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BRENNAN CENTER FOR JUSTICE

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Impact of New Voting Laws on Minority Voters<br />

Opponents of the bills and laws detailed in this report frequently point to their negative impact on<br />

the ability of African American and Latino citizens to vote, and with good reason: there is substantial<br />

evidence that these laws will make it far more difficult for minorities than whites to vote.<br />

For instance, Florida’s new law—which places so many new burdens on voter registration drive<br />

activity that most groups have discontinued their voter registration activities in the state—will<br />

almost certainly hit African American and Hispanic voters hardest. In Florida, U.S. Census<br />

Bureau data from the 2004 and 2008 election cycles show that both African-Americans and<br />

Hispanics rely more heavily than white voters on community-based voter registration drives; in<br />

fact, African-American and Hispanic citizens in Florida are more than twice as likely to register<br />

to vote through such drives as white voters. 186<br />

Similarly, the most restrictive voter ID laws, which only allow a small number of specified<br />

government issued photo IDs to vote, seem certain to create more burdens for minority citizens.<br />

According to one study, as many as 25% of African-American voters do not possess a current and<br />

valid form of government issued photo ID, compared to 11% of voters of all races. 187 And the<br />

kinds of government issued IDs that are permitted in the various state laws often put minorities<br />

at an even greater disadvantage. For instance, as noted above, the new Texas voter ID law, permits<br />

voters to use a concealed handgun license as proof of identity, but precludes voters from using a<br />

student ID, even if the student ID was issued by a state university. As the Texas Department of<br />

Public Safety recently noted, African Americans are significantly underrepresented among the<br />

state’s handgun license holders. Of the more than 100,000 concealed handgun licenses issued in<br />

Texas last year, only 7.69% were issued to African Americans, even though African Americans<br />

constitute 12.1% of the state’s voting age population. In contrast, African Americans are more<br />

likely to attend a public university in Texas than whites. According to the 2009 American<br />

Community Survey, 8.0% of voting-age African Americans in Texas attended a public university<br />

compared with only 5.8% of voting age whites. 188<br />

New restrictions on early voting will also have their biggest impact on people of color. Opponents<br />

of these restrictions have been particularly angered by the efforts to eliminate Sunday early voting,<br />

which they see as explicitly targeting African-American voters. Florida eliminated early voting on<br />

the last Sunday before Election Day, and Ohio has eliminated early voting on Sundays entirely.<br />

There is substantial statistical and anecdotal evidence that African Americans (and to a lesser extent<br />

Hispanics) vote on Sundays in proportionately far greater numbers than whites. 189 For instance,<br />

in the 2008 general election in Florida, 33.2% of those who voted early on the last Sunday before<br />

Election Day were African American and 23.6% were Hispanic, whereas African Americans<br />

constituted just 13.4% of all early voters for all early voting days, and Hispanics just 11.6%. 190<br />

24 | Brennan Center for Justice

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