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godfrey lienhardt - Institute of Social and Cultural Anthropology ...

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324 Caroline lfeka <strong>and</strong> Emilie Flower<br />

Young youth then decided to send a delegation <strong>of</strong> two young men <strong>and</strong> one<br />

woman to a village belonging to another ethnic group. The native priest told them<br />

that the late In had been killed by a witch society <strong>and</strong> that the members were from<br />

In's own family <strong>of</strong> Ebupe. He advised them to call the principal accused, namely<br />

Anna A <strong>of</strong> the Ebupe family, to account. They summoned Beri youth living in<br />

Calabar, they <strong>and</strong> the dead youth's state security service sympathizers playing a<br />

leading role in shifting accusations <strong>of</strong> Anna <strong>and</strong> her co-accused from words to<br />

physical violence <strong>and</strong> torture.<br />

Accusations in Public<br />

'Active' youth did not consult family elders before they acted. They called Anna<br />

A to answer what she knew about In's death, <strong>and</strong> though Anna denied she knew<br />

anything, Ebupe youth summoned her <strong>and</strong> other accused to the 'playground'.<br />

Somewhat disconcertingly, the accused, along with many others, just w<strong>and</strong>ered<br />

down to the market square, where male youth tied their legs with ropes <strong>and</strong> sticks<br />

(braces). The accused sat on a long bench in front <strong>of</strong> the community council,<br />

senior chiefs <strong>and</strong> family elders, youth, <strong>and</strong>, at the back, women.<br />

The youth did not begin with the witches but spent three hours settling old<br />

debts, arguing at length about the fines to be imposed on youth who had not paid<br />

fines imposed on them previously for various <strong>of</strong>fences. People murmured that<br />

youth's insistence on defaulters paying fines was due to the need to 'settle' the<br />

community <strong>and</strong> achieve a moral balance by restitution, but that 'really' the trial<br />

was an opportunity for youth to put money into their empty c<strong>of</strong>fers. Youth<br />

repeatedly harangued community council elders for allowing In's death to take<br />

place <strong>and</strong> for general inaction reflected in endemic l<strong>and</strong> disputes <strong>and</strong> witchcraft<br />

accusations, especially in Batia.<br />

Confessions in Public<br />

Anna was the principal accused, partly because she had been found gUilty in<br />

previous trials <strong>of</strong> being a witch. About forty years <strong>of</strong> age, she was a staunch<br />

follower <strong>of</strong> the Blessed Mother, childless in this world, <strong>and</strong> prone to frequent, late<br />

miscarriages-'the lamb just disappears'. She was poor, marginal, <strong>and</strong> ranked low<br />

among the family's female agnates.<br />

Male youth tightened the braces so that Anna cried <strong>and</strong> yelled with pain. She<br />

accused six other people <strong>of</strong> being members <strong>of</strong> the witch society that had brought<br />

about In's death. Of the seven (including herself), three were close relations (halfbrothers)<br />

<strong>and</strong> four were distant family relations; together the seven represent all the<br />

nuclear families <strong>of</strong> the Ebupe sub-family <strong>and</strong> thus 'united' the sub-family in the<br />

spirit world. Those named included the clan head's senior paternal half-brother<br />

Raphael. TIle six denied the accusation, but subsequently Raphael confirmed their

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