economy,
the Kirk building, as a distinctive visitor attraction, is a crucial asset for the local
community. The St. Monans congregation is aware of this potential. Members
are often present in the Kirk to welcome tourists and provide information and
the Kirk is part of the Scotland’s Churches Scheme. The Kirk building is
therefore a source of outreach to both local residents and visitors. There is a
recognition that the village requires to develop some tourist infrastructure to
further the growth of tourism, and the minister very much sees the Kirk as
contributing to this wider economic renewal. One example of this is the heritage
collection in the village, including exhibitions of local photographs, in which
church members have been involved
The church hall and meeting rooms in the village provides vital premises for
community activities. These have included brownies, cubs (now defunct), the
Salvation Army, a mothers and toddlers group, country dancing, football and
badminton. The church contributes to the civic life of the community and is
centrally involved in the organisation of the local summer festival. It has been
involved in organising summer sales, and nearly new sales in the Church Hall,
which attracts a wide participation from local people. The church also runs stalls
at the gala day. A more regular sale of work was also established but struggled
because of lack of support. The Church has also organised or supported local
Christmas Fayres and ceiliehs. This support is either financial, or more usually
in the provision of premises, volunteers and assistance in the organisation of

the events. Other examples include church members providing teas for a local
open garden event and the congregation bringing the Royal Scottish National
Orchestra to perform in the hall, an event that attracted a large audience. The
church has organised local medieval mystery plays, involving church and nonchurch
members, as part of the local gala week. The church Guild is also an
important local organisation, particularly because Guild members come from
other churches and includes non- church members. The Guild’s Autumn Club
runs from October to March, and meets weekly in the hall usually attracting a
good attendance. The Guild has also organised coffee evenings and has
attempted to attract visitors to the village in addition to making particular efforts
to involve local elderly people.
Community involvement is often at an individual level; there is no pastoral care
team although elders visit every member at least once a year. Individuals
engaged in church activities have gone on to become involved in other
community organisations. It is estimated that around half of the St Monans
congregation are members of other local community groups. Like every local
institution, the church faces the issue of groups of people not wishing to
become involved in organisational activity. It is argued that churches are
particularly important in addressing this issue because their members may be
more likely to join other organisations and to volunteer. This includes members
who may not attend the church regularly but attend other groups.
Members of St Monans congregation are heavily involved in supporting local
and international charities and voluntary organisations. One church elder is the
manager of a local cancer care centre. The minister and church members
provide financial support or volunteer their services to charities, both locally,
including the North East Fife Key Fund, a charity for local homeless people and
a hospice for the war blinded, and further afield, including a children’s hospice
in Kinross. The church also has experience of working with local government
through the local luncheon club for infirm and housebound people, which is
funded by Fife Council and where every volunteer was a church member (see
below). The minister also conducts services at a Fife Council care home in

nearby Anstruther. In addition the church raises funds for international charities
such as Christian Aid and is involved with Tradecraft in promoting fair trade.
The Church Role
The minister and members of the focus group believe that the church is trying to
be outgoing and is identifying where there is scope for doing things differently,
in particular through providing different age groups with their own opportunities
for participation, in activities which may not be specifically religious. This
involves a recognition that different sections of the population may require their
spiritual needs to be addressed in less traditional forms of worship and activity.
As one church member put it ‘In the past everyone belonged to church. Now the
relationship is more open. We go out to the community and the community
come to us’. Another member believed that local people would be ‘Very upset if
church wasn’t there, people don’t mind if you are a church member or not’.
Whilst all the members of the focus group agreed they would like the church to
visibly serve the community, they believe they are limited in what actions they
can undertake because their congregation is ageing, with a reliance on already
committed activists and with few replacements for those volunteers who retire.
Church members did not believe that finance was a barrier to community
activity, because they had secured grants from local government, secular and
religious agencies when required. They also believed that money was
generated for the church within the village, for example the £1500 raised in
previous appeals for funding to renovate the church premises. Such funding
also demonstrates the wider acceptance and support for the church beyond its
immediate membership.
The members of the focus group did not believe that their role could be easily
taken on by other organisations because most of activities have a spiritual focus
and that such a spiritual framework was crucial to the well-being of the local
community and was there for local residents at certain points in their lives.
There believed there were no local objections to church running social events.
Similarly, church members would not wish to see the church replacing local
secular organisations. They argue that their outreach activities reflects their

Christian values, and in particular the need for the church to engage with the
spiritual as well as the social dimension to individuals and the local community.
Relations with Other Local Organisations
The minister characterised the church’s contact and communication with other
organisation as occasional, occurring when required. The church has provided
organisational assistance, money, volunteers and premises to local
organisations. The relations that St Monans Church of Scotland has with other
local organisations may be classified in three categories.
In the first category are organisations where there is evidence of partnership
working and strong relations based upon regular communication and contact,
including the community council. There are no formal linkages between the
community council and the church, but the council has used church premises
for meetings and six out of thirteen members of the community council are
members of the St Monans congregation. The independence of the two
organisations was seen as desirable, and the strength of informal linkages
negated the need for more formal structures. The minister is a member of the
council, creating a permanent link between the two bodies and enabling the coordination
of activity, particularly relating to civic events in the town and
publicising each other’s work. The congregation also has a positive and longstanding
relationship with the staff and pupils of the local primary school. The
minister is the school chaplain and is also a member of the school board. The
minister takes religious education classes on a weekly basis and the church
also financially supports a Christian youth worker in a local secondary school.
He works with primary children on a weekly basis. The head teacher of the
primary school believes this close working brings benefits to both institutions
including co-ordinating activities with the curriculum and enabling pupils to
contribute to church events, for example through special services and providing
scenery for church plays. The co-ordination of activities has extended to
planning Sunday schools and after school clubs. The church’s Sunday school
includes a mixture of local children with and without other church connections,
and enables the church to engage with a wide range of families through Sunday

school events. The church has organised a number of excursions for young
people, both church and non-church members.
The church has also developed an informal relationship with the local luncheon
club that uses the church hall because of its prominent and accessible location
in the centre of St Monans. This Fife Council-funded project provides meals to
twelve local residents. The co-ordinator believes that the St Monans
congregation is mostly supportive of the project utilising church facilities. Such
support is evidenced by the fact that all twelve of the project volunteers are
members of the St Monans congregation, who were recruited following a direct
appeal to the congregation. Rev. McEwan is also developing links with
Abercrombie Court, a local sheltered housing complex, some of whose
residents are members of the congregation. Rev. McEwan holds services for
the residents in the church hall and is currently planning with the warden to
organise services within the complex itself later in the year.
A second category of organisations includes those with no real church
connections, but where there is an awareness of each other’s activities. These
organisations include the Autumn Club, with approximately forty attendees at its
weekly events, some of whose members are also church members and where
the minister and other church members have given talks in the past. Similarly
the church has no formal contact with the local playgroup although they
recognise each other’s activities. The playgroup leader also indicated that Rev.
McEwan had developed a child-orientated focus to church activities and that
recently the wider awareness of church activities has also grown locally.
A third group of organisations comprises those with no church connection,
primarily because of a perception that their roles require them to be visibly
separate. This includes the local community project and café, established two
years to provide a meeting place for local people and to facilitate opportunities
for local people to access educational courses. This project, funded by grants
from a variety of sources employs a co-ordinator and two assistants in addition
to a team of nine volunteers. Whilst the project is not religious, and would
probably not wish to develop such an image, its secretary offered a very

positive view of the minister and suggested church members would be very
welcome to use the project’s services.
The relations between St Monans congregation and local religious
organisations also may be placed in this category. There are no joint worship
events or partnership structures with either the Braehead Evangelical Church or
the Brethren Gospel Hall, although invitations are on occasion offered to attend
each other’s events. Even though members of these other organisations
stressed the worth and necessity of their independent identities and purposes, it
was reported that relations with St Monans congregation on a personal and
informal level were positive.
It is also the case that the church has been engaged in joint services of worship,
informal meetings and more formal partnerships with other religious
organisations in the surrounding area such as the ecumenical East Neuk
Consultative Committee, which has included a focus on securing funding for a
Gospel hall.
Survey Findings
Just over half of the residents who responded to the survey agree that the
church can usually be trusted, that it is effective in supporting local people and
organisations and that it is interested in the whole community (Table 8.5.1).
There were several very positive comments from members about the church
being the ‘mainstay’ and ‘biggest social attraction’ in the village and widespread
support for the new minister, who was also perceived by several non-residents
as attempting to increase the church’s engagement with non-members.

Table 8.5.1. Attitudes Towards St Monans Church
% strongly agreeing
or agreeing with
statement
Members
(n=101)
Resident
s
(n=60)
You can usually trust church to do what is right 82 (33)* 56 (25)
The church is effective at supporting local people 86 (30) 58 (20)
The church is effective at supporting local organisations 75 (18) 56 (19)
The church is interested in the whole community 84 (31) 58 (18)
The church usually reflects the views of the local
53 (13) 28 (7)
community
Church members are representative of the local
69 (17) 38 (9)
community
Church members are particularly involved in local 66 (13) 41 (10)
organisations
* Numbers in brackets ( ) indicate percentages of respondents who ‘strongly agree’ with each
statement
The church faces a challenge in demonstrating both its ability to reflect the
views of the wider St Monans community and the degree of representativeness
of the congregation. There were several non-members who believed that the
church was exclusively inward- looking, and uninterested in non-members.
However, many members and non-members stated that the church, both as a
building and institution, was of very important historical value to the identity of
the village.
Table 8.5.2 The Local Importance of St Monans Church
The church is important…
% strongly agreeing
or agreeing with
statement
Members
Resident
s
In creating a sense of local community 93 (43)* 66 (27)
For spiritual well-being locally 89 (45) 66 (22)
In providing facilities for local people in need 57 (16) 34 (12)
For providing social occasions/community events 82 (20) 49 (17)
In helping to promote the needs of local people to outside
agencies
53 (12) 38 (10)
* Numbers in brackets ( ) indicate percentages of respondents who ‘strongly agree’ with each
statement

Two thirds of non-member residents felt the church to be important in creating a
sense of local community and spiritual wellbeing, and half saw the church as
important in providing social occasions and community events. However, only a
minority of residents regarded the church as important in providing facilities for
local people in need or in promoting the needs of local people to outside
agencies.
Conclusions
St Monans reflects many of the issues facing the Church of Scotland nationally.
It has an ageing congregation, partially reflecting the changing population in
rural areas. The minister himself has realised that the church needs to engage
with the working age population, which is increasingly transient and consists of
a growing number of local residents who work outwith the village. The church
also needs to respond to the growing diversity in the village, and to address
both the needs of the incoming population and long-term residents. St. Monans
church plays a crucial role in maintaining the civic life of the village, particularly
through its central role in the major community events such as the Sea Queen
ceremony and gala week, which reaffirm the traditional identity and sense of
community within St. Monans. The challenge for the congregation is to develop
this central role and to adapt it to the emerging priorities of the wider population.
The church is well placed to do this, particularly through the innovative use of its
halls, and has demonstrated its ability to offer important local community arts
events. The church also appears to be aware of growing opportunities in
tourism and has identified a role for itself and its historic Kirk within a wider
attempt to attract and cater for visitors.
Again, reflecting national findings about rural congregations, there appears to
be a sense of goodwill and trust towards the church locally and the boundaries
between church and community are porous. The relationship between the
church, local residents and other local organisations is characterised by
informal networking within a small community where residents tend to know
each other and where membership of local organisations overlap considerably.
These informal relationships offer the most effective means of building

communal activity and strengthening networks, rather than constructing more
formal structures of communication and partnership. The church needs to be
aware however that such networks involve a core of active residents, and may
not always extend to less involved residents. It is important that the church
seeks methods for engaging with such groups. The church has already
demonstrated a willingness to work with outside agencies and to develop
partnerships with local government and local schools. These more formal
partnerships enable the provision of local services and facilities, which are not
easily replicated through informal structures, and compliment the work of
individual church members in other voluntary organisations. The church also
benefits from the positive perception of the role of their new minister, who is
reported to have increased awareness of church activities and is regarded as
being willing to engage with other organisations, even where there is no real
connection between these organisations and the church. This image provides
opportunities for the church to develop relationships with organisations it has
not traditionally been engaged with, whilst recognising the value of the particular
identities and appeals of these organisations to different sections of the local
community.
Rev. McEwan is a new minister and St Monans appears to be at the beginning
of taking stock of its role and identifying how it can begin a process of widening
its engagement and reaffirming its relevance to the life of the community. Such
a process requires it to continue to build on its traditional strength in supporting
the civic and spiritual life of the village through identifying new processes for the
church to engage with different sections of a changing local population.
8.6 Aggregated Survey Findings
Congregation Members
Table 8.6.1 provides data about the extent to which any benefits of
congregational membership may manifest themselves within the local
community. In this section of the analysis of congregations, data is not included
from Lilliesleaf as they were undertaking their own survey at the time of the

esearch. We identified what proportion of congregation members lived within
the parish and used this as a rough proxy for the extent to which benefits of
members’ engagement in local networks and organisations were retained within
the immediate community. There is a clear contrast here between Holy Trinity
and the other two congregations (although Bonhill also has a sizeable
proportion of its membership drawn from outwith the parish who may not have
been representatively covered by this survey). This may mean that some of the
benefits of congregational membership, such as increased confidence and
willingness to participate in community groups may manifest themselves in
other geographical areas. Of course, gathered congregations may also gain
benefits from linkages with individuals from other areas. Members of the
congregations were asked about their involvement in their church’s communityfocused
activities. Approximately half were involved in Holy Trinity and St
Monans, whilst just over a quarter were involved in Bonhill. These activities
included traditional forms of participation such as Ladies Guilds, youth
organisations, church-school events and numerous fetes, coffee mornings and
sales of work. Members were also involved in the production of church
magazines and had organised flower festivals, open garden events, civic weeks
and community dramas. Several members helped to run sporting activities such
as badminton, aerobics clubs or walking trips and away days. Members also
volunteered to staff church run facilities including mother and toddler groups,
lunch and breakfast clubs and hospital cafes. A few members acted as
representatives for their church on local organisations and committees.
Table 8.6.1 Church Members’ Local Connections and Activities (%)
Percentage of members who… Bonhill
N= 112
Holy
Trinity
N= 83
St.
Monans
N= 101
Mean
N=
296
Live in parish 96* 56 97 85
Are involved in church activities 28 45 47 39
Are members of other local
organisations
35 23 30 30
* As described, this high figure is a result of the selection of the survey sample, which represents an overrepresentation
of members living within the parish.

A key issue throughout this research has been the extent to which churches
convey indirect benefits to stocks of social capital in their community through
the activity of members of their congregations in non-church organisations. The
survey evidence suggests that whilst the involvement is significant, it may not
be as great as the national survey of congregations suggested. Between a third
and a quarter of church members reported being involved in other
organisations. 57 percent of those involved were involved in one other
community organisation, with 28 percent involved in two. Thirteen percent
named three and only two individual were involved in more than this. Four in
ten said they were actually officers or committee members of these
organisations. The nature of the local organisations members were involved in
is presented in Table 8.6.2. Social and sports clubs were the most frequent
followed by charity and voluntary organisations.
Table 8.6.2 Church Members’ Involvement in Other Local Organisations (n)
Bonhill
N=112
Holy
Trinity
N= 83
St
Monans
N=101
Total
N= 296
Social/sports 21 2 12 35
Charity/voluntary 6 7 11 24
Com Council 5 4 2 11
PTA 3 3 0 6
Resident 11 5 0 16
Political 2 1 2 5
Other* 9 7 13 29
Total 57 29 40 126
* Most of these referred to religious, non-local or environmental/heritage organisations
Members were asked if church involvement was a factor in them becoming
involved in these community organisations, which would suggest a causal link
between church membership and strengthened local institutional infrastructure.
The most important ways in which church membership was reported to help
involvement in other community organisations was through faith and
encouragement (Table 8.6.3). In Bonhill, members also seem to receive
information and confidence. Training provided by the church was less evident

as a factor in encouraging participation although there was some evidence of
this amongst members of Holy Trinity church.
Table 8.6.3 The Role of Churches in Encouraging Organisational Membership
(n)
Bonhill
N=112
Holy Trinity
N=83
St Monans
N=101
Total
N=296
Faith 10 10 8 28
Encourageme 13 5 10 28
nt
Info 14 4 5 23
Confidence 10 5 3 18
Training 2 4 0 6
Other 3 1 2 6
Another issue raised in the course of this research is the extent to which
congregations themselves wish to undertake a greater engagement in
community development issues. Whilst only one church member wished to see
a reduction in the case study churches’ present level of involvement in the
community, a majority of members in three of the congregations wished to see
greater involvement (Table 8.6.4). The lower percentage in Bonhill is perhaps a
reflection of the extent of current involvement. Tentative conclusions drawn from
this small sample are that church members are broadly supportive of the
Church Without Walls agenda.
Table 8.6.4 Members’ Preferred Levels of Congregational Engagement (%)
Church … Bonhill
N=112
Holy
Trinity
N=83
Lilliesleaf
N=39
St
Monans
N=101
Total
N=335
More involved 38 68 64 52 53
Stay Same 62 32 33 48 47
Less involved 0 0 3 0 0
Total 100 100 100 100 100
Local Residents
Several items in the resident’s survey aimed to measure the extent of
connections between congregations and residents (Table 8.6.5). Geographical
proximity may benefit churches in their physical and social presence and
identity within their parishes. The percentage of residents living close to St
Monans church suggests it may gain benefits from this, which is supported in

the comments provided by residents in the survey (see above). In contrast,
some of the challenges the Lilliesleaf congregation faces in engaging with all
sections of its community may be related to the physical distance between the
church and some residents. This finding is important in reinforcing the fact that
rural congregations, far from all being similar, often face very different sorts of
challenges.
Churches come into contact with their communities far more than membership
or attendance levels would suggest and are well placed to convey messages
and information to local people, since most local people have friends who are
church members and have attended ceremonies at church. The extent to which
residents have friends who are members of the congregation is likely to reflect
to some degree the relative influence of the church as a local presence and to
influence its potential ability to utilise informal networks of information within
communities. The lower figures for Holy Trinity maybe reflect the gathered
nature of the congregation. Such informal connections with the church may also
be indicated by the number of residents attending weddings, funerals and
baptisms at the churches. Here there is a contrast between Holy Trinity and
Lilliesleaf where only a minority of non-members had attended the church for
such occasions, compared to St Monans, and particularly Bonhill, where large
proportions of non-members had visited the church for these events. Again, this
finding shows the complex relationship between churches and the nature of
local community events, which are not easily defined by a rural/urban
difference.
Table 8.6.5 Residents’ Relations with Churches
Percentage of non-member
residents who…
Bonhill
N=27
Holy
Trinity
N=21
Lillies-
Leaf
N=39
St
Monan
s
N=61
Overall
Average
N=148
Live within 10 minutes of the 59 74 54 92 73
church
Have friends who are members of
the church 82 38 72 82 73
Have attended weddings/funerals
etc. at the church 96 35 41 74 64
Have attended events organised
by church 26(4)* 29(10) 21(0) 48(3) 34(3)

Taken part in an event/meeting
held in church premises 19 19 08 25 18
Have approached the minister
about a local concern or issue 15 05 03 20 12
Would consider approaching the
church about a local issue 50 19 26 34 33
Would consider approaching the
church for personal guidance 46 24 13 24 25
Would consider attending a
church event 70 52 54 59 59
Believe that the church provides
useful community information 26 35 78 67 60
* numbers in brackets ( ) indicate the percentage of respondents who reported regularly attending church
events
An interesting finding here is the fact that, despite lower levels of other forms of
involvement, 30 percent of non-member residents had attended an event
organised by Holy Trinity church, which represents a higher figure than Bonhill
or St. Monans, and emphasises the local importance of the ‘secular’ activities
initiated by the congregation. The fact that nearly half of non-member residents
had attended an event in St Monans church reinforces the qualitative survey
findings about the relative importance of this church as a site of social activity in
the village. Similar percentages of residents had attended a meeting in three of
the case study churches, with a lower proportion in Lilliesleaf. The events nonmembers
had attended included numerous coffee mornings, fetes, sales of
work and other fundraising events. Non-members had also participated in
church-organised social events such as ceiliehs, quiz nights, concert and
dramas, barbecues, outings and civic events and festivals. Some residents also
reported utilising church facilities such as lunch and breakfast clubs and events
for children.
Churches are clearly an important local resource for communities, as a medium
for information and as a source of counselling and guidance on both personal
and community issues. One in eight residents in the case study parishes had
approached the ministers about a local issue in the previous twelve months. A
quarter of residents would consider approaching the church for personal
guidance and a third of residents would consider approaching the church about
a local issue. An encouraging finding for the churches is that a majority of nonmember
residents in all four parishes would consider attending a church event.

The importance of rural churches as sources of community information is
demonstrated by the proportion of residents in Lilliesleaf and St Monans
indicating that these churches provide useful community information and
updates.
Table 8.6.6 Residents’ Preferred Levels of Church Engagement
Church… Bonhill
N=27
Holy
Trinity
N=21
Lilliesleaf
N=39
St
Monans
N=61
Total
N=148
More involved 56 68 36 40 46
Stay Same 44 21 58 56 49
Less involved 0 11 7 4 5
Total 100 100 100 100 100
Non-member residents were asked about whether they wished the levels of
involvement of the churches in their communities to change. The findings are
indicative of an urban/ rural difference, with the majority of residents in Bonhill
and Holy Trinity wishing to see these churches even more involved, whereas in
rural parishes, a majority wished to see levels of church engagement staying at
their present levels. Very few respondents wished these churches to decrease
their local involvement.
8.7 Conclusions
These in-depth case studies indicate the complex processes and relationships
involved in attempting to build local social capital. Of course, four case studies
cannot be used as representative of the national picture and therefore the
conclusions here are necessarily tentative. However, the common findings
across the four case studies indicate that:
These churches make a significant contribution to local stocks of social
capital within their communities. The survey responses, as expected, reveal
the extent to which churches form an essential element of many of their
members’ lives. However, there is also clear evidence that such benefits
extend to some degree beyond the congregations.

The spiritual, communal and secular dimensions of congregational activity
are not mutually exclusive, but are influential components of the overall
ability of churches to contribute to local stocks of social capital. Recognising
the overlap between religious and secular activities and the two-way
relationship between engagement with the wider community and internal
benefits to congregations is an important foundation upon which
congregations can build their outreach activities.
The research has highlighted the role of churches as physical and social
sites of community identity. The case studies suggest that all four churches
had contributed to a sense of social cohesion in their communities. The
positive responses of members of other faiths provides evidence of the
strength of interfaith working and it was not the case that churches were
divisive institutions locally.
Encouragingly for the Church of Scotland, there is little intolerance to the
presence of churches in communities. Local residents’ perceptions of the
church are mostly positive or neutral. However, there is evidence that many
residents are unaware of the involvement of churches in wider community
development activities. There is less certainty amongst both members and
non-members about the effectiveness of the church within community
development processes.
The majority of church members and non-members wished to see a greater
engagement of churches in their wider local communities. This finding
suggests that both internally and externally at local levels the Church may
benefit from a positive environment in which to pursue its Church Without
Walls agenda. In general, other community organisations interviewed during
the case studies were also positive about the potential contribution that
congregations could make to community development, and indeed many
perceived the study congregations to be making such a positive contribution.

The case studies reveal the key importance of the attitudes of ministers and
church members in determining the ability of a congregation to contribute to
social capital. The extent to which a congregation, and particularly the
minister, are perceived to be approachable and engaged with non-members
is as, if not more, important, than the financial or human resources a church
has available. All four case study churches had benefited from such positive
perceptions.
Bonhill most explicitly demonstrates the long-term benefits to the church
itself of a sustained attempt to engage with all sections of the community.
The numbers attending church and the strength of the church’s presence in
the town indicate that the reported dynamic of declining numbers and
relevance of congregations at a national level is not necessarily inevitable at
the local level.
All four case study congregations are well aware that they exist in a context
of diversity, reflected in concerns about the representativeness of
congregations and their ability to reflect the views of their communities. The
church may have a voice in the local community, but it will now be one of
many. This necessitates forming relationships with various sections of the
community and local secular and religious organisations. The potential
benefits of such partnerships for local networks, levels of participation and
facilities for local people is evident in the four studies parishes, but
developing such partnerships involves a complex process of negotiation and
accommodation.
The case studies have highlighted the difficulties congregations face in
accessing many funding streams and their relative weakness in grant award
processes. The financial implications of such weakness is reported to be a
barrier to the ability of congregations to either sustain their present levels of
involvement or to undertake new forms of engagement. This issue needs to
be addressed at a national level.

The survey of church members found that the extent of member’s
involvement in other local organisations may be over- stated by many
ministers. Whilst the levels of involvement of individual members in nonchurch
organisations is no lower, and may well be higher, than those in
society in general, it is important that any link between church membership
and active participation in community organisations is neither exaggerated
nor automatically assumed. There is evidence that churches do encourage
individuals to become involved in other organisations, but churches could do
more, for example in providing training. These findings also suggest a role
for formal church-based community development activities as an essential
compliment, rather than an alternative, to the actions of individual members.
The case studies also indicate the importance of recognising the diversity of
Church of Scotland congregations and their parishes. In particular, the
strengths and weaknesses of congregations and the contexts and issues
facing them locally cannot be identified along simple urban/ rural or
affluent/deprived divides.
This finding highlights another key outcome of the case study research,
namely the contributions these congregations have made to local
communities through constantly assessing their forms of engagement and
being willing to become involved in innovative initiatives and practices with
new institutional partners or sections of their local communities. Such
involvement will always carry a degree of risk and will not always be
successful. Creating a financial and regulatory framework through which
congregations are encouraged to undertake such initiatives, and are given
the autonomy and flexibility to do so, is one of the most important
contributions the Church at national and presbytery level can make in
developing a more engaged role for its congregations. Policy makers at
national and local levels in Scotland also need to assess how the Church
may be supported in facilitating such a role.

Chapter Nine: Conclusions and Recommendations
6.1 Conclusions
It has been said that the Church of Scotland has to adapt to a secular
environment and to a society which is highly diverse and unpredictable by
redefining its identity, taking positions on key current issues and proving it has a
contribution to make to civic society (Walker, 2002). Whilst some of this may be
true of the Church nationally, this study has found that local congregations are
making a significant contribution and are often considering how they can
maintain their relevance and meet the needs of individuals and communities.
Where there is more uncertainty within local congregations, and the alleged
national weaknesses apply, is in relation to the role of congregations in the local
governance network. On the one hand, churches are not remote from the
secular world, and through ministers and members churches have ongoing links
to a range of local, formal bodies including community councils, community
forums, school boards and other community groups, although this varies.
However, there is a low rate of partnership formation with local authorities and
low participation rates in community planning processes.
Whilst the low level of engagement with local authorities may to a large extent
reflect the preferences of church congregations, there is also a view amongst
many church members that the church is sidelined by the authorities, if not
somehow disadvantaged in formal processes of administration and funding. Yet
local authorities and public agencies are both implicitly and explicitly dependent
upon the input of church congregations to local services. Churches have been
found to: defend local services against reduction, transfer or withdrawal, to
provide replacement services, to improve services and to take referrals for
official agencies. It seems that churches are often utilised by statutory service
providers, but at times the legitimacy of congregations is still called into
question within official support or funding processes.

Although faith is often seen as a disadvantage in these funding processes, faith
also brings benefits since it leads churches to be concerned with the spiritual
and emotional well-being of local people as well as their immediate social,
health or economic needs. This holistic approach to community needs is a
distinct advantage for churches as service providers and pastoral carers to their
communities. Thus, churches have developed new services and new
organisations in response to emerging local needs, often with a focus upon
isolated and marginal individuals and groups. In particular, church activity is
often focused upon children and young people in communities, for example
through their involvement in events for children, the provision of facilities for
teenagers and the creation of new community groups for parents. However,
churches also face a key challenge of engaging young people as active
participants in church matters so as to ensure the continuity of contribution in
the light of the ageing church membership. Young people are the future of the
churches’ role as well as the focus of much of that role.
This research has demonstrated the diversity of the Church of Scotland as a
national institution with a presence in almost every community in the country.
This adds to the difficulty in attributing the correct weighting to these research
findings. The survey represents a third of congregations (although over forty
percent of charges). This is a large sample of over 450, but it is impossible to
assess the degree of bias within the study (for example, as a result of the most
active and engaged having responded). Also, many of the findings can be
interpreted ambiguously, with equal numbers of congregations involved or
uninvolved in particular activities. It is also important to note that given the size
of the Church of Scotland as an institution, low percentages still may still
represent very large impacts at a national level, for example the number of
community organisations being established through the activities of
congregations.
It is clear from these findings that Church of Scotland congregations make
significant contributions to local communities through their activities including:
providing services, acting as brokers in local information networks; supporting
other community groups through providing space, equipment and financial

acking; integrating the most marginalised individuals; establishing new
organisations and contributing towards a local sense of community identity and
belonging. The case studies and vignettes demonstrate the influence of
churches locally, as well as the complexities of their engagement with their
communities. The importance of individual church members participating in
community activities and organisations is identified as the most significant
contribution that congregations make to local social capital, particularly as
church members volunteer more often than the general public. Whilst many
church members are indeed heavily engaged in such activities, the research
suggests that congregations should combine this with a focus upon the formal
activities of the church as a collective local institution. Whilst informal links to
other organisations through church members is common, there is a question
over whether these informal links are sufficient by themselves to build the wider
capacity of local communities.
The church building itself is an important community site. It acts as a communal
meeting place, as a resource for local organisations, as a contributor to local
identity, (and often as a heritage or tourist attraction) and as a place of safety,
retreat and reflection for many users.
The findings (including the responses of non-church members) are at odds with
some of the recent commentaries about the growing hostility towards, or
irrelevance of, churches in Scotland. It appears that there is a degree of warmth
and trust towards congregations within local communities and recognition of the
importance of their traditional role and prominence in local festivals and social
activities (though there is less certainty about wider community engagement
beyond this). Similarly, the findings from this research about the extent of
ecumenical co-operation should challenge the perception of church
congregations as potentially divisive institutions within communities. Churches
are a legitimate local voice and actor and this should be more readily
recognised by the authorities.
The research demonstrates the need for congregations to recognise the
diversity of their wider communities, and the range of local organisations they

coexist with as well as the presence of a section of the community with little or
no interest in engaging with the church. The activity of congregations needs to
be firmly placed within an environment of many equally legitimate, and at times
conflicting, voices. Such a context suggests a need for the church to see itself
within the wider voluntary sector, albeit often uniquely providing particular
strengths and priorities, for example in highlighting the importance of spiritual
well-being within local communities. Whilst the research provides encouraging
findings about the extent to which many congregations are already engaging
with A Church Without Walls, and the positive wider environment in which the A
Church Without Walls agenda may be progressed, there is also a great deal of
uncertainty within the Church about what such a direction entails and the ability
of congregations to co-ordinate their various priorities.
It is clear that widening community engagement and developing partnerships
with other organisations including local government requires new methods of
working. Such interaction will take time to evolve, and requires willingness
amongst potential partners as well as congregations. There are many
incidences within this report of congregations broadening out their traditional
role and engaging in innovative activities, for example in local economic
development through supporting public spaces, tourism and credit unions. Such
processes are likely to develop very differently in different communities and will
reflect the varying levels of existing organisational capacity between them. This
should be recognised as an inevitable consequence of the sheer diversity
between and within parishes. Many congregations face additional challenges
resulting from the local context they operate within. However, one finding of this
research is the complexity of community relationships, in which any
generalisations or assumptions about the characteristics of urban or rural,
deprived or affluent areas are quickly dispelled. Any attempts to develop allembracing
one-fit strategies for facilitating a widening engagement of Church of
Scotland congregations with their communities are likely to fail.
It is clear that the church has a special role in local communities due to its
particular strengths which include: its perceived neutrality, which enables it to
progress and resolve issues of contention; its organisational capacity and

administrative abilities; its reputation for openness and being welcoming; its role
as a place of comfort, guidance and support and the continuity of mission
involved in a church, which acts as a balance to the shifting interests and
priorities of other local actors.

6.2 Recommendations
Congregations should:
In many cases, continue the work that is already been undertaken. However,
even congregations heavily engaged in community development may benefit
from a review process of their activities, an audit of local needs and
members skills and identifying wider perceptions of the church.
Recognise the importance of small-scale actions. An internal focus upon the
structures, processes and external images of congregational life provides a
starting point to further community engagement. Recognise the diversity of
forms of community activity, rather than it being an ‘all or nothing’ process.
Engagement should be undertaken within resources, but the fact that it may
not be able to be undertaken on a large scale does not mean it shouldn’t be
done at all.
Continue to support and encourage the activities of their individual members
in community organisations and activities whilst at the same time facilitating
more formal structures of communication and increasing interaction with
local organisations and agencies. Such an approach is complimentary rather
than an alternative to the individual activities of members and is vital in
providing institutional support to the community in wider decision-making
processes
Recognise that whilst informal relationships are essential and often
traditional method of interaction within communities, they may not have the
visibility and capacity to reach beyond existing circuit of communication.
More formal ‘church labelled’ activities potentially increase the profile and
accessibility of congregations as local organisations to be included and
engaged in communal activities.

Review the use of their church buildings where applicable. These are both of
symbolic importance and are also crucial sites of civic engagement.
Congregations should identify whether these premises could be further
utilised by local communities (dependent on resources).
Give priority to developing wider linkages for themselves and other local
community groups, with other organisations and agencies beyond the
parish. Such wider linkages are likely to increase the influence of local
communities in decision- making processes
Examine whether there are areas of activity which they have not traditionally
been engaged in, but where opportunities and needs may exist (for example
local economic development, tourism)
The Church of Scotland should:
Combine a focus upon maintaining its unique identity with an explicit
recognition that it represents one voice amongst many in local communities
and should facilitate partnerships with local organisations and agencies.
Recognise that the high levels of trust and support towards the church within
wider local communities is coupled with a lack of awareness of church
activities and their effectiveness
Develop and facilitate a role for congregations at the centre of local
communities that places local churches firmly within the wider voluntary
sector, recognising it faces many of the same issues. This will enable the
church to plug into existing circuits of communication and support from
which it is presently relatively isolated. This can be achieved without any
diminution of the Church’s identity and particular strengths
Recognise the uncertainty within the Church about the desirability and
feasibility of congregations taking on a more direct service provision role and

accessing funds, particularly from government sources, and continue to
support debates around these issues
Recognise that part of this uncertainty reflects the diversity of local contexts
in which congregations exist
Develop structures and processes, in line with Church Without Walls, that
promote the autonomy and flexibility of local congregations, and enable risk
taking and innovation in attempts to develop new forms of community
engagement
Further develop structures of support between congregations, so that
resources may be distributed in such a way that congregations who wish to
undertake community development activities are not prevented from doing
so by a lack of resources. Recognise that some congregations may promote
social capital in other parishes through providing such support to others.
Address the issue of congregations’ poor record of accessing mainstream
funding sources. This is a substantial source of frustration to many
congregations. The Church should develop processes and structures that
provide support and advice to individual congregations in application
procedures. The Church should also seek to build linkages with local
government and continue its work in the Scottish Parliament. It should also
work to counter misperceptions of its role amongst policy makers, and
should review any of its activities that may add to such misperceptions.
Recognise that partnerships with community organisations, agencies and
local government may be successfully developed without endangering the
priorities and identity of the Church. This entails a reaffirmation of the
centrality of faith to church activities, and an honesty about priorities and
agendas, as well as a willingness to compromise and address the concerns
of potential partners

Policy Makers should:
Recognise the substantial contribution that Church of Scotland
congregations make to social capital in Scottish communities and be aware
that many of the benefits from churches’ activities accrue beyond the
congregations to non-church members
Accept that wider messages of declining Church membership and influence
disguise the crucial role played by many congregations in local communities,
including the establishment of a significant number of new community
organisations, premises, facilities and services
Support the maintenance and renovation of church buildings, recognising
their importance as existing sites of civic engagement and community
activity and should encourage the maximum usage of suitable premises by a
diverse sections of communities
Recognise the extent of multi-faith working between Church of Scotland
congregations and other faith groups and identify the activities of
congregations as largely supportive of wider social cohesion rather than
sources of social division
Facilitate funding mechanisms that enable congregations to more readily
access grants for their activities and recognise that the centrality of faith to
congregations’ activities should be reconciled, with safeguards, within
funding guidelines, rather than being a barrier to applications
Recognise the Church as a potential partner or significant actor in a wider
range of policy initiatives than is currently the case. Developing closer
linkages with the Church of Scotland, along with other faith groups, will
increase the visibility of these institutions and offer opportunities to identify
potential contributions congregations may make to government objectives
related to social justice, inclusion and neighbourhood renewal

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APPENDIX A
Table A1: Survey Coverage of Congregations
Presbytery
No. of
Congs.
No. of
returns
Coverage
(%)
Congs.with
vacancies
No. %
1 Edinburgh 88 44 49 8 9
2 West Lothian 26 08 31 1 4
3 Lothian 50 16 32 6 12
4 Melrose and Peebles 30 07 23 3 10
5 Duns 23 04 17 4 17
6 Jedburgh 26 09 35 7 27
7 Annandale and Eskdale 26 08 31 8 31
8 Dumfries and Kirkcudbright 45 14 31 11 24
9 Wigtown and Stranraer 23 06 26 0 0
10 Ayr 52 18 35 4 8
11 Irvine and Kilmarnock 29 11 38 4 14
12 Ardrossan 32 09 28 10 31
13 Lanark 26 02 08 3 12
14 Paisley 38 13 34 1 3
15 Greenock 20 09 45 3 15
16 Glasgow 153 48 31 22 14
17 Hamilton 86 26 30 14 16
18 Dumbarton 35 12 34 7 20
19 South Argyll 25 05 20 6 24
20 Dunoon 15 03 20 3 20
21 Lorn and Mull 19 06 32 2 11
22 Falkirk 39 11 28 7 18
23 Stirling 49 19 37 5 10
24 Dunfermline 26 14 54 2 8
25 Kirkcaldy 31 08 26 3 10
26 St Andrews 39 17 44 3 8
27 Dunkeld and Meigle 22 06 27 5 23
28 Perth 44 07 16 5 11
29 Dundee 45 09 20 9 20
30 Angus 39 17 44 2 5
31 Aberdeen 43 17 40 4 9

32 Kincardine and Deeside 26 11 42 3 12
33 Gordon 32 10 31 4 13
34 Buchan 37 12 32 12 32
35 Moray 33 10 30 5 15
36 Abernethy 13 02 15 3 23
37 Inverness 27 07 26 4 15
38 Lochaber 17 05 29 7 41
39 Ross 21 05 24 1 5
40 Sutherland 14 05 36 1 7
41 Caithness 17 06 35 5 29
42 Lochcarron and Skye 09 02 22 3 33
43 Uist 08 03 37 1 13
44 Lewis 11 02 18 3 27
45 Orkney 23 04 17 8 35
46 Shetland 14 04 29 1 7
47 England 08 02 25 2 25
Tot 1564 493 32 236 15

Table A2: Survey Coverage of Urban Priority Area Congregations
Presbytery
No of
UPA
Cong
No of
returns
Vacant
UPA
Congs
s
1 Edinburgh 15 11 1
2 West Lothian 2 1 0
3 Lothian 3 2 0
8 Dumfries and Kirkcudbright 3 2 1
9 Wigtown and Stranraer 2 0 0
10 Ayr 8 2 1
11 Irvine and Kilmarnock 7 2 1
12 Ardrossan 12 2 5
14 Paisley 19 7 0
15 Greenock 8 4 0
16 Glasgow 92 28 22
17 Hamilton 47 15 10
18 Dumbarton 13 4 3
22 Falkirk 8 4 1
23 Stirling 9 4 2
24 Dunfermline 12 5 2
25 Kirkcaldy 16 3 2
29 Dundee 10 2 4
31 Aberdeen 6 3 1
34 Buchan 2 2 0
37 Inverness 1 0 0
Totals
Percent
295
100
103
35
56
19

APPENDIX B
List of Church of Scotland Congregations studied in Stage Four of the
Research
Page
Aberdeen: Middlefield 113
Ancrum 86
Bathgate: Boghall 117
Boarhills and Dunino linked with St. Andrews Martyrs 51
Buckie North 65
Dundee: Chalmers Ardler 89
Edinburgh: Colinton 97
Glasgow: Pollokshaws 101
Glasgow: Pollokshields 75
Glasgow: Sherbrooke St Gilberts 81
Glasgow: St Rollox 73
Kilmuir and Stenscholl 96
Kinghorn 66
Kirkintilloch: St David’s Memorial Park 70
Linton linked with Morebattle and Hownam linked with Yetholm 59
Melness and Tongue 80
Skene 67
Tiree 98
Upper Donside 92

Appendix C An Explanation of Social Capital Activities Scores
In order to develop an instrument to measure the extent of congregations’
engagement in local communities the survey asked a series of questions about
a range of activities that were identified as contributing towards local stocks of
social capital. These activities were categorised into four domains: local
activities, community development, relations with community groups and
organisations and pride, safety and belonging. A social capital activities
score was constructed by giving one point for each positive response to each of
these questions, creating a maximum social capital activities score of 26,
disaggregated into scores for each of the four domains of 8,6,8 and 4
respectively. The results of this measurement tool are presented in Chapter
Four, section 4.3. The survey also gathered more detailed information about the
nature and extent of congregations’ involvement in these various activities.
These findings are reported in Chapters Four to Seven.
Social Capital Activities Score Question Items
Local Activities (8)
1. Does your church provide direct services to local people in immediate need?
(E.g. homeless, shelter, food services)
2. Does you church provide educational, cultural or health services to local
people? (E.g. classes, day care clubs, transport, crèche etc.)
3. Does your church provide self-help and personal growth services to local
people? (E.g. pre-school clubs, addiction counselling etc, personal
development groups etc.)
4. Does your church provide any facilities or amenities for general use in the
area?
5. Does your church regularly provide information to all local people?
6. Has your church consulted, or sought the views of, local people on any
issues in the past two years?
7. Has your church assisted with the integration or understanding of particular
groups within the community in the last two years?

8. In the last two years has your church helped to resolve conflicts between
sections of the community?
Community Development (6)
9. In the last two years, has your church been involved in activities that help
local people define their needs (for example conducting a local survey of the
community)?
10.In the last two years, has your church helped local people to find a solution
to a local problem?
11.In the last two years has your church been involved in any local community
campaigns?
12.In the past two years has your church represented, or spoken on behalf of,
the community to external authorities or bodies?
13.In the last two years, has your church been involved in activities that
encourage local people to provide support to one another (E.g. neighbouring
schemes)?
14.Are there individuals who have become involved in community activity
through your church and have since gone on to become involved in other
community organisations or activities?
Relations with Community Groups and Organisations (8)
15.In the last two years, has your church provided assistance or support to
community groups or local voluntary organisations?
16.In the last two years has your church been involved in social activities or
events for local people including people outwith the church congregation?
17.Is your church involved in any local partnerships with other community or
voluntary organisations in the local area?
18.Does your church play a liasing or co-ordinating role between organisations
in your local area?
19.Are there any local community organisations which have been established
by the church or due to church activity in the last two years?
20.Is your church involved in any work with other churches in the local area?
21.Is your church involved in any local partnerships with other community or
voluntary organisations outside the local area?

22.In the last two years, has your church encouraged or assisted any links
between local groups or organisations outside the local area?
Pride, Safety and Belonging (4)
23.Do you consider that your church has been involved in activities in the last
two years, which have helped to create a sense of community or collective
interest?
24.Do you consider that your church has been involved in activities in the last
two years, which have helped to develop the identity of the local area?
25.Do you consider that your church has been involved in activities in the last
two years, which have helped to boost local pride?
26.Do you consider that your church has been involved in activities in the last
two years, which have helped to encourage a sense of safety among local
people?