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Franco ''Bifo'' Berardi - The Soul at Work From Alienation to Autonomy

Franco ''Bifo'' Berardi - The Soul at Work From Alienation to Autonomy

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In the context of the past bourgeois society, in the sphere of<br />

modern Enlightenment, the intellectual was not defined by hislher<br />

social condition, but as represent<strong>at</strong>ive of a system of universal values.<br />

<strong>The</strong> role <strong>at</strong>tributed <strong>to</strong> intellectuals by the Enlightenment was <strong>to</strong><br />

establish and guarantee-by the exercise of r<strong>at</strong>ionality-the respect<br />

for human rights, equality and the universality of law.<br />

<strong>The</strong> modern figure of the intellectual finds philosophical justific<strong>at</strong>ion<br />

in Kant's thoughr. Within th<strong>at</strong> context, the intellectual<br />

emerges as a figure independent from social experience, or <strong>at</strong> least<br />

not socially influenced in the ethical and cognitive choices slhe<br />

makes. As the bearer of a universal human r<strong>at</strong>ionality, the<br />

enlightened intellectual can be considered as the social determin<strong>at</strong>ion<br />

of Kant's "I think." <strong>The</strong> intellectual is the guaran<strong>to</strong>r of a thought<br />

freed from any boundaries, the expression of a universally human<br />

r<strong>at</strong>ionality. In this sense slhe is the guaran<strong>to</strong>r of democracy.<br />

Democracy cannot stem from any cultural roor or belonging, but only<br />

from a boundless horizon of possibilities and choices, from opportunities<br />

of access and citizenship for every person as semiotic agent and<br />

subject, who exchanges signs in order <strong>to</strong> have access <strong>to</strong> universal r<strong>at</strong>ionality.<br />

In this sense the figure of the intellectual is in opposition <strong>to</strong> the<br />

Romantic notion of the people, or r<strong>at</strong>her escapes from such a notion.<br />

Universal Thought, from which the modern adventure of democracy<br />

was born, is indeed an escape from his<strong>to</strong>ricity and the terri<strong>to</strong>riality<br />

of culture. Democracy cannot have the mark of a culture, of a<br />

people, of a tradition: it has <strong>to</strong> be a groundless play, invention and<br />

convention, r<strong>at</strong>her than an assertion of belonging.<br />

Both his<strong>to</strong>rical and dialectical m<strong>at</strong>erialism assert a completely<br />

different vision: the intellectual becomes the agent of a specific<br />

his<strong>to</strong>ric message, destined <strong>to</strong> descend from the his<strong>to</strong>ry of thought<br />

<strong>to</strong> the his<strong>to</strong>ry of social classes. In the eleventh of his <strong>The</strong>ses on<br />

Feuerbach, referring <strong>to</strong> the role th<strong>at</strong> knowledge must have in the<br />

his<strong>to</strong>rical process, Marx wrote:<br />

"<strong>The</strong> philosophers have only interpreted the world in various<br />

ways; the point, however, is <strong>to</strong> change it."!<br />

Marxist intellectuals conceive themselves as instruments of a his<strong>to</strong>rical<br />

process aimed <strong>at</strong> producing a society without classes. <strong>The</strong><br />

Communist project makes theory a m<strong>at</strong>erial power and knowledge<br />

an instrument <strong>to</strong> change the world. Only insofar as slhe takes part in<br />

the fight <strong>to</strong>wards the abolition of classes and wage-earning labor does<br />

the intellectual in fact become the agent of a universal mission.<br />

<strong>The</strong> role of intellectuals is crucial in 20th-Century political<br />

philosophy, specifically in Communist revolutionary thought,<br />

beginning with Lenin. In his book Wh<strong>at</strong> is <strong>to</strong> Be Done? Lenin<br />

<strong>at</strong>tributes the task of leading the his<strong>to</strong>ric process <strong>to</strong> the intellectuals,<br />

in the interest of the working class. <strong>The</strong> intellectual, being a free<br />

spirit, is not the agent of a social interest but serves the emerging<br />

interest, slhe identifies with the party which is the ultim<strong>at</strong>e collective<br />

intellectual. For Lenin, intellectuals are not a social class, they<br />

have no specific interest <strong>to</strong> support. <strong>The</strong>y can become agents and<br />

organizers of a revolutionary consciousness stemming f<strong>to</strong>m philosophical<br />

thought. In this sense, intellectuals are closest <strong>to</strong> the<br />

pure becoming of the Spirit, <strong>to</strong> the Hegelian development of selfconsciousness.<br />

On the other hand, the workers, despite being the<br />

agents of a social interest, can only move from a purely economic<br />

phase (Hegel's self-consciousness of the social being) <strong>to</strong> the conscious<br />

political phase (self-consciousness per se) through the<br />

political structure of the party, which embodies and transmits the<br />

philosophical heritage.<br />

30 / <strong>The</strong> <strong>Soul</strong> <strong>at</strong> <strong>Work</strong><br />

f ttl, H:J

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