SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF HISTORICAL ...

SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN CALIFORNIA
Julia G. Costello
Foothill Resource Associates
P.O. Box 288
Mokelumne Hill, CA 95245
ABSTRACT
Twenty-five years ago, in 1966, historical archaeology was
yet to be defined as a discipline, and yet considerable historic
sites work had already been accomplished in California. sites
from the Spanish and Mexican period were among the first to be
investigated, followed by those of pioneer statehood inspired by
the Gold Rush Centennial. paralleling developments within the
growing discipline of historic sites archaeology, new
technologies were developed and old techniques refined.
Investigations have been profoundly affected by the continuing
evolution of philosophies and research goals involving changes in
both cultural and geographic perspectives. Future development
should involve more consensus on the importance of historic sites
and increasing use of comparative studies to discover significant
patterns of our past.
INTRODUCTION
I am pleased to have taken part of the commemoration of the
25th anniversary of the founding of SCA, and honored to have been
asked to comment on the development of historical archaeology in
California. This retrospective is particularly appropriate as
SCA shares an age-mate in the Society for Historical Archaeology,
also celebrating its 25th anniversary this year.
As I take note of the other speakers who presented papers in
the plenary session, I cannot help but observe that I was the
only participant who was not working in California 25 years ago
(I was a sophomore at st. Lawrence University). And, despite the
abundance of female colleagues in the profession, I was the only
woman participant. Perhaps I am part of a new era, a new
movement in the discipline: Early Man, followed by Late Woman.
Historical archaeology has been defined as the study of
sites that contain material evidence of non-Indian cultures, or
about which there is documentary evidence (Fontana 1965).
Recently, it has been suggested that historical archaeology is
more specifically the study of the development and spread of
European society and economy since 1400, the impact of this
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expansion on native peoples, the cultural effects of the
industrial revolution, and the emerging modern world market
economy (Deagan 1988:9; Schuyler 1988:37).
As we look back over historic sites research in California,
I will give examples of what we studied, how, and why. This is
not a comprehensive survey of historical archaeology in
California. There are other summaries of historic sites work in
the state that should be consulted for additional references
(Chartkoff and Chartkoff 1984; Heizer 1950; Schuyler 1978). More
focused summaries have been compiled for work on Hispanic sites
(Barker and Costello 1991; Hoover 1985; Kelly and Kelly 1984), on
excavations in Sacramento (Schulz et ale 1980a), and on Asianrelated
sites (Ehrenreich et ale 1984).
25 YEARS AGO ....
Let us travel back to 1966: The first soft landing of an
unmanned spacecraft has just been made on the moon; Lyndon B.
Johnson is president; and Willie Mays is playing for the Giants.
In southern california, two of the state's longest-running
historic sites field schools have just begun at the San Diego
Presidio and Mission San Diego de AlcalA. Ray Brandes' initial
work at the Presidio will be carried on for a decade by Paul
Ezell, and then others (Barbolla-Rolland 1983; Brandes and
Broadbent 1968; Carrico 1973; Ezell 1976), while Brandes
continues excavation at the San Diego Mission with Jim Moriarty
(Moriarty 1969; Moriarty and Weyland 1971).
Plans for excavation of the Santa Barbara Presidio Chapel
are underway, the first phase of reconstruction-oriented research
that will continue under various archaeologists through to the
present (Bente et ale 1982; costello 1976; Fagan 1976; Glassow in
Decker 1970; Hillebrand 1967).
Paul Chace is pioneering early-adobe research in Orange
County (Chace 1966, 1969), while Roberta Greenwood is conducting
some of her first studies around San Buenaventura Mission
(Greenwood and Brown 1968; Greenwood and Gessler 1968), beginning
her long-term involvement with the archaeology of Ventura
(Greenwood 1975, 1976; Greenwood and Foster 1984, 1986). Richard
Humphry (1965) has just completed his study of the La Purisima
Mission Cemetery.
In the waters off of the Point Reyes Seashore, for the first
time in the united States, a rubidium magnetometer is being
systematically used to identify submerged historic resources
(Murphy 1982:16). And in the interior we find one of the
nation's first large-scale urban archaeology projects beginning
in Old Town Sacramento by the California Department of Parks and
Recreation (Landberg 1967).
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In 1966, of the 207 founding members of the Society for
Historical Archaeology, 19 are from California, including Sylvia
Broadbent, Paul Chace, Frank Fenenga, Dave Fredrickson, Leif
Landberg, Don Miller, and Paul Schumacher.
PRE-1966 INVESTIGATIONS
In the summary of 1966 projects, you may have noted a heavy
emphasis on Hispanic sites. Indeed, since the turn of the
century in California, the words mission, presidio, and adobe
have elicited an emotional support that keeps these sites at the
top of preservation funding and attendant archaeological
research. Beginning in the late 1890s, public fascination with
mission sites was promoted by southern California developers,
embraced by automobile touring clubs, and nurtured by a romantic
vision of the glory days of Padres and Rancheros (Thomas 1991).
Early 20th-century restoration work undertaken at various
missions typically included only modest concern for accurate
details (Barker and Costello 1991) .
The earliest major project in historic sites archaeology on
the west Coast was, predictably, at a mission: the 1930s
Civilian Conservation Corps' (CCC) excavation at La Purisima
(Schuyler 1978:71). Advice on archaeological techniques was
provided by Arthur Woodward of the Los Angeles County Museum and
M.R. Harrington of the Southwest Museum, while other experts
included historians, archivists, architectural historians, adobe
experts, translators, and chemists (Hageman and Ewing 1980).
This careful pre-restoration study was a model for its time and
produced data that still contribute to new research.
Prior to this project, significant work had begun in the
1920s by botanists Hendry and Kelly (1925; Hendry 1931), who
pioneered the innovative study of botanical remains in dated
adobe bricks to trace the introduction of non-native flora. At
the same time, mission historian Frances Rand smith (1932)
conducted a praiseworthy study of the aqueduct system at Mission
San Antonio de Padua, including measured drawings, photos,
descriptions, and chemical analyses of lime mortar, that is still
relied upon.
One of the first "official" historic sites archaeologists
was M.R. Harrington, who was involved in excavations at San Luis
Rey, San Fernando Rey, and La Purisima (Harrington 1938, 1940a-g,
1945, 1948, 1954, 1958). In the 1940s and 1950s, Arnold Pilling
also ranged over California, filling out University of California
Inventory site forms on the missions and other well-known
historic places, thereby obtaining official recognition for these
properties as archaeological sites.
Anthropologists have long utilized the direct historical
approach to gain information on prehistoric cultures (Heizer
1941b). John P. Harrington's (1928) report on excavation of the
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Chumash village site on Burton's Mound included reconstruction of
historic-period site activities to aid in interpreting the
prehistoric finds. Heizer (1941a) and Meighan (1950) searched
Indian sites at Drake's Bay for strata containing fragments of
Chinese porcelain, relics from 16th-century ships that could date
and provide contemporaneity for the prehistoric villages around
the shore (Meighan and Heizer 1952). These sherds later
identified both Drake's 1579 visit and that of Cermeno in 1595
(Shangraw and Von Der Porten 1981; Von der Porten 1972, 1984).
The romance between Californians and their Hispanic past was
challenged when a new suitor appeared. The approach of
California's Gold Discovery centennial sparked renewed interest
in the Mother Lode, Forty-Niners, and pioneer Yankee events
(Beardsley 1946; Treganza 1968). The discovery site at sutter's
sawmill was excavated (Fenenga 1947) and Heizer and Fenenga
(1948) conducted their well-known survey of Mother Lode
buildings. Robert Heizer, that man for all seasons, also at this
time compiled the first commentary on historic sites archaeology
in California (Heizer 1950).
The 1950s and early 1960s, however, saw continued interest
in Spanish and Mexican-related sites by the california Division
of Parks. Bennyhoff and Elsasser (1954) conducted excavations at
Sonoma Mission which Treganza (1956) then continued, producing
lucid and useful descriptions of its subsurface remains. John
Clemmer (1961) was at San Juan Bautista, and work continued at La
Purisima Mission by Gable (1952) and Harrison (1960a, 1960b).
Forts were also popular symbols of California history
acquired by the State. In the 1950s, archaeological work was
initiated at Ft. Ross (Treganza 1954), Ft. Humboldt (Jewell and
Clemmer 1959), and Sutter's Fort (Gebhardt 1955, 1958; Olsen
19611 Payen 1960). All of these state archaeological programs
were directed toward reconstruction, interpretation, and
management of these publicly owned resources.
within the confines of reconstruction and restoration
efforts, the theme of acculturation persisted as the dominant
anthropological research topic for historic sites in California
through 1966. Non-Indian populations were not yet seen as viable
subjects on their own, but as instruments of imposed culture
change. An important study of Native American acculturation was
carried out in Los Angeles in the 1950s at the site of the
historic Hugo Reid adobe, home of an early Scottish settler who
married a Gabrielino woman (Wallace 19591 Wallace et al. 19581
Wallace and Wallace 1958, 1959, 1961). Another landmark study
occurred in 1962-63 when Jim Deetz, teaching at U.C. Santa
Barbara, excavated areas at La Purisima Mission, comparing
material from mission Indian residences to material from the
nearby historic Chumash village site at Alamo Pintado (Deetz
1963).
This brings us back to 1966.
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DEVELOPMENT OF THE DISCIPLINE
We began with California historical archaeology 25 years
ago, and then looked further back to the foundations of this
work. The sites of choice were those related to the romanticized
Hispanic time period, and to California's celebrated Gold Rush
and Yankee settlement. Techniques were descriptive and oriented
toward architectural and material culture reconstructions. And
anthropological research was largely confined to Native American
acculturation studies. Now let us broaden our scope and put the
development of California's historic sites research in
perspective of the development of the field in general.
Historical archaeology emerged as a distinct area of
research in the 1930s, developed as a tool to assist in the
restoration and interpretation of some of the nation's important
historic landmarks. The national counterpart to California's La
Purisima CCC project was the extensive work undertaken at
Colonial Williamsburg in Virginia. Large single-site projects
became the primary vehicle for historical archaeological
research. Reconstruction goals dominated the field during its
early years and are still a compelling force for initiating
historic sites research today.
Research on underwater sites was formalized in 1958 by John
Huston of San Francisco when he founded the international Council
of Underwater Archaeology. The first testing of the magnetometer
at Point Reyes in 1965-66 opened the door to rapid technological
advances in underwater archaeology and remote sensing, and to the
rich cultural heritage lying under the earth's waters (Murphy
1982).
The 1960s was a period of reassessment and new thinking
throughout the united States, including the discipline of
archaeology. Historical archaeology began to expand its scope
beyond architecture, artifacts, and acculturation. There was a
rash of annual landmarks. Dethlefsen and Deetz (1966) published
their classic study of gravestones in American Antiquity. "Death
Heads, Cherubs, and willow Trees" demonstrated the utility of
testing general anthropological theories on well-documented sites
of the historic period. Fontana and Greenleaf's (1962)
thoughtful and detailed study of the history and artifacts of
Johnny Ward's ranch in Arizona provided a model for the
application of standard anthropological techniques to studying a
late 19th-century non-Indian site. At the turn of the decade,
Ivor Noel Hume, the dean of Colonial Williamsburg excavations,
published his classic field guide, Historical Archaeology (Noel
Hume 1969).
In the 1970s, the study of historic period sites exploded
with new directions and ideas, helped in no small way by the
advent of the 1976 U.S. Bicentennial. As the centennial of the
Gold Rush had stirred interest in state history in 1949, the 1976
national celebration created a wave of interest in united States'
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"roots" and a popular mandate to pursue research. The public
will was also manifested in legal protection from national and
state governments (NEPA, CEQA) for archaeological remains of all
human activities, native and non-native.
The 1970s also saw a series of landmark publications in
historical archaeology. The productive use of documents and
archaeological data to explain human behavior was demonstrated by
Mark Leone (1973, 1977) in his stimulating work on Mormon
culture, while Henry Glassie (1975) extracted information on the
evolution of cultural world views from his study of folk houses
in middle Virginia. Bill Adams' (1975; Adams et al. 1975)
analysis of world, national, and regional trade networks in
Silcott, Washington, made the study of 20th-century sites
respectable. The "older is better" dictum, however, was
profoundly shaken when Bill Rathje started his Tucson Garbage
Project (Harrison et al. 1975; Rathje 1974, 1977, 1978). This
study of the contents of modern land fills and trash cans brought
the study of the past up to, literally, yesterday. In 1977
stanley South (1977a, 1977b) introduced site interpretive
techniques of pattern recognition using functional artifact
categories and mean ceramic dating. These new research tools,
along with George Miller's (1980, 1991) later economic scaling,
are now regularly used in historic site analyses.
Three important works published in the 1970s are still among
the best-thumbed in any historical archaeologist's library: Jim
Deetz' (1977) In Small Things Forgotten; Leland Ferguson's (1977)
Historic Archaeology and the Importance of Material Things; and
Bob Schuyler's (1978) Historic Archaeology, a Guide to
Substantive and Theoretical contributions.
HISTORIC SITE STUDIES IN CALIFORNIA
How was the 1970s period of general historic sites
development manifested in California? And what subsequent
progress in historic sites archaeology has been made in the past
decade? I would like to discuss this within two major divisions:
1. Technologies and Techniques.
2. Philosophies and Research Go?ls.
Let us deal with the tangible first.
Technologies and Techniques
Technological advances in methods used for historic sites
research have paralleled advances in the broader field of
archaeology. These techniques include remote sensing (Dolphin
and Yetter 1985a, 1985b); photogramroetry (Estes et al. 1977);
trace-element analysis to determine ceramic origins (Magalousis
1983; Michel and Asaro 1982; Stenger 1986); and analysis of
stable isotope concentrations in human bone collagen (Walker et
al. 1990).
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virtually all of the techniques used by historical
archaeologists, however, have been around a long time, although
many have either been more widely adapted, or refined and
improved upon. We will look specifically at some of these.
Excavation
Many historical archaeologists active in California today were
not specifically trained in historic sites work but acquired
critical field experience on complex urban sites in the Middle
East, England, or the united states' East Coast or Southwest.
Here, they learned the skills of excavating and interpreting
sites by natural stratigraphy (Harris 1979). Not only did they
learn that increased depth from surface does not necessarily
equate with greater antiquity, but that distinguishing fine time
periods -- separating the 1857 fire from the 1854 and 1859 fires
in Columbia state Park's Fallon Theatre (Gary Reinoehl, personal
communication 1991) -- requires fine removal of strata. The
interrelationships of site strata must then be untangled to
identify site structure, a particular challenge on complex urban
sites such as Sacramento (Praetzellis et ale 1980; Praetzellis
and Praetzellis 1990a-d), but nevertheless critical to all
historic site interpretations.
Artifact Identification
There are abundant artifact types on historic sites, many of
which require identification by specialists. Ceramics have
always been the darling of archaeologists for their sensitivity
in reflecting numerous aspects of culture and for their
durability underground. English-made ceramics from the American
Colonial period have long been well-defined by East-Coast
archaeologists. Californians, however, have made notable
contributions in defining other ceramic types common on the West
Coast such as majolica (May 1972, 1976), earthenwares made at the
missions (Evans 1969; Love and Risnick 1983), and porcelains and
stonewares imported from China and Japan (Chase 1976; Costello
and Maniery 1987: Etter 1980)
Important identifications have also been made of massproduced
items found in local contexts. For Old Sacramento these
include studies of coins, bottles, glass beads, and ceramic marks
(Farris 1980; Praetzellis et ale 1983: schulz et ale 1980b:
Schulz and Rivers 1980). "Tin cans", once derided as "trash",
are now recognized as precise dating tools (Rock 1984) and as
indicators of diet for site populations, particularly for the
legendary "Euro-American-wheat-flour-eaters" (Duffield 1986).
The regular recovery of opium-related artifacts from Chinese
sites has stimulated significant studies of this recreational
activity (wylie and Higgins 1987).
Identification of faunal remains is often done by specialists
in mammal (Gust 1982; Walker and Davidson 1989), fish (Schulz
1984), and avifaunal (Simons 1980, 1984) remains, while studies
of pollen and macro-floral fossils continue to contribute to
reconstructions of historic landscapes (Honeysett 1982; West 1990).
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Architectural Studies
Evidence of alterations to historic buildings is analyzed with
the same stratigraphic methods applied to the development of site
structure (winter and Schulz 1990). In both applications,
techniques have improved with practice. pioneering work in the
early 1970s by Wallace (1973, 1975) and Butler (1973) have been
built upon to produce refined analyses and techniques such as
those used by Felton (1985) at the Neary-Rodriguez adobe.
Industrial sites
Knowledgeable descriptions and accurate identifications of artifacts,
features, and processes are particularly critical for any
meaningful future use of data from technological sites. Detailed
studies of technological sites in California have addressed kilns
(Costello 1975, 1985; Greenwood and Foster 1986; Treganza 1951):
a forge at Mission San Juan Capistrano (Koppenaal 1988): boneburning
for lime production (Langenwalter and McKee 1985: Schulz
1987); a whaling tri-works oven at San Diego (May 1988; Schroth
and Gallegos 1989): railroad logging (Rock 1986): gold and silver
mines (Fuller and Costello 1991; Hardesty 1988; Teague 1980); and
a Death Valley borax works (Teague and Shenk 1977).
Documentarv Research
One of the most important techniques used by historical
archaeologists involves the extraction and evaluation of
documentary data. This is not an adjunct activity, and results
are not confined to unintegrated chapters in final reports. Both
site-specific documentary data and a perspective of broader
cultural events are integral to survey, excavation, and analysis
phases of work.
Use of Informants
Working on historic sites can be a humbling experience. An apt
allegory is found in Mark Twain's description of his Connecticut
Yankee encountering a magician in King Arthur's court:'
••. The abbot and his monks were assembled in the great hall,
observing with childish wonder and faith the performances of
a new magician, a fresh arrival •••His speciality was to tell
you what any individual on the face of the globe was doing
at the moment: and what he had done at any time in the past,
and what he would do at any time in the future. He asked if
any would like to know what the Emperor of the East was
doing now? ••
liThe high and mighty Emperor of the East doth at this moment
put money in the palm of a holy begging friar--one, two,
three pieces, and they be all of silver."
A buzz of admiring exclamations broke out, all around:
"It is marvelous!" "Wonderful!" "What study, what labor, to
have acquired a so amazing power as this!"
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Would they like to know what the Supreme Lord of Inde was
doing? Yes. He told them what the Supreme Lord of Inde was
doing. Then he told them what the Sultan of Egypt was at;
also what the King of the Romote Seas was about. And so on
and so on; with each new marvel the astonishment at his
accuracy rose higher and higher••• I must put a cog in his
wheel, and do it right way, too. I said:
"If I might ask, I should very greatly like to know what a
certain person is doing."
"Speak, and freely.
I will tell you."
"It will be difficult--perhaps impossible."
"My art knoweth not that word. The more difficult it is,
the more certainly will I reveal it to you."
" .•.If you make no mistake--if you tell me truly what I want
to know--I will give you two hundred silver pennies. 1I
"The fortune is mine!
I will tell you what you would know."
"Then tell me what I am doing with my right hand."
"Ab-h!" There was a general gasp of surprise. It had not
occurred to anybody in the crowd--that simple trick of
inquiring about somebody who wasn't ten thousand miles
away.•• " [Twain 1977:153-154]
Like Twain's mag1c1an when confronted by the Connecticut
Yankee, historical archaeologists are extremely vulnerable in
their interpretations. In addition to new documents which may
turn up, resident old-timers can walk onto a site and dash our
finest hypotheses and field identifications with a stroke of
first-hand knowledge. Although we have a great deal more data to
work with than our prehistoric colleagues, this wealth of information
often serves to make us more reluctant to draw simplistic
conclusions. We have found that cultural patterns are typically
intricate and convoluted, and the idiosyncratic behaviors of
individuals are manifest at every turn (Costello 1990).
Philosophies and Research Goals
This leads us into the second topic in the development of
historical archaeology: the philosophies and research goals that
guide investigations. What were we interested in 25 years ago?
sites of the Spanish Colonial and Mexican periods and sites of
our Gold Rush roots. And what were the questions? Where was the
site located: what did the building or structure look like: what
artifacts or features were associated with particular structures
and activities; and, the major anthropological topic, what
evidence is there of Native American acculturation processes?
Today, we are still interested in these topics; they
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constitute legitimate and important aspects of historic sites
research. But, we have broadened our vision, and many of the
questions have become more detailed. Although the highest
standards must be held for excavation techniques, artifact
identification, and documentary research, it is not enough to
simply locate, identify, and date archaeological remains.
At a symposium in 1980, I took my speaker's seat next to Jim
Deetz following what I thought was an exciting presentation of
the myriad buried historic features we had found in downtown Los
Angeles: Spanish-period trash deposits, the zanja madre,
artifact features associated with a late 19th-century brothel,
and the important County water Works building (Costello and
wilcoxon 1978). Jim leaned over and muttered to me: "We are
going to have to get beyond simply being delighted at finding
things where the documents say they are." It is, indeed, time to
move beyond the identification of archaeological remains to their
interpretation.
We are products of our times. The priorities of our
society and, therefore, what we think is important to know about
the past, have changed over the past 25 years. These changes can
be grouped into two categories:
1. Changes in Cultural Perspective
2. Changes in Geographic Perspective
Changes in Cultural Perspective
The social upheavals of the 1960s (the Black civil rights
movement: the rejection of materialistic, middle class values:
and the women's movement) have had long-term effects on
anthropological research. Interest expanded from serving a
"white, moneyed, male" perspective to include minority groups,
the disadvantaged, and the historically overlooked. At the
California Spanish missions, Indian residences are now as likely
to be the location of research as the church (Hoover and Costello
1985: Porter et al. 1981).
This interest in sites related to ethnic minorities was
nationwide (Schuyler 1980) and was manifest in California
particularly in an explosion of studies on Chinese sites. One of
the first investigated was Ventura's Chinatown (Bente 1976:
Greenwood 1980), followed by studies in the Chinatowns of
Lovelock (Hattori et al. 1979), San Francisco (Pastron et al.
1981; Pastron and Hattori 1990), Sacramento (Praetzellis and
Praetzellis 1982, 1990a; Praetzellis et al. 1987), and Riverside
(Great Basin Foundation 1987). Chinese in the small communities
of Woodland (Felton et al. 1984) and Walnut Grove (Costello and
Maniery 1987) were researched, as were those on rural gold-mining
sites in Shasta and Tehama counties (Tordoff 1987).
New cultural visibility of previously overlooked groups is
also seen in studies of early 20th-century work camps (Foster et
al. 1988; Sutton 1986), Italians in the Mother Lode (Costello
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1981), and the archaeological evidence of children (Farnsworth
and Farnsworth 1990).
Concern with class disparities between segments of the
united states population also stimulated studies of economic
aspects of material culture by historical archaeologists.
Techniques are being developed to measure changes in the cost and
variety of goods over time, determine the relative value of goods
associated with different portions of the population, and
evaluate the effects of mass-marketing on the poor and the middle
class (Felton and Schulz 1983; Felton et al. 1984; Praetzellis
and Praetzellis 1989, 1990c, 1990d; Schulz 19821 Schulz and Gust
1983). Identifying archaeological evidence of ethnic and class
distinctions, however, is heady stuff, and we are sobered by the
need to establish a baseline profile for white, middle-class
artifact assemblages before we can elaborate on ethnic deviations
(Praetzellis et al. 1988).
This new lens for looking at the past has called some old
assumptions into question. No topic has been so scrutinized as
the relationships between the Spanish Missions and Native
Californians, a scrutiny stimulated by the proposed canonization
of Fr. Junipero Serra and the imminent Quincentennial of the
arrival of Columbus in the New World. Rather than celebrating,
most Indians regard the arrival of the spanish as the beginning
of the end of their culture. Archaeologists are looking for new
evidence, and evaluating old data, in an effort to sharpen the
focus on this emotion-laden issue (Johnson 1988; Thomas 1990).
Small, on a Large Scale: Changes in Geographic Perspectives
There are numerous fruitful avenues for historic sites
research, including artifact styles, feature distributions,
architectural changes, historic landscapes, and settlement
patterns (Hardesty 1980, 1986). I would like to use the example
of artifact features to illustrate some changes which have taken
place in the geographic perspectives of historical archaeologists.
Research questions about specific people in well-defined
time periods require discrete assemblages of artifacts. Historic
sites were sometimes occupied by the same people for a long
period of time, or for a short time by several groups of people.
The ideal artifact assemblage is part of a well-defined feature
that can be securely correlated to known historic events on the
site and associated with a specific household, activity, or
occupation. The rich artifact deposit recovered from the Cooper­
Molera adobe in Monterey is valuable for the information it
provides on the Manuel Diaz merchant family (Felton and Schulz
1983), and the analysis of goods from Sam stein's late 19thcentury
junk store in Sacramento is particularly meaningful in
its reflection of the economic life of a Jewish immigrant from
eastern Poland (Praetzellis and Praetzellis 1990d).
These dated, discrete deposits constitute a primary
comparative tool for addressing economic, social, or value
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changes within a site, within a region, over time, or between
population groups. It is comparative analysis, the contrasts and
similarities between such assemblages, that produces answers and
insights related to important research questions. Assemblages
from later 19th-century contexts have been compared to assist in
evaluating economic status in specific population groups (Felton
and Schulz 1983; Schulz and Gust 1983) and the development of
urban life (Schulz 1982). Productive comparative work has also
begun on Spanish sites within California, addressing issues of
acculturation and the spread of world economic systems (Costello
1990; Farnsworth 1987; Walker and Davidson 1989).
The geographic scope of these historic sites comparisons is
not limited by political boundaries. The steady solidification
of a world economy and the increasingly rapid global
dissemination of cultural ideas are processes that have been
going on since the 15th century. These processes are eminently
susceptible to historic sites research. The record of social and
economic status found in the 1840s Diaz privy in Monterey has
been compared not only to similar artifact data from Sacramento,
but also with data from contemporary slave and slave-owner
features recovered from Cannon's Point Plantation in Georgia
(Felton and Schulz 1983). Sacramento urban life has been
compared to that of Milwaukee (Schulz 1982). Artifact
repertoires from Chinese gold-mining sites in California's Sierra
Nevada have been shown to be virtually indistinguishable from
those in New Zealand (Ritchie 1986). Occurrences of glass bead
types in California have been related to sites in Canada and
Europe in order to address significant questions about economics
and trade (Ross 1990). Jim Deetz, a leader in calling for a
world-wide research scope, has expanded his study of English
colonial life from Virginia to South Africa (Deetz 1991). As
modern economies reduce the world to a global village, the
village itself becomes the arena of study.
THE FUTURE
As part of this plenary session, I was asked to make some
comments on the future of historic sites research. Not wanting
to run the fate of King Arthur's wizard, I will confine myself to
summarizing a few relevant areas:
1. As our questions become more sophisticated, so will our
data requirements, and we should make increasingly prudent
choices of what we excavate and analyze.
2. We should not stop at site-specific investigations; we
will make real strides in understanding the past only when
we broaden our geographic range.
3. We should continue our efforts to standardize excavation
techniques, artifact nomenclature, and artifact
classification systems to enhance intersite comparisons.
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4. We should continue to strive for relevancy in research,
both to anthropological research domains and to current
social concerns. What we choose to study in the past, and
how we interpret it, can have a profound effect on our
future.
NOTE
1. This story was first used by a colleague over a decade ago to
make a similar point. I regret that I have not been able to
rediscover who it was or where I read it.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
My appreciation is extended to Larry Felton, Roger Kelly,
Mary Praetzellis, and Pete Schulz for their comments on a draft
of this paper, and to Suzanne stewart for her astute editing.
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