When Hans von Baer wrote Der Heilige Geist in den Lukasschriften ...

The Spirit in Luke-Acts: A Case Study
By Allan Loder

Introduction
During the latter part of nineteenth century and early twentieth century
most discussions on the Spirit in the Third Gospel centered on identifying
Hellenistic cultic influences on Lucan Pneumatology. 1 Devotees of the
Religionsgeschichtliche Schule [―school of the history of religion‖] sought to explain an
apparent difference between Luke‘s view of the Spirit as ‗the power of miracle and
revelation‘ and Paul‘s concept of the Spirit as ‗the inner principle of new-creation
life‘ by suggesting that each author developed a distinctive Pneumatology that was
shaped by the traditions and religious experience of his respective community of
faith. 2 It was thought that Paul—the first to describe the Spirit in terms of
conveying salvation—developed his Pneumatology as a result of observing the
―effect‖ that the Spirit had on the lives of individual Christians. 3 Luke‘s
Pneumatology was regarded as the primitive Church‘s understanding of the Spirit
that was based on a ―thoroughly Hellenistic encounter with πνεῦμα [pneuma =
Spirit]‖ 4 Accordingly, the majority of material in the Gospels pertaining to the
Spirit would be Hellenistic in origin, not Jewish. 5
By the mid-1920s the Religionsgeschichtliche Schule‘s methods of investigation
1 For example, B. Weiss, Lehrbuch der Biblischen Theologie des Neun Testaments, 2 nd ed. (Berlin:
Hertz, 1873); O. Pfleidrer, Der Paulinismus (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1873).
2 This was understood in the context of a view of early Church history that was based on
Hegelian philosophy (i.e., thesis= Lucan Pneumatology; antithesis= Paul‘s Pneumatology).
3 See Hermann Gunkel, Wirkungen des heiligen Geistes nach der populären Anschauung der
apostolischen Zeit und der Lehre des Apostels Paulus, (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1888);
English translation, The Influence of the Holy Spirit: The Popular View of the Apostolic Age and the
Teaching of the Apostle Paul, trans. Roy A. Harrisville and Philip A. Quanbeck (Philadelphia, PA:
Fortress Press, 1979), 76.
4 Hans Leisegang, Der Heilege Geist; Das Wesen und Werden der Mystisch-Intuitiven Erkenntnis
in der Philosophie und Religion der Griechen, (Unveränderter reprografischer Nachdruck der Ausg.
Leipzig u. Berlin 1919, Reprint, Stuttgart: Teubner, 1967), 4. cf. Pneuma Hagion: der Ursprung des
Geistesbegrifts der Synoptischen Evangelien aus der griechischen mystik. Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1922.
5 Laisegang develops this idea in his second work, Pneuma Hagion, which was a reaction to
E. Norden and A. Harnack who saw the gospel traditions as entirely Jewish in origin. For more on
this see Max Turner, Power from on High: The Spirit in Israel‘s Restoration and Witness in Luke-Acts. JPT
Sup9. (Sheffield: Academic Press, 1996), 26-29.
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were deemed inadequate by those seeking to understand Luke within the context
of his Jewish-Christian religious environment. Their point of contention was the
religio-historical school‘s failure to take into account the developments in Jewish
thought during the Second Temple period that most likely would have helped
shape the Pneumatology of the early Church. In 1926 two books were published—
Friedrich Büchsel‘s Der Geist Gottes im Neuen Testament 6 and Hans von Baer‘s Der
Heilige Geist in den Lukasschriften 7 —that challenged the Religionsgeschichtliche
Schule‘s conclusions concerning the nature of the gift of the Spirit in Luke-Acts.
Büchsel and von Baer attempted to explain the apparent difference between Luke‘s
view of the Spirit as ‗the power of miracle and revelation‘ and Paul‘s concept of the
Spirit as ‗the inner principle of new-creation life‘ by suggesting that Luke and Paul
differed only in what they chose to emphasize about the Spirit‘s work. Both NT
writers shared a common ―Jewish‖ Pneumatology that can only be understood
against the backdrop of Jewish expectations of the Spirit—particularly those based
on Jewish interpretations of relevant OT texts. Hence, any attempt to understand
Luke‘s concept of the Spirit by examining possible influences from foreign (i.e.,
Hellenistic) cults would be misdirected. 8
Büchsel and von Baer essentially set the agenda for nearly all subsequent
major scholarly investigations of Lucan Pneumatology. Although few have agreed
fully with their conclusions, their methodology has been widely accepted.
Consequently, nearly all scholarly discussions on the Spirit in Luke-Acts since 1926
approach the subject by examining the Jewish traditions and sources that would
have informed Luke‘s concept of the Spirit.
Büchsel‘s and von Baer‘s contributions also raised a fundamental question
concerning Lucan Pneumatology that continues to be the subject of considerable
scholarly debate. Does Luke view the Spirit essentially as the Spirit of ‗new-
6 Gütersloh: Bertelsmann, 1926.
7 Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1926.
8 von Baer, Der Heilige Geist, 4.
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creation life‘ (i.e., conversion-initiation, ethical renewal, etc.), or essentially as an
empowering for mission, or both?
A survey of published materials from all sides of the debate shows that a
key passage for understanding the nature of the gift of the Spirit in Luke-Acts is
Luke‘s account of Jesus‘ experience of the Spirit at Jordan (Luke 3:21-22). James D.
G. Dunn 9 believes that this passage is about Jesus‘ initiation into ‗new covenant
life‘ and ‗sonship‘—which Dunn sees as paradigmatic for the Disciples‘
conversion-initiation into the Christian faith. The OT background for Luke, says
Dunn, is the Jewish expectation of the Spirit based on interpretations of Ezekiel 36.
The major weakness with this view, however, is that Luke neither quotes nor
alludes to Ezekiel 36. 10 Conversely, Robert Menzies 11 and Roger Stronstad 12 see
Jesus‘ Jordan experience as a Messianic anointing with power for mission—which
they view as paradigmatic for the Disciples‘ experience of the Spirit as an
empowering for mission (e.g., Acts 2). They cite Luke‘s use of Isaiah 61 (Luke 4:18-
19) and LXX Joel 3:1-5 ([MT Joel 2:28-32] Acts 2:17-21) as evidence that the Spirit for
Luke is the ‗Spirit of Prophecy‘ referred to in early Jewish writings. However,
Menzies and Stronstad fail to explain Luke‘s statements pertaining to the effect of
the Spirit on the life of the Christian community itself (Acts 5:1-11; 6:3-5; 11:24;
13:52), as well as Luke‘s concern that all believers should receive the gift of the
Spirit. Therefore, a solution is needed that does justice to both aspects of Lucan
Pneumatology—i.e., the Spirit as the source of ‗new-creation life‘ and as an
empowering for mission.
The purpose of this paper is to examine Luke‘s account of Jesus‘ ―sermon‖
in the synagogue at Nazareth (Luke 4:16-30)—which seems to be a Lucan
explanation of Jesus‘ experience of the Spirit at Jordan—in order to determine what
9 Baptism in the Holy Spirit: A Re-examination of the New Testament Teaching on the Gift of the
Spirit in Relation to Pentecostalism Today. Naperville, Illinois: Alec R. Allenson, 1970.
10 Surprisingly, Dunn ignores Luke‘s use of Isa 61 and LXX Joel 3.
11 Empowered for Witness: The Spirit in Luke-Acts. Sheffeld: JSOT Press, 1994.
12 The Charismatic Theology of Saint Luke. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1984.
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this passage reveals about the essential nature of the gift of the Spirit in Luke-Acts.
That Luke intentionally makes a connection between the baptism narrative and the
Nazareth pericope is evident from his redactional references to the Spirit in 4:1
(πλήρης πνεύματος ἁγίου�[plērēs pneumatos agiou = ―full of the Holy Spirit‖) and
4:14 (ἐν τῇ δυνάμει τοῦ πνεύματος [en tē dunamei tou pneumatos = ―in the power of
the Spirit‖]). 13 Furthermore, Luke‘s departure from the regular sequence of events
in the gospel tradition (cf. Mark 6:1-6; Matt 13:53-58), 14 along with the addition of
Jesus‘ claim to fulfill Isa 61:1-2, suggests that this pericope serves a special
―programmatic‖ function in Luke-Acts. 15
Luke 4:16-30: Luke’s Source(s) and the Redaction of Isa 61:1-2 (58:6d)
So far, no consensus has been reached among scholars concerning how
much of Luke‘s Nazareth pericope is directly dependent on his source(s) and how
much of it is a Lucan construction. 16 Yet there is little doubt that Luke used a
source or sources besides Mark and ―Q‖ when he composed his account of Jesus‘
―sermon‖ in the synagogue at Nazareth. 17
According to Luke, Jesus begins his public ministry in the same town where
he grew up (4:16). He is handed a scroll of the prophet Isaiah and reads from it
what seems to be Isa 61:1-2. However, what Jesus actually ―reads‖ is a conflation
of Isa 61:1a, b, d; 58:6d and 61:2a. Two phrases are omitted from the Isaianic text
13 For more on this, as well as the ‗programmatic‘ significance of the Nazareth pericope see
Jack T. Sanders, The Jews in Luke-Acts (London: SCM Press, 1987), 65-72.
14 Although apparently aware of Jesus‘ earlier ministry in Capernaum (cf. 4:23), Luke makes
this the first event in Jesus‘ public ministry.
15 For more on this see Joseph Fitzmyer, The Gospel According to Luke: I-IX, The Anchor Bible
Commentary, vol. 28 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1985), 529; R. L. Brawley, Luke-Acts and the Jews:
Conflict, Apology and Conciliation (Atlanta, GA: John Knox, 1987), ch. 2 passim; H. J. Cadbury, The
Making of Luke-Acts (London: SPCK Press, 1968), 187-189.
16 For more on this see J. Fitzmyer, The Gospel According to Luke I-IX, 526-528; Nolland, Word
Biblical Commentary, vol. 35a, 273-274.
17 Contra E. Haenchen who sees no evidence of any source besides Mark. See ―Historie und
Verkündigung bei Markus und Lukas.‖ In Das Lukas-Evangelium, ed. Georg Braumann (Darmstadt:
Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1974), 287–316.
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cited in Luke chapter four: Isa 61:1c (―to heal the broken-hearted‖ 18 ) and Isa 61:2b
(―the day of recompense‖ LXX ἡμέραν ἀνταποδόσεως [hēmeran antapodoseōs],
or�―the day of vengeance of our God‖ MT וניהלאל םקנ
םוי [yom naqam l‘elohinu]). A
phrase from Isa 58:6, (―to set free those who are oppressed‖ τεθραυσμένους ἐν
ἀφέσει [tethrausmenous en aphesei]) is inserted at the end of v. 18. Otherwise, the
citation of Isaiah is essentially in verbal agreement with the text of LXX 19 —except
for the change from καλέσαι (kalesai = ―to call out, call for‖) in 61:2a to κηρύξαι
(keruxai = ―to proclaim, preach‖) in v.19a.
It has been suggested that Luke‘s conflated text is due to a ―slip of memory‖
on his part as he attempted to cite Isa 61:1-2 without the aid of a written copy in
front of him. 20 However, this is improbable for the following reasons: (1) Given
that healing occupies much of Luke‘s attention in the pericopae that follow (e.g.,
4:23-27; 38-40; 5:12-26), it is unlikely that he would have ―forgotten‖ the reference
to healing in Isa 61. It is ―difficult to see why an author who introduces
Septuagintal diction into a narrative would then depart from the text of the LXX
when he comes to the words which are at the heart of the story;‖ 21 (2) The phrase
εὗρεν τὸν τόπον οὗ ἦν γεγραμμένον [euren ton topon ou en gegraphemmenon = ―he
found the place where it was written‖] in v.17 suggests that Luke had a specific
passage in mind that would ensure the validity of Jesus ministry as the fulfillment
of OT prophecy; (3) As Adolf Schlatter points out, the syntax resulting from the
18 A ����0102 f1 Φ f vgcl syp.h bomss ; irlat has ἰάσασθαι τοὺς συντετριμμένους τῇ καρδίᾳ [iasasthai
tous suntetrimmenous tē kardia = ―to bind up the brokenhearted‖]. It does not appear in א B D L W
��f1 33 579 700 892 pc lat sys co; or Eus Did. Given the importance and wide geographical
distribution of those witnesses in favour of the absence of this phrase, it was probably added to the
textual tradition—perhaps in an attempt to harmonize Luke 4:18-19 and Isa 61:1-2.�
19 i.e., against the Hebrew MT. e.g., κυρίου (kuriou =―Lord‖) instead of הוהי ינדא (Adonai
YHWH = ―of the Lord Yahweh‖), and τυφλοῖς���tuphlois = ―blind‖) instead of םירוסאלו (ve·la·'a·su·rim
= ―to those bound,‖ ―prisoners‖).
20 Alfred Plummer, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Gospel According to S. Luke,
ICC 4th ed. (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1901), 121.
21 Bruce Chilton, ―Announcement in Nazara: An Analysis of Luke 4:16-21,‖ In Gospel
Perspectives: Studies of History and Tradition in the Four Gospels, vol. 2. ed. R. T. France and David
Wenham (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1981), 164.
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position of� ἐν [en = ―in‖] in the inserted phrase in v. 18 is uncharacteristic of
Luke‘s literary style; 22 (4) The Aramaic form Ναζαρά [Nazara] in 4:16 reflects a
traditional source—probably Palestinian in origin. 23 Luke consistently uses the
form Ναζαρὲθ [Nazareth] elsewhere; and (5) The embedding of one OT quotation
within another is found nowhere else in the NT, and such embedded citations are
rare in Judaism. 24 This unusual feature suggests that the version of the Isaianic text
in Luke 4:18 must have come from one of the Evangelist‘s distinctive sources—i.e.,
not shared by the other Gospel writers. 25 Therefore, ―one can say not only
probably but with a degree of certainty that this passage is a product of neither
Luke‘s memory nor of his theology, but the voice of his tradition.‖ 26
Intertextual Signifiers: The Citation of Isa 61:1-2 (58:6d) in Its Lucan Context
While extensive literary-critical analyses of Luke 4:16-30 is outside the scope
of this study, some of the methodology is used in the present investigation to
determine what evidence there is for a ‗link‘ between the Third Gospel and some of
the Jewish writings composed during the Second Temple period. The term ‗link‘
does not imply that Luke was dependent on those texts for literary source material.
Rather, in the context of this study two or more texts are said to be ‗linked‘ when
22 ―Anti-Judaism and New Testament Scholarship,‖ In Joseph B. Tyson, Luke, Judaism, and
the Scholars: Critical Approaches to Luke-Acts (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1999),
226-227.
23 J. Fitzmyer suggests that Ναζαρά [Nazara] reflects a more ancient Semitic form of the
name, Anchor Bible Commentary, vol. 28, 530. See also C. J. Schreck, ‗The Nazareth Pericope: Luke
4.16-30 in Recent study,‖ in The Gospel of Luke, ed. F. Neirynck (Leuven: University Press, 1989), 399-
471.
24 Max Turner, Power From On High: The Spirit in Israel‘s Restoration and Witness in Luke-Acts.
JPT Sup 9 (Sheffeld: Academic Press, 1996), 216.
25 For more on this see G. N. Stanton, ―On the Christology of Q,‖ In Christ and Spirit in the
New Testament, ed. Barnabas Lindars and Stephen S. Smalley (Cambridge: University Press, 1973),
33-34. The hypothesis that Luke himself added Isa 58:6d to Isa 61:1-2 in order to make the
connection between Jesus‘ preaching and the ―forgiveness of sins‖ cannot be sustained. See Turner,
Power From On High, 222-223.
26 Chilton, ―Announcement in Nazara,‖ 164.
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they share a common interpretative tradition. 27 It is assumed that most scripture is
―used by individuals and their communities as mediated to them by their
contemporaries and immediate forebears.‖ 28 The Lucan community would have
inherited certain exegetical traditions associated with a number of OT texts. The
aim here is to identify intertextual signifiers 29 in Luke 4:16-30 and its near context
that indicate Luke‘s use of these interpretative traditions in the writing of his
Gospel.
Luke explicitly states that his purpose for writing is to offer an ―orderly
account‖ (διήγησις�[diēgēsis]) of what was already known by his intended
audience, in order to verify the faithfulness of the testimony given in the tradition
handed down to them (cf. Luke 1:1-4). Since the Evangelist‘s first readers were
familiar with much of the material presented, it stands to reason that the Third
Gospel reflects a pre-Lucan tradition.
Although there is no known example in Jewish writings where Isa 61:1-2
and 58:6d are brought together, there are instances where Isa 61 is related to other
texts pertaining to Jubilee ‗release‘ (Lev 25; Deut 15). 30 Within the Qumran corpus,
27 The term used in the field of literary theory to signify such a relationship among texts is
‗intertextuality.‘ It was first applied to literary theory by Julia Kristeva in her essay "Word,
Dialogue and Novel," first published in French in Séméiotiké: recherches pour une sémanalyse (Paris:
Seuil, 1969) and available in English in The Kristeva Reader ed. Toril Moi (Oxford: Basil Blackwell,
1986) 35-61. For more on ‗intertextuality‘ see Michael Worton and Judith Still, eds, Intertextuality:
Theories and Practices (Manchester: University Press, 1990). With respect to Jewish exegetical
traditions, see Sipke Draisma, ed. Intertextuality in Biblical Writings; essays in Honour of Bas van Israel.
Kampen: Uitgeversmaatschappij J. H. Kok, 1989.
28 George J. Brooke, Shared Intertextual Interpretations in the Dead Sea Scrolls and the New
Testament (Orion Center for the Study of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Associated Literature , Hebrew
University, 1996), 1
29 The term signifier is used in the field of literary theory to refer to any linguistic form that
is used by an author to construct and/or convey meaning. A group of signifiers constitutes a signsystem.
In intertextuality theory, the method of determining meaning from a text is to take a work
of literature and evaluate that text by other texts. As one (or several) sign-system(s) is transposed
from one ‗setting‘ into another, it is believed that some of its ‗meaning‘ is carried with it—even
though the author of text in question may ‗transform‘ older signifiers into something new. See
Kristeva, The Kristeva Reader, 102-111. cf. Revolution in Poetic Language, trans. Margaret Waller (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1984), 59-60.
30 For more on Isa 61 in Judaism see J. A. Sanders, ‗From Isa 61 to Luke 4,‖ in Christianity,
Judaism and Other Greco-Roman Cults, ed. Jacob Neusner (Leiden: Brill, 1975), 75-106.
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one document that stands out as having parallels to Luke 4 is 11Q13
(11QMelchizedek). This is a pesher-exegesis with references to Lev 25:9, 13, Deut
15:2, Ps 82:1-2; Ps 7:8-9, Dan 9:26, Isa 52:7 and Isa 61:1-3. In 11Q13 the text of Isa
61:1-3 serves as the ―organizing framework‖ for the author‘s discussion concerning
a coming messianic eschatological Jubilee. 31 According to 11Q13, Israel‘s ultimate
Jubilee is to be inaugurated by an exalted figure (Melchizedek?) who arrives at the
end of the tenth Jubilee period (lines 7-9) to ―proclaim liberty‖ (lines 4-6), and to
release the captives from the power of Belial (lines 15, 25). This exalted figure is
―the anointed of the Spirit‖ who will both announce and bring salvation to Zion
(lines 18-19).
A survey of Jewish literature from the Second Temple period shows that
there was a distinct tradition in Judaism of using the language of Jubilee release to
depict salvation (cf. Pss. Sol. 11; Shemeneh ‗Esreh 10; Jubilees 23:11-32). 32 That Jubilee
imagery is being picked up by Luke is signified in part by the word ἄφεσις
[aphesis] in the phrase inserted from Isa 58:6—which seems to have a different
sense in Luke 4:18 than elsewhere in Luke-Acts. 33 The ordinary meaning of ἄφεσις
[aphesis] in Greek is ―release,‖ ―liberty,‖ ―freedom,‖ et cetera. 34 When a different
meaning is intended, some indication is usually given by the author. In Luke-Acts
31 Turner, Power From On High, 226.
32 This tradition goes back at least to the time of Deutero-Isaiah. It is already evident in Isa
61:1-2 (cf. Lev 25; Deut 15). See John D. W. Watts , Isaiah 34–66. Word Biblical Commentary, vol.25.
eds. David A. Hubbard and Glenn W. Barker (Dallas, TX: Word Books, 1987), 299-305; M. Miller,
―The Function of Isa. 61:1–2 in 11Q Melchizedek,‖ JBL 88 (1969): 467–469.
33 Contra Robert Menzies who proposes that Luke would have read the word ���������in
Isa 58:6d to mean ―forgiveness of sins,‖ in keeping with the regular meaning of the term in Luke-
Acts. See The Development of Early Christian Pneumatology With Special Reference to Luke-Acts
(Sheffeld: JSOT Press, 1991), 171-173. cf. C. M. Tucket, ―Luke 4,16-30, Isaiah and Q,‖ in Joël Delobel,
ed. Logia: Les paroles de Jesus—The Sayings of Jésus (Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters, 1982), 248. For more
on why this hypothesis cannot be sustained see Turner, Power From on High, 222-226.
34 In 40 of the 45 occurrences of ἄφεσις [aphesis] in LXX the reference is to literal release
from debt or oppression of some kind. The exceptions are Exo 18:2 (Moses ‗released‘ Zipporah into
her father‘s care); 23:11 (laws that fields should be left unfarmed [i.e., ‗released‘ from being
farmed]); Lev 16:26 (the Scapegoat ‗released‘ into the wilderness); Eze 47:3 (water ‗released‘ [i.e.,
flowing out] from the temple) and Judith 11:14 (‗permission‘ granted by elders). There is no
example in LXX where ἄφεσις [aphesis] refers to ‗forgiveness‘ of sins.
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ἄφεσις [aphesis] is nearly always used in the sense of ―forgiveness,‖ and Luke
indicates this by collocating ἄφεσις [aphesis] and ἁμαρτιῶν [hamartiōn = ―of sins‖]
(cf. Luke 1:77; 3:3; 24:47; Acts 2:38; 5:31; 10:43; 13:38; 26:18). The one exception is in
Luke 4:18—which is clearly part of the Evangelist‘s source material and not a
Lucan composition—where ἄφεσις [aphesis] is collocated with αἰχμαλώτοις
(aichmalotios = ―captives‖). Hence, the kind of ‗release‘ depicted in Luke 4 seems to
be the same as that envisaged in Isaiah.
Luke‘s use of Jubilee imagery is also signified by the content of the
genealogy in Luke 3:23-38—which serves to prepare the reader for interpreting the
account of Jesus‘ ―reading‖ of Isa 61:1-2 (58:6d) in terms of Jubilee. Luke places the
genealogy of Jesus between the Baptism account (3:21-22) and the Temptation
narrative (4:1-13). This is followed by a summary statement concerning the
beginning of Jesus‘ Galilean ministry (4:14-15), and the Nazareth pericope (4:16-30).
Luke‘s version of Jesus‘ genealogy is especially relevant to the debate that follows
Jesus‘ ―reading‖ and interpretation of Isa 61:1-2 (58:6d). The crowd‘s refusal to
hear the message announced to them is indicated by their (rhetorical?) question,
―Isn‘t this Joseph‘s son?‖ (4:22). 35 ―But the reader who has followed Jesus through
his virginal conception and childhood, anointing in baptism, and testing by the
devil knows that this ‗son of Joseph‘ is truly the ‗son of God‘ (cf. 2:48-50),
appointed to inaugurate God‘s reign.‖ 36
From the reader‘s perspective, the question about Jesus‘ ancestry
immediately draws attention to the genealogy in Luke 3:23-38. Unlike Matthew,
who is concerned primarily with Jewish origin, Luke traces Jesus‘ genealogy all the
way back to Adam, ―[the son] of God‖(τοῦ θεοῦ�[tou theou]). Luke‘s division of
world history into seventy-seven generations is significant because it reflects a
chronological scheme found in some ‗Intertestamental‘ Jewish apocalyptic
35 Contra Fitzmyer, who sees the query as an expression of ―pleasant surprise or
admiration.‖ (The Gospel According to Luke I-IX, 353).
36 David Tiede, Prophecy and History in Luke-Acts (Philadelphia, PA: Fortress Press, 1980), 38.
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writings, such as 4Q202 (4QEnoch b , Col. IV = Ethiopian 1 Enoch 10:8-12). In 4Q202
the heavenly figure Michael 37 is told to bind the Watchers for ―seventy ge[nerations
in the valleys of] the earth until the great day [of their judgment].‖ 38 In the Lucan
genealogy Enoch is the representative of the seventh generation from Adam—
which is a common Jewish tradition (cf. Gen 5; 1 Chr 1:1-3; Jude 14). By placing
Jesus in the seventieth generation after Enoch, Luke has a total of seventy-seven
generations leading up to the time of Christ. ―For a mind concerned with the
symbolic significance of sevens special significance also attaches to seven times
seven—the jubilee figure of forty-nine. It cannot be accidental that in the Lukan
genealogy the name Jesus occurs not only in seventy-seventh place, but also in
forty-ninth place—where the only namesake of Jesus among his ancestors appears
(Luke 3:29).‖ 39 While it cannot be proven that Luke (or the composer of his source
material) knew 1 Enoch, or that Jubilee chronology was common to Judaism in
general, at the very least it can be said that there is something ―Enochic‖ behind the
composition of the Lucan genealogy. 40 In 4Q202 the great Day of Judgment comes
at the end of seventy generations (i.e., ten periods of seven generations each). In
11QMelchizedek the Day of Atonement comes at the end of the tenth jubilee period
(cf. lines 7-9). In the Third Gospel ―the year of the Lord‘s favour‖ is inaugurated
by Jesus, who is the representative of the seventy-seventh generation. A common
theme in 4Q202 (=Ethiopian 1 Enoch), 11QMelchizedek and Luke is that an
37It is widely agreed that the names ―Michael‖ and ―Melchizedek‖ often refer to the same
eschatological figure in apocalyptic literature. See A. S. Van der Woude, "Melchisedek als
Himmlische Erlosergestalt in den Neugefundenen Eschatalogischen Midraschim aus Qumran
Hohle XI" (Melchizedek as Heavenly Savior Figure in the Newly Found Eschatological Midrash
From Qumran Cave 11) Oudtestamentische Studien 14 (1965): 354-373; James R. Davila, ―Melchizedek,
Michael, and War in Heaven,‖ SBL 1996 Seminar Papers (Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, 1996): 259-72;
Gareth Lee Cockerill, "Melchizedek or King of Righteousness," EQ 63 (1991): 305-312; Joseph A.
Fitzmyer, "Now This Melchizedek..." (Heb 7:1)," CBQ 25 (1963): 305-321; "Further Light on
Melchizedek from Qumran Cave 11," JBL 86 (1967): 25-41.
38 Florentino García Martínez and Eibert J. C. Tigchelaar, eds. The Dead Sea Scrolls: Study
Edition (New York: Brill, 1999), 407.
39 Richard Bauckham, Jude and the Relatives of Jesus in the Early Church (Edinburgh: T. & T.
Clark, 1990), 319.
40 For more on this see Bauckham, Jude and the Relatives, 315-373.
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―anointed‖ eschatological figure arrives at the end of world history to free people
from the power of evil (Belial, Watchers, Satan/evil spirits. cf. Luke 4:31-37; 4Q201
Col. I, 15-16 = Ethiopian 1 Enoch 1:9-12; 41 11QMelchizedek Col. II, lines 13-25). It
seems that the best explanation for these thematic and schematic parallels is that all
three authors shared a similar interpretative tradition.
According to Luke 4:21, when Jesus had finished ―reading‖ Isa 61:1-2 (58:6d)
he proclaimed to the crowd, ―Today this scripture has been fulfilled in your
hearing.‖ In the original context of Isa 61:1-2, the one speaking is the prophet
(Isaiah?). Yet, Jesus cites this text as a prophecy about himself. He was not the first
to interpret such OT texts eschatologically or messianically, for this type of pesher-
exegesis was common in Second Temple Judaism—at least at Qumran (cf. 11Q13,
4Q521, 11Q19, 4Q174, 4Q385, 4Q500).
The only other time that Luke alludes to Isa 61:1-2 is in chapter 7, where
there is a question concerning Jesus‘ messianic identity. In Luke 7:18-23 the story is
told about some disciples of John the Baptist who were sent by their master to
inquire whether Jesus is the ―coming one‖ or if they should ―look for
another‖(7:18-20). Jesus responds to their question by listing six ‗signs‘ that
confirm his identity:
(1) ―the blind receive sight‖ τυφλοῖς ἀνάβλεψιν [tuphlois abablepsin] �� ), (2) ―the
lame walk,‖ (3) ―the lepers are cleansed,‖ (4) ―the deaf hear,‖ (5) ―the dead are
raised,‖ and (6) ―the poor have good news preached to them‖ (7:22). Apparently,
no other explanation was needed because Jesus was doing the very things expected
of the Messiah (cf. 7:21). This list of ‗signs‘ for recognizing the Messiah—which
of Spirits.‖
41 In Ethopian 1 Enoch 48:10, this eschatological figure is callad the ―Anointed‖ of the ―Lord
42 This seems to be a reference to LXX Isa 61:1. There is no counterpart to τυφλοῖς
ἀνάβλεψιν [tuphlois abablepsin] in the MT (i.e. Hebrew Bible), the Qumran MSS of Isaiah, or the
Targum of Isaiah.
12

was part of the Q source of the Gospels (cf. Matt 11:5//Luke 7:22)—seems to belong
to a very early tradition shared by the followers of John the Baptist and the
Christian community. 43
A document from Qumran that is particularly helpful for understanding
some of the interpretative tradition(s) behind Luke‘s Gospel is 4Q521 (4QMessianic
Apocalypse). In 4Q521 (Frags. 2 col. II, lines 8 and 12-13) there are two lists of
‗signs of the Messiah‘ that combine elements from Isa 61:1, Deut 32:39, Ps 146:7-8,
and Isa 35:5. 44 That these ‗lists‘ are similar to the one in Luke 7:22 is immediately
apparent. But what is especially significant about 4Q521 is that it contains a
statement about ‗raising the dead‘ as one of the expectations of the messianic age.
It reads, ―[for] he will heal the badly wounded and will make the dead live, he will
proclaim good news to the poor‖ רשבי םיונע היחי םיתמו םיללח אפרי ]יכ[
(Frags. 2, col. II,
line 12). The last phrase is a quote from Isa 61:1, but there is nothing in the Hebrew
Bible about a messianic figure raising the dead. Actually, 4Q521 is the only known
example besides Q (= Luke 7:22//Matt 11:5) where ‗raising of the dead‘ is said to be
a ‗sign‘ of the Messiah. 45 ―Through this Dead Sea Scroll fragment, coupled with the
early Q source of the Gospels, we are taken back to a very early common tradition
within Palestinian Judaism regarding the ‗signs of the Messiah.‘‖ 46
A comparative analysis of portions of Luke and certain documents from
Qumran reveals that there is a definite a ‗link‘ between the Third Gospel and some
of the Jewish writings composed during the Second Temple period. Of course, care
should be taken not to minimize the fundamental differences between the religious
43 See Fitzmeyer, The Gospel According to Luke I-IX, 662-665.
44 The first item in line 12 (םיללח אפרי ―heal the wounded‖) seems to echo Isa 61:1. But it is
the form probably found in the Vorlage of LXX Isa 61:1, not the form found in MT. For an extensive
discussion on the text of 4Q521 see Emile Peuch, La Croyance des Esséniens en la vie future: immortalité,
résurrection, vie éternelle? (Paris: Libr. Lecoffre : J. Gabalda, 1993), 627-692.
45 Although resurrection of the dead is associated with Israel‘s ‗restoration‘ in Isa 26:19 and
Dan 12:1-3.
46 James D. Tabor and Michael Wise, ―4Q521 ‗On Resurrection‘ and the Synoptic Gospel
Tradition: A Preliminary Study,‖ in Qumran Questions, ed. James Charlesworth (Sheffield: Academic
Press, 1995), 162.
13

movement(s) at Qumran and the early followers of Jesus Christ. Christianity is not
a product of Qumran. Still, the evidence suggests that some of the Jewish
interpretative traditions reflected in the Dead Sea Scrolls also played a part in
shaping the theological perspective of the earliest Church. Given the similarities
among them, it is hard to imagine how these religious communities could have
belonged to a substantially different conceptual world. Therefore, Luke‘s Jewish-
Christian background must be considered when interpreting Luke-Acts.
Luke 4:16-30 in Light of First-Century Jewish Expectation(s) of the Spirit
Luke‘s ‗explanation‘ of the effect of the Spirit on Jesus in Luke 4:16-30 is
decisive for understanding the essential nature of the gift of the Spirit in Luke-Acts.
The presence of intertextual signifiers in Luke 4:16-30 and its near context confirms
that the Evangelist‘s ―orderly account‖ (διήγησιν [diēngēsin]) of the tradition
―handed down‖ to the earliest Christians (Luke 1:1-4) reflects first-century Jewish-
Christian thought. Consequently, Luke‘s concept of the Spirit must be understood
against the backdrop of first-century Jewish expectation(s) of the Spirit—especially
those expectations based on eschatological messianic interpretations of Isa 61:1-2.
A survey of literature from Qumran, as well as other Jewish apocryphal and
Pseudepigraphic writings, shows evidence of a variety of Pneumatologies within
Judaism during the Second Temple period. 47 Therefore, it would be inappropriate
to think of any one concept of the Spirit as though it represented the view of first-
century Jews. Nevertheless, the tradition used by Luke in his account of Jesus‘
―sermon‖ in the synagogue at Nazareth held a view of the Spirit that is fairly
common among groups within Second Temple Judaism.
In the opening chapters of his Gospel Luke highlights the central role of the
47 See Matthias Wenk, Community-Forming Power: The Socio-Ethical Role of the Spirit in Luke-
Acts JPT Sup19 (Sheffield: Academic Press, 2000), chaps. 3-5.
14

Holy Spirit as the ―driving force of salvation-history‖ 48 (e.g., the Spirit is
responsible for Jesus‘ conception [1:35]; Elizabeth and her baby are filled with the
Spirit [1:15, 41]; Zechariah is filled with the Spirit [1:67]; the Spirit comes on Simeon
with a revelation and guides him to visit the Temple as Jesus is brought to be
circumcised [1:25-27]). As the story unfolds, the reader is frequently reminded that
the Holy Spirit is at work behind the scenes to bring about Israel‘s restoration and
witness (cf. Acts 2:15-39). God‘s Spirit (חור [ruch] ��������pneuma]) is generally
represented in two ways in Judaism: (1) as the invisible activity of God in power
and (2) as God‘s presence in revelation and wisdom. 49 In Luke-Acts the Spirit‘s
presence and action is ultimately that of God, 50 so that what is accomplished in and
through the Messiah (Jesus) and his followers is clearly God‘s work in salvation-
history (e.g., Luke 1:68; 7:16; 8:39; 11:20; 19:37; Acts 2:22-36; 14:27; 15:4,12; 19:11).
The question of whether Luke‘s account of the Spirit‘s effect on Jesus should
be understood in prophetic or messianic terms is the subject of much scholarly
debate. 51 However, the distinction between ‗prophetic‘ and ‗messianic‘ references
to Jesus in Luke-Acts cannot be drawn easily. The evident connection between 4:18
and 7:22 shows that even though the immediate context of Luke 4:16-30 suggests
that Jesus‘ ―anointing‖ (cf. 3:22) should be understood primarily as prophetic, the
48 Hans von Baer, Der heilige Geist in den Lukasschriften. BWANT 39 (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer,
1926), 191.
49 See Max Turner, The Holy Spirit and Spiritual Gifts in the New Testament Church and Today.
(Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1996), 3-16.
50William Shepherd, Jr. The Narrative Function of the Holy Spirit as a Character in Luke-Acts,
SBL Dissertation Series 147 (Atlanta: Georgia, Scholars Press, 1994), 101.
51 In his commentary on Luke, John Nolland offers a solution by suggesting that the
Evangelist probably has a prophet-like-Moses/royal-Davidic/Messianic figure in view (Word Biblical
Commentary, vol. 25). The crux of Nolland‘s argument is that Luke‘s free use of christological titles
allowed him to refer to Jesus in both prophetic and messianic terms. For those favouring a
‗prophetic‘ interpretation see I. de la Potterie, ―L‘onction du Christ.‖ NRT 80 (1958) 225–52;
Ferdinand Hahn, The Titles of Jesus in Christology; Their History in Early Christianity trans. Harold
Knight and George Ogg (London, Lutterworth Press, 1969), 381–82; Peter Stuhlmacher, Das
paulinische Evangelium (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1968), 1: 225-234:142–146, 225–230; C.
E. Freire, ―Jesus profeta, libertador del hombre: Vision lucana de su ministerio terrestre.‖ EE 51
(1976) 463–95. For those favouring a ‗messianic‘ interpretation see Robert Tannehill, ―The Mission
of Jesus According to Luke iv 16–30,‖ in Jesus in Nazareth, ed. W. Eltester. (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1972),
51–75; and Michael Dömer, Das Heil Gottes (Köln; Bonn: Hanstein, 1978), 61.
15

messianic implication is never far from view. In some Jewish circles the speaker in
Isa 61:1-2 was clearly thought of as a prophetic figure. The Targum of Isaiah reads,
―The prophet said, ‗The spirit of prophecy from before the Lord Elohim is upon
me.‘‖ 52 Yet the Jubilee language in 4:16-30 and its near context—along with the
Jewish messianic interpretations attached to Isa 61:1-2—shows that by the first
century the prophet-liberator motif had been taken up in ―a new eschatological
and messianic garb.‖ 53 Luke, therefore, can refer to Jesus in both prophetic and
messianic terms. God is said to have made Jesus ―both Lord and Christ‖ (Acts
2:36), and to have raised him up as a Prophet-like-Moses (Acts 3:22 cf. Luke 2:11, 26;
4:41; 9:20; 1:76; 24:19; Acts 2:22; 7:37). ―It is also noteworthy that, in the redaction
of Lk. 7.11-35, the one who fulfills Isa. 61.1 (v.22) is identified with the one earlier
designated as ‗a mighty prophet‘ (v. 16).‖ 54
In 11Q13 and 4Q521 the Spirit-anointed figure is said to be enabled not only
to proclaim release to the captives, but also to liberate them. A similar tradition is
found in other messianic interpretations of Isa 61:1-2 (e.g., Testament of the Twelve
Patriarchs). The ‗Anointed One‘ (T. Dan. 5:10-11; T. Levi 18:11-12) releases Israel
from spiritual powers (T. Zeb. 8:8) and liberates every captive (T. Levi 3:2-3; T.Sim
6:6). In Luke 4:16-30 Jesus ‗anointing‘ is said to be an empowering both to declare
and to effect ―liberation.‖ Jesus is portrayed in Luke as preaching the Kingdom of
God and performing miraculous deeds (healings, exorcisms, etc.). In Acts 10:38
Jesus‘ ‗anointing‘ is explicitly mentioned in relation to his ―doing good and healing
all who were oppressed by the devil.‖ 4Q521 (Frags. 2 col. II, lines 5-6) explicitly
states, ―For the Lord will consider the pious (hasidim) and call the righteous by
name. Over the poor His spirit will hover and will renew the faithful with His
power.‖ 55 Here the actions of the Messiah are clearly connected to the Spirit‘s
work among the poor and the renewal of the faithful.
52Stenning, J. F., ed. The Targum of Isaiah. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1953.
53 Turner, Power From On High, 226.
54 Ibid., 237.
55
וחכב ףילחי םינומאו ףחרת וחור םיונע לעי ארקי םשב םיקידצו רקבי םידיסח ינדא יכ55
16

The theme of Jubilee release--evident in Isa 58:6 and 61:1-2—is actually part
of a larger ‗New Exodus‘ motif. The Jubilee year was originally intended to ensure
relative social and economic equality within the Israelite community (Lev 25:1-54).
In the OT prophetic writings the ―call to repentance was linked to a call to re-
establish the social order [that] originated with the Exodus event (cf. the ‗Exodus
society‘ in Lev. 25.35-42 and the ‗monarchic society‘ in 1 Kgs 5.13-18).‖ 56 Israel‘s
repentance meant undoing the injustices that resulted from not following God‘s
instructions for living (i.e., Torah cf. Amos 1-4). By the Second Temple period, the
‗New Exodus‘ motif had taken on an eschatological dimension. Consequently,
Jubilee release was understood as deliverance from various forms of oppression.
The ‗poor‘ meant all those who had been disenfranchised in any way, not just
socially or economically. The passages in Luke-Acts that describe the effect of the
Spirit on the lives of those who hear and respond positively the ‗good news‘
confirm that the expectations pertaining to the messianic age are being realized by
God‘s people (cf. Luke 5:27-31; 7:36-50; 19:1-10; 24:13-53; Acts 5:1-11; 6:3-5; 11:24;
13:52). A new community of faith (a new Israel[?]) has emerged having been
created and empowered for mission by the Spirit (Acts 2:38)—i.e., the source of
‗new-creation life.‘
Conclusion
When the Jewish interpretative traditions behind Luke‘s Gospel are taken
into account, it seems that Luke would have been rather surprised to learn that
some interpret his emphasis on the presence of the Spirit in missionary activity as
somehow downplaying the Spirit‘s work as the source of ‗new-creation life.‘ An
examination of Luke 4:16-30 in light of first-century Jewish expectation(s) of the
Spirit shows that Luke would have inherited from his Jewish background a
tradition that included a view of the Spirit as both an ‗empowering for mission‘ and
56 Matthias Wenk, Community-Forming Power: The Socio-Ethical Role of the Spirit in Luke-Acts
(Sheffield: Academic press, 2000), 204.
17

as the source of eschatological ‗life‘ and ‗sonship.‘ Behind Luke‘s presentation of
the Spirit as the ―driving force of salvation history‖ 57 lies a Pneumatology that is
built on Jewish interpretative traditions associated with certain OT texts that
viewed the Spirit as God‘s invisible presence at work bringing about the
restoration of Israel. ―The direct self-characterization of Jesus provides indirect
characterization of the Spirit as well—the Spirit which anointed Jesus is the kind of
Spirit who enables proclamation and deliverance.‖ 58 The Spirit empowers Jesus
and his followers for missionary service, and shapes the entire existence of the
Christian community itself.
57 Hans von Baer, Der heilige Geist in den Lukasschriften. BWANT 39 (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer,
1926), 191.
58 Shepherd, Narrative Function, 136.
18

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23