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SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF HISTORICAL ...

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1981), and the archaeological evidence of children (Farnsworth<br />

and Farnsworth 1990).<br />

Concern with class disparities between segments of the<br />

united states population also stimulated studies of economic<br />

aspects of material culture by historical archaeologists.<br />

Techniques are being developed to measure changes in the cost and<br />

variety of goods over time, determine the relative value of goods<br />

associated with different portions of the population, and<br />

evaluate the effects of mass-marketing on the poor and the middle<br />

class (Felton and Schulz 1983; Felton et al. 1984; Praetzellis<br />

and Praetzellis 1989, 1990c, 1990d; Schulz 19821 Schulz and Gust<br />

1983). Identifying archaeological evidence of ethnic and class<br />

distinctions, however, is heady stuff, and we are sobered by the<br />

need to establish a baseline profile for white, middle-class<br />

artifact assemblages before we can elaborate on ethnic deviations<br />

(Praetzellis et al. 1988).<br />

This new lens for looking at the past has called some old<br />

assumptions into question. No topic has been so scrutinized as<br />

the relationships between the Spanish Missions and Native<br />

Californians, a scrutiny stimulated by the proposed canonization<br />

of Fr. Junipero Serra and the imminent Quincentennial of the<br />

arrival of Columbus in the New World. Rather than celebrating,<br />

most Indians regard the arrival of the spanish as the beginning<br />

of the end of their culture. Archaeologists are looking for new<br />

evidence, and evaluating old data, in an effort to sharpen the<br />

focus on this emotion-laden issue (Johnson 1988; Thomas 1990).<br />

Small, on a Large Scale: Changes in Geographic Perspectives<br />

There are numerous fruitful avenues for historic sites<br />

research, including artifact styles, feature distributions,<br />

architectural changes, historic landscapes, and settlement<br />

patterns (Hardesty 1980, 1986). I would like to use the example<br />

of artifact features to illustrate some changes which have taken<br />

place in the geographic perspectives of historical archaeologists.<br />

Research questions about specific people in well-defined<br />

time periods require discrete assemblages of artifacts. Historic<br />

sites were sometimes occupied by the same people for a long<br />

period of time, or for a short time by several groups of people.<br />

The ideal artifact assemblage is part of a well-defined feature<br />

that can be securely correlated to known historic events on the<br />

site and associated with a specific household, activity, or<br />

occupation. The rich artifact deposit recovered from the Cooper­<br />

Molera adobe in Monterey is valuable for the information it<br />

provides on the Manuel Diaz merchant family (Felton and Schulz<br />

1983), and the analysis of goods from Sam stein's late 19thcentury<br />

junk store in Sacramento is particularly meaningful in<br />

its reflection of the economic life of a Jewish immigrant from<br />

eastern Poland (Praetzellis and Praetzellis 1990d).<br />

These dated, discrete deposits constitute a primary<br />

comparative tool for addressing economic, social, or value<br />

69

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