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Hate Crime and Vilification Law: Developments - The University of ...

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6<br />

<strong>The</strong> fact that there have been no prosecutions raises the question <strong>of</strong> whether there is a gap<br />

between the way legislators <strong>and</strong> the public have expected the criminal provisions to operate <strong>and</strong><br />

the way they in fact operate – an “expectation gap”. If there is such a gap, the main reason<br />

according to the advice received from the DPP is the need to prove two <strong>of</strong> the elements <strong>of</strong> the<br />

<strong>of</strong>fence that are particularly difficult to prove – the “incitement” element <strong>and</strong> the “means” element.<br />

(a) <strong>The</strong> ‘incitement’ element<br />

I have already mentioned the difficulties involved in proving ‘incitement’, even in the civil context<br />

<strong>and</strong> to the civil st<strong>and</strong>ard. Are there alternatives, particularly in the context <strong>of</strong> the NSW criminal<br />

provisions?<br />

Article 4 <strong>of</strong> the International Convention on the Elimination <strong>of</strong> All Forms <strong>of</strong> Racial Discrimination, to<br />

which Australia is a party, requires States to “declare as an <strong>of</strong>fence punishable by law all<br />

dissemination <strong>of</strong> ideas based on racial superiority or hatred” (see para. (a)).<br />

<strong>The</strong> Convention thus seems to require that the mere expression <strong>and</strong> advocacy <strong>of</strong> racial hatred to<br />

others ought to be made a punishable <strong>of</strong>fence. Implicit in this requirement is the proposition that<br />

the mere dissemination <strong>of</strong> ideas <strong>of</strong> racial hatred necessarily involves a sufficiently serious breach<br />

<strong>of</strong> the peace to justify the imposition <strong>of</strong> criminal sanctions. As noted earlier, there may well be<br />

sound sociological <strong>and</strong> historical reasons for accepting that proposition, although it remains<br />

controversial <strong>and</strong> would almost certainly be challenged by some on civil liberties grounds.<br />

Moreover, removing the terminology <strong>of</strong> incitement from the ADA <strong>and</strong> replacing it with new<br />

terminology, such as “the dissemination <strong>of</strong> hatred” on any <strong>of</strong> the prohibited grounds, would involve<br />

jettisoning the body <strong>of</strong> jurisprudence that has developed in Australia in particular around the<br />

concept <strong>of</strong> incitement. Whatever benefit may be obtained from removing the difficulties inherent in<br />

the concept <strong>of</strong> incitement from the criminal provisions may well be outweighed by introducing<br />

entirely new concepts whose interpretation by the Courts could not be predicted.<br />

Neither the civil nor the criminal provisions <strong>of</strong> the ADA expressly require that the incitement be<br />

intentional. When anti-vilification laws were first introduced in New South Wales in 1989, the then<br />

Attorney-General said in his Second Reading Speech that intention to incite would need to be<br />

proved in order to establish a breach <strong>of</strong> the criminal provisions, but not <strong>of</strong> the civil provisions.<br />

<strong>The</strong> argument that pro<strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong> intention to incite ought to be a requirement for securing a conviction<br />

under the criminal provisions derives from the common law concept that the element <strong>of</strong> mens rea<br />

(literally “guilty mind”) must be present to justify the imposition <strong>of</strong> criminal sanctions. Satisfying<br />

this requirement in any criminal prosecution usually entails pro<strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong> criminal intent or at least<br />

reckless indifference by the accused to the consequences <strong>of</strong> the proscribed behaviour.<br />

<strong>The</strong> counter-argument is that public acts <strong>of</strong> vilification on any <strong>of</strong> the prohibited grounds ought to be<br />

criminalised whether or not there is intent or recklessness, because <strong>of</strong> the destructive message<br />

that would be conveyed to society if those acts went unpunished.<br />

One possible way <strong>of</strong> dealing with the mens rea element would be to introduce two types <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>fence<br />

to proscribe vilificatory behaviour. <strong>The</strong> first <strong>of</strong>fence would require pro<strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong> an intention to incite<br />

hatred <strong>and</strong> would carry the heavier penalty. <strong>The</strong> second <strong>of</strong>fence would be in the nature <strong>of</strong> a strict<br />

liability <strong>of</strong>fence <strong>and</strong> would require pro<strong>of</strong> only <strong>of</strong> the likelihood (or reasonable likelihood) <strong>of</strong> a<br />

proscribed outcome. A person charged with the first <strong>of</strong>fence could, if intention is not proved, be<br />

liable nevertheless to be convicted <strong>of</strong> the second <strong>of</strong>fence, if the evidence is sufficient to prove the<br />

elements <strong>of</strong> the second <strong>of</strong>fence.

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