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<strong>Reviews</strong>


BORDER MATTERS: REMAPPING AMERICAN CULTURAL STUDIES. By Jose<br />

David Saldivar. (Berkeley: <strong>University</strong> of California Press, 1997.<br />

xvi, 251 pp. cloth $40.00, paper $15.95.)<br />

Judging by the recent spate of titles invoking the metaphor of<br />

the U.S.-Mexico border, including a recent volume of this journal<br />

(“Borders,” Aztlun 21, nos. 1 and 2), we are now fully<br />

immersed in an era of “border theory.” The roughly 2,000-mile<br />

international boundary from San Diego/Tijuana to Brownsville/Matamoros<br />

is no mere geopolitical fiction; it also works<br />

as a counterhegemonic discursive object targeting ossified critical<br />

frameworks in the human sciences. It has had its most<br />

telling impact as a metaphor with which scholars symbolically<br />

imagine both their disciplines and postmodern, post-national<br />

subject formations. The contours of a borderlands school of<br />

cultural criticism remain to be seen in their full light, but Jose<br />

David Saldivar’s recent contribution to this area of scholarship<br />

will no doubt have a lasting impact on subsequent work<br />

on Chicano literature and culture, and, one hopes, on contemporary<br />

efforts to refine American Studies generally. Border<br />

theory owes a little to each of a number of recent critical<br />

methodologies-deconstruction, ecocriticism, feminism, the<br />

new historicism-and Saldivar remains cognizant of the danger<br />

that it might be dismissed, along with postmodernism, as<br />

a “trendy paradigm of crossing, circulation, and resistance,”<br />

a dismissal that would not “do justice to the complexities of<br />

the transfrontier issues of our time” (186). His careful and<br />

usually compelling readings of cultural artifacts arising out<br />

of the “open wound” (as Gloria Anzaldua poignantly describes<br />

the region) created in the aftermath of the Mexican-American<br />

War, or la Guerra de la Intervencion Nortearnericana as it is<br />

known in Mexico, could hardly be dismissed as trendy. Instead,<br />

Saldivar self-consciously works to reconstruct the “American<br />

western field-Imaginary of the American West” in terms of<br />

the things said and concealed about migration and<br />

immigration; the enunciations required and those<br />

Aztlcin 23:l Spring 1998 135


Sot0<br />

forbidden about the legacy of conquest in the Americas.<br />

In my view, border discourse not only produces<br />

power and reinforces it but also undermines it,<br />

makes it fragile, and allows one to map and perhaps<br />

thwart the cultures of U.S. empire. (xiii-xiv)<br />

If Saldivar’s formulation of his project sounds like an updated<br />

version of the new historicist model of subversion and<br />

containment, although a less cynical one, the resemblance is<br />

no accident. He readily acknowledges his debt to his new historicist<br />

colleagues Stephen Greenblatt and Jose E. Limon, as<br />

well as predecessors like Michel Foucault and Raymond Williams.<br />

In similar fashion, Saldivar levels the distinctions between<br />

high and low, between folklore and elitelore, allowing a<br />

wide range of discourses (corridos, critical theory, ethnography,<br />

hip hop, painting, poetry, prose fiction, Tex-Mex conjunto,<br />

travel writing) to enter his field of vision. Not surprisingly,<br />

Saldivar is most successful in his work on strictly literary artifacts:<br />

trained in comparative literature, Saldivar makes only<br />

limited use of art historical and musicological approaches,<br />

emphasizing instead the discursive aspect of popular music<br />

and the semiotic component of the plastic arts.<br />

Like its older and bigger sibling, American Studies, Chicano<br />

Studies necessarily plants itself in the rich soil of cultural<br />

analysis, that contact zone between anthropology and literary<br />

criticism, even when this relationship remains unarticulated.<br />

Both disciplines, as wide-ranging as they are, inevitably<br />

return to the question, “What constitutes X culture?” The<br />

sometimes unfortunate corollary to this question-“What constitutes<br />

X identity?”-tends to straitjacket itself in the tautological<br />

logic of essentialism, assuming, for example, that onZy<br />

the romance-novel comprises the American literary tradition,<br />

or that only folklore captures Chicano reality. More disturbingly,<br />

these discourses have at times suggested that only the<br />

frontier experience accounts for America’s social institutions,<br />

and that only the border experience explains the Chicano way<br />

of life. By aligning his project with the ongoing work carried<br />

out under the auspices of the Centre for Contemporary Cultural<br />

Studies in Birmingham, and the Center for Cultural Studies<br />

in Santa Cruz (which Saldivar helped mold into an<br />

important critical force), Saldivar invokes models for future<br />

research that are well-known for revealing the culturalconstructedness<br />

of ethnic and national identities, and more<br />

136


Border Matters<br />

important, for their sharp focus on the ideological and economic<br />

interests these identities serve.<br />

Border Matters begins by “shuffl[ing] the mainline U.S.<br />

Bildung of assimilation, acculturation, and the polyethnic<br />

state” (19); specifically, Saldivar unearths the migrant sensibilities<br />

and dislocated subject positions at work in four contemporary<br />

cultural theorists, Renato Rosaldo, Vicki Ruiz,<br />

George J. Sanchez, and Nestor Garcia Canclini. It is a bit farfetched<br />

to suggest, as does Saldivar, that Sanchez’s historiography<br />

(for example) “fundamentally debunks Oscar Handlin’s<br />

traditional ’uprooted’ model of American urban ‘ethnogenesis’<br />

in Chicago and New York City” (28-29), what Saldivar labels<br />

the “universal myth of the American Bildung” (29) following<br />

Shelly Sunn Wong. After all, the rhetorical power of Handlin’s<br />

The Uprooted (1951) undoubtedly owes much to the simple and<br />

arguably universal truth that immigration changes people,<br />

a truth that Saldivar’s own moments of autobiographical<br />

reflection-from subaltern South Texas child to Yale- and<br />

Stanford-educated academic power-player-strain to keep in<br />

check. Border Mutters does, however, make a powerful case<br />

for the need to historicize and update Handlin’s “epic story of<br />

the great migrations that made the American people” (the<br />

study’s subtitle), itself a radical departure from orthodox immigration<br />

history when it first appeared.<br />

Indeed, it is as an update of Handlin and other key Americanist<br />

scholars that Border Mutters rings in with its lasting<br />

contributions to American cultural studies. For example, in<br />

his reading of Ami.rico Paredes’s academic and creative careers,<br />

Saldivar strikes a solid blow against the romanticized view of<br />

the so-called Spanish American Southwest invented by the<br />

likes of Charles F. Lummis and J. Frank Dobie (although these<br />

are large and slow-moving targets). Saldivar further complicates<br />

his own version of borderlands cultural history by offering<br />

much needed readings of neglected writers like Arturo Islas<br />

and Helena Maria Viramontes. He also adds to the growing<br />

body of criticism on one of American literary history’s most<br />

interesting writers, Maria Amparo Ruiz de Burton, a woman<br />

who could literally claim after 1848 that “I didn’t cross the<br />

border, the border crossed me!” Situating Ruiz de Burton’s<br />

novel, The Squatter and the Don (18851, alongside John Gregory<br />

Bourke’s essay, “The American Congo” (1894), provides<br />

for a powerful critique of Gilded Age imperialism, although I’m<br />

not quite sure how it revises the “imperial literary and cul-<br />

137


Sot0<br />

turd history” (160) exemplified by the work of Perry Miller, R.<br />

W. B. Lewis, Harold Bloom, Yvor Winters, and Wallace Stegner<br />

(ghosts from Saldivar’s past at Yale and Stanford). Saldivar is<br />

much more successful in this respect in his incorporation of<br />

John Rechy into a borderlands frame of reference.<br />

Rechy, born in El Paso, Texas, to Scottish-Mexican parents-his<br />

given name, Juan, was erased by American public<br />

schooling, as were the names of so many of Handlin’s children<br />

of the uprooted-has until recently been largely excluded<br />

from the emerging canon of Chicano writers because he is<br />

open about his homosexuality. But Rechy is well known to<br />

students of postmodern American fiction, and he is regularly<br />

mentioned with others, like William S. Burroughs and Allen<br />

Ginsberg, who utilize their perspectives from the gay underworld<br />

to fashion a critique of American social conformity. As<br />

the most popularly known figure in Border Matters, with the<br />

possible exceptions of (Kid) Frost and Tish Hinojosa, and as<br />

the figure with the most vital presence in the American critical<br />

mainstream, Rechy and his borderlands narratives, “El<br />

Paso del Norte” (1958) and The Miraculous Day of Amalia<br />

Gbmez (199 l), stand the greatest chance of recentering American<br />

cultural studies according to a paradigm with shifting<br />

centers, or no center at all.<br />

Border Matters represents a welcome step in this same direction.<br />

Saldivar envisions the book as<br />

an invitation to literary scholars, historians, cultural<br />

studies critics, anthropologists, feminists, mass culture<br />

critics, public interest lawyers, and antiracists<br />

to redraw the borders between folklore and the<br />

counterdiscourses of marginality, between “everyday”<br />

culture and “high” culture, and between “people<br />

with culture” and “people between culture.” (17)<br />

Still, in his “attempt to place the histories and myths of the<br />

American West and Southwest in [this] new perspective” (ix),<br />

to historicize the “opening” of the American frontier as a place<br />

of cultural conflict and symbiosis, indeed of near-constant closings,<br />

Saldivar renders “traditional,” Anglocentric American<br />

Studies as something of a bogeyman, somehow complicit with<br />

nativist politicians like California governor Pete Wilson and the<br />

Immigration and Naturalization Service. The relatively short<br />

and always conflicted institutional history of American Studies<br />

remains a spectral presence in Border Matters, somewhere<br />

138


Border Matters<br />

along the margins of Saldivar’s remapped critical discourse.<br />

It is an unfortunate absence, for Americanists would reap considerable<br />

benefit from Saldivar’s head-on engagement not only<br />

with the so-called New Americanists and New Western Historians<br />

(whom Saldivar mentions on occasion), but also with<br />

those literary and cultural historians who, since the heyday<br />

of Frederick Jackson Turner and Barrett Wendell, have challenged<br />

the notion that “mainline” American identity rests<br />

squarely on any single cultural pillar. This is not to suggest<br />

that Saldivar should somehow feel responsible for situating<br />

border discourses within the context of 100 years of<br />

Americanist scholarship, but it’s always useful to engage at<br />

least a handful of touchstones-by considering the left-leaning<br />

transnationalism of Mike Gold, for example, or by giving<br />

more credit to an important and now-overlooked Western historian<br />

like Herbert E. Bolton-whose critiques of American<br />

culture cannot be reduced to any assimilationist Bildung, and<br />

indeed whose work might be described as contributing to earlier<br />

forms of border theory. Any effort to remap American cultural<br />

studies should at least acknowledge that this<br />

field-Imaginary constitutes an ever shifting surface, often<br />

made-up of peaks and valleys, and always full of surprises.<br />

Michael Soto<br />

Harvard <strong>University</strong><br />

139


MICHAEL SOTO. Ph.D. student in the Department of English and<br />

American Literature and Language at Harvard <strong>University</strong>. His<br />

dissertation, Literary History and the Age of Jazz: The Shapes<br />

of American Modernism, examines how modernist literary<br />

movements in the United States have been symbolically imagined.


MI FAMILIA/MY FAMILY. Directed and written by Gregory Nava.<br />

(New Line Cinema, 1995. Color feature. 125 minutes).<br />

At the end of the hawkish politics of the Cold War,<br />

no doves of peace fly. Nationalist aspirations turn<br />

the values of civility into forms of ethnic separatism;<br />

a sense of community is replaced by the crisis of<br />

communalism; citizenship is less the habitus of the<br />

homeland, and more frequently an experience of<br />

migration, exile, diaspora, cultural displacement.<br />

-Homi K. Bhabha,<br />

“Anxious Nations, Nervous States”<br />

Homi Bhabha’s statement about England reverberates as an<br />

accurate assessment of a wider social-political reality in which<br />

divisions among race, class, gender, and sexual preference<br />

further polarize communities, contributing toward the formation<br />

of what he calls “social minorities.”’ Bhabha notes that<br />

the desire for an idealized national past is not constructed on<br />

repressing the contradictions inherent in that desire, which<br />

at some level of consciousness does recognize difference, but<br />

rather “disavows” the social and cultural negotiation between<br />

past and present spaces by claiming, “I know difference exists<br />

muis quund meme [but all the same].” This form of periphery<br />

discourse, he argues, is fxed to some degree in “time-space<br />

relations which function like the route periphkrique: it takes<br />

you to your destination by rushing you past somewhere else”<br />

(203). In other words, the ideological construction of a national<br />

past, based on tradition and a nostalgia for certain values<br />

(what we could call the familiar), bypasses the social realities<br />

of the present and emphasizes the “contemporaneity of the<br />

past: part disavowal, part elliptical idealization, part fetishism,<br />

part splitting, part antagonism, part ambivalence” (203).<br />

Gregory Nava performs precisely such a construction in<br />

Mi Fumiliu/My FumiZy (1995) by using the theme of remembrance,<br />

which disavows how hegemonic relations of power,<br />

race, class, and gender were transacted in the past. At a time<br />

Aztlan 23:l Spring 1998 141


Huaco-Nuzum<br />

when Chicanas/os, Latinas/os2 are striving to achieve gender<br />

and racial equality in all forms of media representation,<br />

Mi Familia circumvents the efforts of some Chicana/o, Latina/<br />

o writers, artists, cultural critics, and film theorists to break<br />

down established and dominant representations of Chicano,<br />

Latino patriarchy. Furthermore, the film represents a misguided<br />

and idealized search for a cultural identity fmed in time<br />

and space. Migration, exile, and cultural displacement are a<br />

few of the underlying themes that are sketched in the film but<br />

never thoroughly addressed.<br />

Plot in Mi Familia<br />

Mi Familia is the story of three generations of Mexican, Mexican-American<br />

males that begins with the journey of the young<br />

Jose Sanchez (Jacob Vargas) from Mexico to the United States<br />

in search of his only living relative. Jose finds a gardening job<br />

in a Beverly Hills home and meets Maria (Jennifer Lopez), who<br />

works as a maid for a white family. They (the older Jose is<br />

played by Eduardo Lopez Rojas) marry and have five children:<br />

Paco (Edward James Olmos), the writer and narrator of the<br />

story; Memo (Enrique Castillo), a lawyer, who marries into a<br />

white family and moves across to the other side of town;<br />

Chucho (Esai Morales), a troubled pachuco youth who is killed<br />

by the police; Toni (Constance Marie), a nun turned social activist;<br />

Irene (Lupe Ontiveros), a successful entrepreneur; and<br />

Jimmy (Jimmy Smits), a felon who is re-socialized back into<br />

the family. The story takes place in Mexico and East Los Angeles<br />

and spans the 1920s to the 1980s.<br />

Nava was born in San Diego, California, to a Mexican-<br />

Basque family who have resided in Southern California since<br />

the 1800s. A graduate of the UCLA Film School, Nava made<br />

his directorial debut in 1973 with the film Confessions of<br />

Aman, which he produced, wrote, and directed. The film won<br />

a Best First Festival Award at the Chicago International Film<br />

Festival in 1976. Nava is best known for his film E2 Node<br />

(1983), which won him many accolades as it is a more accomplished<br />

film. Nava often works in collaboration with his partner,<br />

writer/producer Ana Thomas, who served as one of the<br />

producers of Mi Familia. After many years of trying to find financial<br />

backing for the film, Nava secured the support of<br />

Francis Ford Coppola, who agreed to become executive producer<br />

because he wanted to be affiliated with a Latino project.<br />

142


Mi Familia/My Family<br />

The film is inspired by Nava’s family and based on his research<br />

on other Mexican-American families in East Los Angeles.<br />

Mi Familia was released in May 1995 to mixed reviews. The<br />

journal Cineaste, for example, found the film traditional in form<br />

and style, but insightful and culturally ~alidating.~ Sight and<br />

Sound, however, regarded the film as stereotyped and lacking<br />

in ~ubstance.~ Variety referred to Mi Familia as “colorfully<br />

melodramatic, shamelessly predictable and generous in spirit,”<br />

estimating that it would prove successful with a Latino/a audience<br />

drawn to its “soap-operaish” quality of rnel~drama.~<br />

Variety also pointed to the film’s heavy-handed style, which<br />

“emphasized the more volatile and violent behavior of Chucho<br />

and Jimmy, giving the women rather short shrift.”6 In an interview<br />

with Cineaste, Nava acknowledges that his purpose in<br />

making Mi Familia was not to teach or to provide a history of<br />

the Chicano experience. Rather, he noted, the main purpose<br />

in making the film was to entertain while inspiring “you [to]<br />

feel dignity or pride if you are a chic an^."^ Nava’s latter aim<br />

seems to have been achieved, insofar as Mexican-American<br />

spectators have few representational models to draw on.<br />

A major problem with the film, however, is that none of<br />

the characters is fully developed, except for an attempt to show<br />

Jimmy’s troubled life. As spectators, we learn very little about<br />

Memo and Paco, or how they achieved their success. Particularly,<br />

in regard to Memo, the film hints at internalized racism,<br />

shown through Memo’s Americanization (he is known as<br />

Bill) and his desire to embrace white culture, but never develops<br />

this. The scene in which Memo brings home his white<br />

blond fiance and her parents to meet his family is trivialized<br />

and played to evoke laughter at the white family’s apparent<br />

discomfort when confronted with a foreign culture. Memo’s<br />

embarrassment is reflected by his body language and nervous<br />

countenance, but it is Carlitos’s disruptive behavior (interrupting<br />

the interaction between the two families and culminating<br />

in the child’s naked exhibition in front of the guests) that is<br />

the focus of the scene. Internalized racism impacts the Mexican-American,<br />

Latinalo family, and needs to be addressed.<br />

Instead, Nava chooses to interject Carlitos into the emotionally<br />

charged scene, undercutting an opportunity to voice the<br />

racial concerns that affect the Mexican, Mexican-American<br />

family.<br />

Mi Familia discounts gender politics and instead reinforces<br />

patriarchal values of Chicana, Latina subjectivity by<br />

143


Huaco-Nuzum<br />

duplicitously placing Marialjefa (Jenny Gago) at the center of<br />

the narrative while depriving her of agency. Her iconographic<br />

image is the epitomized representation of the buena mujer, as<br />

demonstrated when Jose, during Irene’s wedding, advises his<br />

son in-law that “a good wife is the best thing that can happen<br />

to a man in his life.”8 The denotation of “good wife” inevitably<br />

connotes the chaste, subservient, obedient virgin, madre,<br />

sufrida, who echoes Mexican films of the past that showed “que<br />

la mujer mientras mas sufrida mas buena es.” The notion of<br />

the “good wife” is a linguistic remnant of an archaic history<br />

predicated on the subservient mothering of the macho, whose<br />

sexual power is constructed on the powerlessness and chastity<br />

of the mujer sufida.<br />

The representation of the young Maria could have transcended<br />

sufi-ida, but Nava chose to forfeit a representation of<br />

Chicana agency for the madrecita-jefa, unequivocally constructing<br />

Chicana, Latina subjectivity in terms of male desire,<br />

biologically inscribing the Chicana in the role of the maternal.<br />

Terms of domination do not necessarily have to be articulated<br />

or overtly expressed for a narrative to be patriarchal: they<br />

are often woven into the fabric of a narrative that at first glance<br />

appears to represent a powerful female but later reveals her<br />

power as a sham. This is precisely the case with the character<br />

of Maria whose jefa status is an illusion. Contextualized<br />

as the mother, she symbolizes the Virgin dethroned of authority<br />

and ensconced in a niche of motherhood from which she<br />

wields a transparent wand of power contained and constructed<br />

in terms of male desire. For as long as Maria, the jefa, remains<br />

the representation of the buena mujer, her sexuality poses no<br />

threat to the males in the family. The trope of the buena mujer<br />

unavoidably reinforces the traditional patriarchal values of<br />

Chicana, Latina disempowerment, which relegate her to the<br />

restrictive space of the private and constitute “woman’s work<br />

as the only locus from which to express personal desire.<br />

A pervasive intertextual theme of sexual anxiety surfaces<br />

in Mi Familia on the part of male characters who demonstrate<br />

concern about Toni’s sexuality and what they interpret as her<br />

“unnatural” lack of interest in men. Object of the male gaze,<br />

Toni’s sexuality becomes an issue early in the film. Although<br />

Toni is not represented as the classic femme fatale of film noir,<br />

her iconography is that of the sexual (her low-cut gown, painted<br />

face, the close-up of her mouth, and so on). This representation<br />

evokes anxiety on the part of the male characters who,<br />

144


Mi Familia/My Family<br />

in order to minimize their fear of her sexual power, want to<br />

find her out to be ca~trated.~ This, of course, operates on an<br />

unconscious level. Her objectification is verbalized by one of<br />

Chucho’s friends who informs him, “I would give my left nut<br />

for a moment with her in the back seat of my Chevy.” The lack<br />

of overt outrage on the part of Chucho on hearing this remark<br />

against his sister positions the spectator as partner to the<br />

complicitous gender implications of Chucho’s silence. Even<br />

though Toni is portrayed as a liberalized monja and social activist,<br />

her character offers only brief opposition to patriarchy.<br />

Early in the film, Toni is removed from the narrative to pursue<br />

her religious calling while Paco’s voice-over reinforces sexist<br />

discourse by informing the audience, “We all thought it was a<br />

little strange that Toni wanted to become a nun but then she<br />

was the bossy type and that is the type that usually becomes<br />

a nun.” This message marks Tony’s removal from the family<br />

and communicates to the spectator that assertive Chicanas<br />

have no place in the family, unless female desire and agency<br />

can be managed by the male, here symbolized by the Catholic<br />

church. Toni is forced to abdicate her oppositional resistance<br />

to patriarchy, recalling historical accounts of Sor Juana Ines<br />

de la Cruz.’O Toward the end of the film Toni reenters the narrative<br />

by announcing to her parents that she has left the religious<br />

order and married a former priest. On hearing this<br />

information, Maria faints, a moment intended as comic relief<br />

but at Toni’s expense, as a close-up of her face reveals her fears<br />

about the consequences her actions might have for the family.<br />

A flashback shows a partially robed Toni engaged in the throes<br />

of lovemaking and a dissolve transposes the scene of past<br />

sexual pleasure on to the present Maria’s gasping for air. Even<br />

though the love scene conveys what Toni envisions are her<br />

mother’s worst fears, its place in the narrative appears to serve<br />

only as male sexual titillation. Her character is not developed<br />

to reveal to the spectator Toni’s religious angst or moral conflict<br />

with the teachings of the church.<br />

Irene serves in the narrative as chorus during family gatherings<br />

or in times of crisis, such as when the family is reunited<br />

after Chucho’s foreseeable death. Toni and Irene function more<br />

as adornments than as Chicana subjects. The choice to portray<br />

these female characters as two dimensional appears intentional<br />

on the part of the filmmaker insofar as he provides<br />

male characters with a “space” to frolic in patriarchal bonding,<br />

violence, and the histrionics of wounded macho. The ab-<br />

145


Huaco-Nuzum<br />

sence of forms of Chicana subject expressivity other than the<br />

maternal role is best contextualized by the Chicana cultural<br />

theorist Angie Chabram Dernersesian. She reminds us that<br />

the visual artist Yolanda Lopez has, in her work, deconstructed<br />

the social paradigm of motherhood as the sole representational<br />

trope of Chicana subjectivity:<br />

Lopez . . . involves her viewing public in a series of<br />

intertextual dialogues with other traditional variants<br />

of Guadalupe in Chicano cultural productions, variants<br />

such as “La Familia de la Raza (The Chicano<br />

holy family),” “La Jefita,” “I am Joaquin,” or “Bless<br />

Me, Ultima,” all of which reify Chicana subjects,<br />

extolling the virtues associated with motherhood.<br />

With this dialogue, Lopez underscores the limited<br />

artistic images available to Chicana subjects, and<br />

she extends her cultural critique to a wider range<br />

of cultural productions, interfacing as well with other<br />

Chicana texts that offer alternative visions of<br />

Chicana subjects. l1<br />

Mi Fumilia is centered on male discourse that emphasizes<br />

and reinforces male positions of power within the structure of<br />

culture, nation, and the dynamic of the Mexican-American<br />

family. Throughout the film’s narrative, the phallus functions<br />

as primary signifier of power, relegating Chicana, Latina representation<br />

to the periphery of the narrative and the film’s<br />

diegesis. In a recent interview on Mi Familia, Nava said, “I don’t<br />

think you understand Latino culture until you understand the<br />

concept of the Latino family.”12 The problem with Nava’s statement<br />

is that he lacks understanding of what constitutes the<br />

Mexican-American family, which includes Mexicanas and<br />

Chicanas. He renders Mexicanas and Chicanas as unimportant<br />

and in the process essentializes the family. The social,<br />

economic, political, and gender changes taking place in the<br />

Mexican-American, Latina/o family are multifaceted and complex.<br />

Nava ignores some of these complexities by portraying a<br />

“safe” heterosexual male model of family that romanticizes it.<br />

Recent research by Chicano social theorists shows that the<br />

Mexican-American family includes a higher number of women<br />

enrolled in the workforce and as the family’s main source of<br />

economic support. Their single-parent status continues to<br />

grow, while family males are often ~nemployed.’~ The changing<br />

social and economic demographics within the Mexican-<br />

A 46


Mi Familia/My Family<br />

American home will inevitably affect the manner in which gender<br />

politics are negotiated within the family.<br />

The opening shots of Mi Familia depict the river and bridge<br />

that connect East and South Los Angeles, providing a visual<br />

metaphor for the border and the space that separates and<br />

links Mexican, Mexican-American, and white culture. From<br />

the outset, Paco’s voice-over narration sets the patriarchal<br />

tone of the film. He represents the collective voice of the family,<br />

inevitably keeping the film male-centered and denying female<br />

gender representation or opportunities for women to<br />

voice desire or agency (except in time of crisis or pain). Recurring<br />

scenes of planting and tending corn function to culturally<br />

connect past and present spaces, Mexico and the<br />

United States. Corn represents the place of male privilege in<br />

the family. In times of crisis, men seek out the growing stalks<br />

of corn, which represent sanctuary and remembrance, to validate<br />

their cultural heritage. Particularly for the patriarch<br />

Juan, corn represents tradition, cultural roots, and a Mexican<br />

past largely forgotten by most of his sons, except for<br />

Jimmy and the promise that Carlitos represents. Thus, Nava<br />

romanticizes the past and the indigenous bucolic life Juan<br />

once led, reinforcing the film’s theme of remembrance. The<br />

phallic symbolism of the corn stalks exemplifies the<br />

phallocentric environment of the family, even serving as backdrop<br />

to key dramatic scenes between male characters. We<br />

never see female characters tending corn, except when engaged<br />

in the “women’s work” of preparing food, assumed to<br />

occur off camera. Absent from the film is any importance<br />

placed on food as a social marker through which cultural identity,<br />

community, and relationships are transacted. With the<br />

exception of the wedding scene and Memo’s memorable home<br />

visit, food is never shown in the film. Nava plays down the<br />

ritual aspect of food and its major relevance to the Mexican,<br />

Mexican American, Latina/o community.<br />

La Casa/The House<br />

Interior shots of the family’s home, painted in bright colors<br />

and adorned by religious artifacts, convey the religiosity of the<br />

family and demonstrate how Juan and Maria maintain their<br />

cultural heritage. The home functions as a metaphor for the<br />

culture and is the anchor of familial stability, reinforcing religious,<br />

cultural, moral, and patriarchal identity. The recurring<br />

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Huaco-Nuzum<br />

motif of a white owl functions in the film as a touch of magical<br />

realism, highlighting the Mexican and Latin American folklore<br />

that believes in the power of animals to represent omens<br />

of life and death. The first sighting of a white owl occurs early<br />

in the film as the young Maria crosses a river in Mexico with<br />

the infant Chucho, whom she almost loses when her craft is<br />

overturned. This cultural marker prepares the audience for<br />

tragic events to come in the life of Chucho. Prior to being mortally<br />

wounded by the police, he sights a white owl perched on<br />

a beam of his hiding place.<br />

Female characters enter and leave the narrative as guests<br />

and, in the case of Isabel, Jimmy’s wife, briefly. Isabel remains<br />

in the film only long enough to socialize Jimmy and provide<br />

him with a son, Carlitos, before she is removed from the narrative<br />

to redirect focus to Jimmy. Even the dialogue of the film<br />

helps to proliferate male, sexist positions of power. Early in<br />

the film, when the young Maria informs Juan that she is pregnant,<br />

he responds, “I knew it, I knew it, it’s going to be a boy,<br />

this one is going to be a special boy.” Mi Familia emphasizes<br />

doting on male children, featuring women as boys’ conspirators.<br />

The spectator is never shown any interaction between<br />

parents and female children. l4<br />

As I wrote in my article on American Me, Chicana, Latina<br />

representation in Chicano cinema continues to be problematically<br />

portrayed.15 From IAm Joaquin to Fools Rush In, female<br />

subjectivity remains biologically inscribed in the Madonna/<br />

whore dichotomy. Although the Chicana, Latina is often the<br />

transmitter of knowledge, she is also made responsible for the<br />

socialization of the male. Once again, we see this problem surface<br />

in Mi Familia, where Maria, Toni, and Isabel have no<br />

agency, no standing within the social order, but nevertheless<br />

are held responsible for socializing all the males in the family.<br />

Returning to the theme of remembrance in Mi Familia<br />

brings to mind the following statement by Bhabha:<br />

It is within . . . this division, of national identification,<br />

articulated in the staggered interstitial temporalities<br />

that exist between the disjunct moment of<br />

the present and the fictitious space of the future,<br />

that we must try to understand our contemporary<br />

reality, recalled in the echoes of the past.16<br />

For Juan, his transaction with the past is fixed in time and<br />

space and the means by which he validates his national iden-<br />

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Mi Familia/My Family<br />

tity. He has no clear understanding of how his present reality<br />

is mediated by his past and unpredictable future. Herein lies<br />

his inability to understand the social changes that have impacted<br />

his family, particularly his son Chucho’s behavior and<br />

lifestyle. As Juan holds the stalks of corn in his hands, his<br />

remembrance of the past has become distorted and romanticized<br />

because he feels a sense of loss and longing for the familiar,<br />

for a less complicated form of existence, which can<br />

never be reproduced. His is the anxiety expressed in Walter<br />

Benjamin’s “Angelus NOVUS,” caught with longing for the past<br />

and rendered immobile by the storm of progre~s.’~ Memo represents<br />

the storm of the future (progress) that is the prospective<br />

loss of Mexican culture. In contrast, Jimmy has retained<br />

some aspects of the culture (his bilingualism, friendships with<br />

other Latinas/os, his vernacular mode of dress) and this connects<br />

him more closely to Juan. Jimmy functions in that temporal<br />

space of disjointed emotional angst, caught between<br />

rebellion and a desire to belong to the society that has marked<br />

him, not only as “other” but as a social casualty best forgotten.<br />

Although he recognizes the social injustice that surrounds<br />

him, he is cognizant of his inability to change it. This is shown<br />

when Jimmy arrives at the hospital to find his wife Isabel<br />

(Elpidia Carrillo) dying of childbirth due to the hospital’s discriminatory<br />

neglect. At first, he reacts to his loss by assaulting<br />

the physician, but then he retreats at the prospect of a<br />

further confrontation with the hospital staff. Jimmy, like the<br />

“Angelus NOVUS,” is unable to control the piles of wreckage<br />

(social injustice past and present) hurled at him. He cannot<br />

change the past and the present poses little hope that he will<br />

mold the future. Ultimately, it is Carlitos who holds the promise<br />

of progress for the culture, although Nava’s portrayal of<br />

his character leaves this potential uncertain.<br />

In conclusion, the theme of remembrance reverberates<br />

throughout the film, with historical echoes of a cultural past<br />

that is nearly forgotten and now must be reinvented in the<br />

context of the present. One may continue to ponder whether<br />

Nava essentialized and romanticized the concept of family,<br />

certainly there is space for further investigation. What is important,<br />

however, is that the film makes an attempt to address<br />

the historic legacy of the Mexican-American struggle. The story<br />

of family and social conflict needs to continue to be told with<br />

more gender equity and without a Hollywood gloss that de-<br />

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Huaco-Nuzum<br />

tracts from the power of the message, character representation,<br />

and visual aesthetic.<br />

Narrative closure in Mi Familia mimics the ending of the<br />

Hollywood western in which the hero rides off into the sunset,<br />

only this time the hero Jimmy rides off with his son<br />

Carlitos to an indeterminate future of single parenthood. Feminist<br />

film theory has pointed out how popular cinema assigns<br />

gender difference to narrative closure. The hero is given a certain<br />

freedom of action to accept social integration through<br />

marriage or to remain alone as an act of resistance. For the<br />

female character, however, the only choice for social integration<br />

continues to be marriage. Jimmy and Carlitos represent<br />

the promise of the new generation upon whom the culture<br />

rests, promising to perpetuate the theme of remembrance,<br />

cultural identity, and, unfortunately, the validation of patriarchy.<br />

Jimmy is portrayed as a victim of social and economic<br />

injustices that, under the present social system of stratification<br />

(race, class and gender), cannot be resolved. As Paco reminds<br />

the audience,<br />

Jimmy represents the family, the sacrificial lamb<br />

who contains within his being all the pain, hate,<br />

suffering, racial persecution, and impotence of the<br />

family.<br />

Again, the Chicana, Latina is subsumed by the patriarchal<br />

voice that discounts her subjectivity, desire, and agency and<br />

calls out hasta cuando corazon, must you remain el gallo macho<br />

of Mi Familia.<br />

Carmen Huaco-Nuzum<br />

Notes<br />

This review was excerpted from a longer article in progress, “Gender<br />

and Sexual Representation in Mi Farnilia/My Family (Orale patriarchy:<br />

hasta cuando corazon will you remain el gallo macho of mi<br />

familia) .”<br />

1. Homi K. Bhabha, “Anxious Nations, Nervous States,” Supposing<br />

the Subject, ed. Joan Copjec (New York: Verso, 1994), 202.<br />

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Mi Familia/My Family<br />

2. I am choosing the terms Chicana and Chicano to mean politicized<br />

subjects.<br />

3. Dennis West, “Filming the Chicano Family Saga,” Cineaste<br />

21, no. 4 (fall 1995): 26.<br />

4. Lucy O’Brien, “My Family,” Sight and Sound 5, no. 10 (October<br />

1995): 53.<br />

5. Todd McCarthy, “My Family/Mi Familia,” Variety 358, no. 1<br />

(February 6, 1995): 74.<br />

6. I was unable to secure any information regarding the film’s<br />

reception according to ethnic demographics or its financial success.<br />

During the first few months of the film’s release, Mi Familia was absent<br />

from the top box office list published in Variety, which would<br />

indicate that the film was not spectacularly successful.<br />

7. Dennis West, “Filming the Chicano Family Saga,” Cineaste<br />

21, no. 4 (fall 1995): 26.<br />

8. This and any subsequent dialogue is from the film Mi Familia<br />

(Gregory Nava 1995).<br />

9. Feminist film theory has it that the female gaze in popular<br />

cinema evokes a male fear of castration, which is minimized by turning<br />

the female character into a fetish.<br />

10. I am not saying that Toni is like Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz,<br />

but rather that Sor Juana, as cultural female archetype, functions<br />

as a historical representational trope of resistance against patriarchy<br />

and is contained in the present memory of most Chicanas,<br />

Latinas.<br />

11. Angie Chabram Dernersesian, “And, Yes . . . The Earth Did<br />

Part . . . ,” Building With Our Hands: New Directions in Chicana Studies,<br />

ed. Adela de la Torre and Beatriz M. Pesquera (Berkeley: <strong>University</strong><br />

of California Press, 1993), 45<br />

12. Promotional video about the making of Mi Familia, 1995.<br />

13. Roberto de Anda, Chicanas and Chicanos in Contemporary<br />

Society (Boston: Ally and Bacon Editorial, 1995), 10-35.<br />

14. Cherrie Moraga, Loving in the War Years: Lo que nunca paso<br />

porsus labios (New York: Kitchen Table, Women of Color Press, 1983),<br />

90-9 1. Moraga describes male favoritism in the Chicana/o family.<br />

“When my sister and I were fifteen and fourteen . . . we were still<br />

waiting on him. . . . To this day in my mother’s home, my brother<br />

and father are waited on, including by me. I do this now out of respect<br />

for my mother and her wishes.”<br />

15. Carmen Huaco-Nuzum, “American Me: Despair in the Barrio,”<br />

Jumpcut 38 (1993): 92-94.<br />

16. Bhabha, “Anxious Nations, Nervous States,” 202.<br />

17. Walter Benjamin, Illuminations: Essays and Reflections, ed.<br />

Hannah Arendt (New York: Schocken Books, 1968), 257. “A Klee<br />

painting named ‘Angelus Novus’ shows an angel looking as though<br />

he is about to move away from something he is furedly contemplating,<br />

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Huaco-Nuzum<br />

his eyes are staring, his mouth is open, his wings are spread. This is<br />

how one pictures the angel of history. His face is turned toward the<br />

past. Where we perceive a chain of events, he sees one single catastrophe<br />

which keeps pilling wreckage upon wreckage and hurls it in<br />

front of his feet. The angel would like to say, awaken the dead, and<br />

make whole what has been smashed. But a storm is blowing from<br />

Paradise; it has got caught in his wings with such violence that the<br />

angel can no longer close them. This storm irresistibly propels him<br />

into the future to which his back is turned, while the pile of debris<br />

before him grows skyward. This storm is what we call progress.”<br />

152


CARMEN HUACO-NUZUM. Ford Fellow and Rockefeller grant recipient<br />

who has taught at the <strong>University</strong> of California at Davis<br />

and Santa Cruz. Her articles on Chicana/o film criticism have<br />

appeared in anthologies and she is presently working on a book<br />

on Chicana, Latina representation and spectatorship.


LOCAS. By Yxta Maya Murray. (New York: Grove Press, 1997.<br />

248 pp. cloth $22.00.)<br />

It’s hard not to be excited when a new Latina writer hits the<br />

market, especially when she addresses the mostly unheard of<br />

and misunderstood issues of youth. Unfortunately, it’s that<br />

much more disappointing when that voice comes woefully<br />

short of representing youth in any positive manner. Yxta Maya<br />

Murray’s debut novel, Locus, fails to portray the complex lives<br />

of young women in the Los Angeles barrios, and instead promotes<br />

common formulas of Latino urban youth.<br />

At a recent book reading in Albuquerque, Murray stated<br />

that Locus is about “the gang world as I have imagined it.”<br />

This disclaimer about her “creative process” not only takes the<br />

place of much needed research, it contradicts Locus’s packaging<br />

as the genuine experience of Latina gang membership:<br />

Locus’s dust cover reads “like a pirate radio broadcast straight<br />

from the urban core.” Curiously, Murray added that “I have<br />

no gang background, but I am a Latina,” as if one experience<br />

automatically authorized her to represent the other. This is<br />

obviously not the case, and as a result, Locus reads like a fanciful<br />

dream in which the author manipulates stereotypes to<br />

please a readership unfamiliar with this complex community.<br />

Murray employs an urban vernacular that, although meant<br />

to authenticate the voice of her characters, quickly degenerates<br />

into contrived ethnic narration. Vocalizing this language<br />

at the Albuquerque reading, Murray portrays gangbanger lingo<br />

as a synthetic brew of thick Latina-fantasy-accent meets<br />

Speedy Gonzalez meets Chico (and the Man) meets Scarface.<br />

This is not Murray’s natural speaking voice, nor that of a lively<br />

storyteller. Instead, her bad impersonation, like the book’s<br />

vernacular, is forced. Her street-wise wisdom, tough-guy morality,<br />

and invented gangster philosophies negate the nuance<br />

of urban life.<br />

Alternating chapters between the female narrators, Lucia<br />

and Cecilia, who are the lover and the sister (pronounced by<br />

Murray as “seester”) of local gang leader Manny Silvas, Murray<br />

Aztlan 23:l Spring 1998 153


Hernandez<br />

cloaks Locus in the veneer of a pro-woman voice. Meaning to<br />

subvert the convention of the passive or hyper-sexed Latina,<br />

Murray endorses those very types, inflecting their voices with<br />

violence, deceit, and bravado. “I was a slick little jalapeiia” (24),<br />

says the animated and tough-as-nails Lucia. The protagonists,<br />

especially Lucia, beat the men at their own game, but they<br />

never change the nature of it, merely recasting the cancer at<br />

the heart of this fictitious community. The two female narrators<br />

gain their foothold on power from Manny, and then, in a<br />

gender switcheroo, capture total control of the barrio, Lucia<br />

creating new business by selling drugs primarily to Mexicans<br />

and children. Female power, pride, and status always have a<br />

male referent in Locus, as both young women seem gleaned<br />

from the daytime talk show circuit.<br />

In fact, Murray admits that Lucia is inherently “pathological”<br />

but doesn’t scrutinize the detrimental effect of patterning<br />

a whole community through negativity. For example, violence<br />

against women in Murray’s barrio is commonplace and rationalized.<br />

Says Lucia, “All beat ladies get the same look, that<br />

drag-down puppy dog look that makes you wanna kick them<br />

harder” (96). Or, “And he picks up his hand, looking to hit me<br />

hard on my face, like any old Mexican man would who’s got<br />

his balls” ( 108). Likewise, the needy Cecilia’s biggest ambition<br />

is to sit on the bench and talk babies with all the other teenage<br />

“mamacitas” because “a baby makes you Somebody” (69).<br />

Murray’s two-dimensional characters are fated, since blood<br />

predetermines their personality, status, and destiny. Blood<br />

references are endless-”gangbanging<br />

blood” ( 1), “that strong<br />

blood” (32), “weak blood (1 15), “cold steady blood” (191), “Spanish<br />

red” (41), “red Catholic blood” (75), “wild horse blood” (76),<br />

“gabacho blood” (102), “hot fighting blood” 1 13), “that Dirty<br />

Harry I got in me” ( 16 1), “that tor0 in him” ( 174), “that wildcat<br />

in her” (190), and “cause sex is in a Mexican woman’s blood”<br />

(24)-and serve as Murray’s version of social context. As Cecilia<br />

states, “I still had the gangbanging blood running out my heart<br />

. . . even if I didn’t want it to” (85). Violence, presented without<br />

social or economic context, appears to be a natural urge, a pleasure<br />

to watch, and a necessity to take part in. Such negative<br />

biological typing wrongly suggests a natural disposition toward<br />

pathology and destruction in the Mexican and Chicano communities<br />

and appears to justify their societal oppression.<br />

At her reading, Murray stated that her book is a response<br />

to the debate and passage of Proposition 187 in California and<br />

154


Locus<br />

the subsequent, nationally televised, brutal beatings of Mexican<br />

immigrants by law enforcement officers in Riverside. Yet,<br />

she continuously maligns immigrants by having her characters<br />

refer to them as “border brothers,” “poor-ass Salvadoran<br />

and Oaxaca mamas” (51),“brown locals” who spend their “pennies”<br />

on cocaine (115), as well as “some poor Mexican nobody”<br />

(133), a “ditch-digging bracero” (60), or “some wetback scooting<br />

. . . and running like a rabbit” (133). Ultimately, Murray<br />

depicts and reinforces a social hierarchy based on citizenship<br />

status and skin color. Although Lucia is herself an immigrant,<br />

her internalized hatred of Mexicans is always on the tip of her<br />

tongue. As she states, “Nothing’s easier than stealing from<br />

some stupid illegal” ( 143).<br />

In fact, the entire community of Echo Park is represented<br />

by an array of denigrating stereotypes (for example, “hairychested<br />

greasers” [5]), a textual abuse that is nowhere countered.<br />

Murray constantly compares the gestures and physical<br />

make-up of Mexicans and Chicanos to animals. Predisposed<br />

to glorified and eroticized violence, “Mexicans know how to<br />

throw down old fashioned, it’s like watching somebody dancing”<br />

(166). Women are culturally attuned to have babies when<br />

they are teenagers, and to work only as housekeepers. Viejas<br />

are robbed and adolescents are quickly turned on to drugs,<br />

guns, and la vida loca. “Men get the taste for beating on their<br />

lady” (79) and women accept it. Even the hard-working nongangsters<br />

are nostalgic for the old life, and make prime drug<br />

and prostitution clients. In all, Murray exploits a stock troupe<br />

of mainstream Mexican/ Chicano icons-including Pancho<br />

Villa, la ZZorona, and ranchera music with the iAy Ay Ay! gr-itosproviding<br />

only simplistic cultural insights into Latinos.<br />

At best, Locus is a dark and tragic novel about a victimized<br />

community that limps toward its self-destruction-a story<br />

of misplaced resistance that we’ve seen over and over in<br />

gangxploitation films, literature, and the news media. As a dose<br />

of tough love and true grit reality, Locus fails miserably.<br />

Murray’s debut effort is devoid of social and historical context<br />

and does not reckon with the diversity of Mexican and Chicano<br />

communities in Los Angeles. Instead, she flattens urban experiences<br />

for her narrative convenience, presenting an inhuman,<br />

violent, drug-filled, exoticized, as well as eroticized<br />

community. The book is burdened with a transparent and<br />

contrived bid at authenticity meant to pass as cultural authority.<br />

If Murray’s book sounds like a shameful endorsement<br />

155


Hernandez<br />

of denigrating and fetishizing stereotypes of Latinos in the<br />

United States, that’s because it is.<br />

David Manuel Hernandez<br />

<strong>University</strong> of California, Berkeley<br />

156


DAVID MANUEL HERNANDEZ. Ph.D. student in the Department of<br />

Comparative Ethnic Studies at the <strong>University</strong> of California,<br />

Berkeley.

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