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9 ~,~i - National Criminal Justice Reference Service

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428 BECKET1"<br />

Nisbet 1971), their emphasis is nonetheless on the nature and extent of those social conditions<br />

that are defined as problematic.<br />

Specifically, objectivists argue that the increased incidence of "street crime" and drug use<br />

has led to increased public concern about those issues. In this view, the Nixon, Reagan, and<br />

Bush administrations' "get tough" approach to crime has been a response to public concern,<br />

itself a consequence of the increased incidence of crime. For example, one major analysis of<br />

trends in public opinion concludes that Increased fear of "crime and support for punitive<br />

measures "have been shaped largely by objective shifts in the level of criminal activity"<br />

(Niemi, Mueller, and Smith 1989:133). Similarly, Mayer (1992:274) claims that "rising crime<br />

rates led to growing public support for the death penalty and a tougher criminal justice system."<br />

The argument that there has been "an objective shift in criminal activity" is based on<br />

official crime statistics that suggest such a trend. Thus, while the theoretical premise of objectivism<br />

does not necessarily imply an acceptance of official statistics as an accurate reflection of<br />

the actual incidence of social phenomena, objectivists rely on such statistics for their information.about<br />

social conditions. As a result, objectivists anticipate that these measures will be<br />

associated with public concern 3 (see Morgamhau and Miller 1986; Niemi, Mueller, and<br />

Smith 1989).<br />

Objectivist accounts of the crime and drug issues also tend to conflate objectivism with<br />

the pluralist assumption that state actors primarily react to, rather than attempt to shape,<br />

public opinion. For example, Wilson ( 1975:xvi) argues that "public opinion was well ahead of<br />

political opinion in calling attention to the rising problem of crime." This approach thus<br />

presumes that state initiative on the crime issue was a response to a prior increase in public<br />

concern about crime.<br />

The following hypotheses can be derived from this model: first, the objectivist hypothesis<br />

(H 1 ) anticipates a positive relationship between the reported incidence of crime/drug use and<br />

subsequent levels of public concern regarding these issues; second, the pluralist hypothesis<br />

(H2) predicts that shifts in the level of public concern precede corresponding shifts in the level<br />

of state anti-crime and anti-drug activity.<br />

The Constructionist Model<br />

The constructionist model emphasizes the social nature of assessments of those phenomena<br />

that are defined as social problems. For constructionists, reality is not known directly, but<br />

must be comprehended through "maps of meaning" or "frames" which select, order, and<br />

interpret that reality (Hall et al. 1978). These "frames" give meaning and coherence to events<br />

and phenomena (Gamson et al. 1992), including social problems. Because each issue frame<br />

has a different set of political implications, a variety of social actors may compete in sponsoring<br />

their preferred frames 4 (Edeiman 1988; Gamson et al. 1992). In sum, constructionists<br />

emphasize the subjective, social and political dimension of social problems.<br />

A constructionist account of the crime and drug issues antidpates that the public's assessment<br />

of the nature of those problems will be shaped by their popular representation. This<br />

approach therefore rejects the objectivist hypothesis (HI) that levels of public concern will<br />

necessarily correspond to the reported incidence of crime/drug use. Instead, the constructionist<br />

hypothesis (H3) anticipates a strong association between media and state daimsmaking<br />

activities on the one hand and levels of public concern on the other. However, there is some<br />

3. I therefore use these statistics to test the objectivist hypothesis that the reported rate of crime/drug use shapes<br />

public concern around those issues.<br />

4. The construction of meaning and the struggle to imbue public discourse around events and issues with this<br />

meaning is an ongoing political process. For this reason, media discourse may be fruitfully conceptualized as an independent<br />

rather than dependent variable (Gamson et al. 1992:385).<br />

4

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