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measure children with a lot of books against children with no books, the answer may not<br />

be very meaningful. Perhaps the number of books in a child’s home merely indicates how<br />

much money his parents make. What we really want to do is measure two children who<br />

are alike in every way except one—in this case, the number of books in his home—and<br />

see if that one factor makes a difference in his school performance.<br />

It should be said that regression analysis is more art than science. (In this regard, it has a<br />

great deal in common with parenting itself.) But a skilled practitioner can use it to tell<br />

how meaningful a correlation is—and maybe even tell whether that correlation does<br />

indicate a causal relationship.<br />

So what does an analysis of the ECLS data tell us about school-children’s performance?<br />

A number of things. The first one concerns the black-white test score gap.<br />

It has long been observed that black children, even before they set foot in a classroom,<br />

underperform their white counterparts. Moreover, black children didn’t measure up even<br />

when controlling for a wide array of variables. (To control for a variable is essentially to<br />

eliminate its influence, much as one golfer uses a handicap against another. In the case of<br />

an academic study such as the ECLS, a researcher might control for any number of<br />

disadvantages that one student might carry when measured against the average student.)<br />

But this new data set tells a different story. After controlling for just a few variables—<br />

including the income and education level of the child’s parents and the mother’s age at<br />

the birth of her first child—the gap between black and white children is virtually<br />

eliminated at the time the children enter school.<br />

This is an encouraging finding on two fronts. It means that young black children have<br />

continued to make gains relative to their white counterparts. It also means that whatever<br />

gap remains can be linked to a handful of readily identifiable factors. The data reveal that<br />

black children who perform poorly in school do so not because they are black but<br />

because they tend to come from low-income, low-education households. A typical black<br />

child and white child from the same socioeconomic background, however, have the same<br />

abilities in math and reading upon entering kindergarden.<br />

Great news, right? Well, not so fast. First of all, because the average black child is more<br />

likely to come from a low-income, low-education household, the gap is very real: on<br />

average, black children still are scoring worse. Worse yet, even when the parents’ income<br />

and education are controlled for, the black-white gap reappears within just two years of a<br />

child’s entering school. By the end of first grade, a black child is underperforming a<br />

statistically equivalent white child. And the gap steadily grows over the second and third<br />

grades.<br />

Why does this happen? That’s a hard, complicated question. But one answer may lie in<br />

the fact that the school attended by the typical black child is not the same school attended<br />

by the typical white child, and the typical black child goes to a school that is<br />

simply…bad. Even fifty years after Brown v. Board, many American schools are<br />

virtually segregated. The ECLS project surveyed roughly one thousand schools, taking

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