freakonomics
freakonomics
freakonomics
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measure children with a lot of books against children with no books, the answer may not<br />
be very meaningful. Perhaps the number of books in a child’s home merely indicates how<br />
much money his parents make. What we really want to do is measure two children who<br />
are alike in every way except one—in this case, the number of books in his home—and<br />
see if that one factor makes a difference in his school performance.<br />
It should be said that regression analysis is more art than science. (In this regard, it has a<br />
great deal in common with parenting itself.) But a skilled practitioner can use it to tell<br />
how meaningful a correlation is—and maybe even tell whether that correlation does<br />
indicate a causal relationship.<br />
So what does an analysis of the ECLS data tell us about school-children’s performance?<br />
A number of things. The first one concerns the black-white test score gap.<br />
It has long been observed that black children, even before they set foot in a classroom,<br />
underperform their white counterparts. Moreover, black children didn’t measure up even<br />
when controlling for a wide array of variables. (To control for a variable is essentially to<br />
eliminate its influence, much as one golfer uses a handicap against another. In the case of<br />
an academic study such as the ECLS, a researcher might control for any number of<br />
disadvantages that one student might carry when measured against the average student.)<br />
But this new data set tells a different story. After controlling for just a few variables—<br />
including the income and education level of the child’s parents and the mother’s age at<br />
the birth of her first child—the gap between black and white children is virtually<br />
eliminated at the time the children enter school.<br />
This is an encouraging finding on two fronts. It means that young black children have<br />
continued to make gains relative to their white counterparts. It also means that whatever<br />
gap remains can be linked to a handful of readily identifiable factors. The data reveal that<br />
black children who perform poorly in school do so not because they are black but<br />
because they tend to come from low-income, low-education households. A typical black<br />
child and white child from the same socioeconomic background, however, have the same<br />
abilities in math and reading upon entering kindergarden.<br />
Great news, right? Well, not so fast. First of all, because the average black child is more<br />
likely to come from a low-income, low-education household, the gap is very real: on<br />
average, black children still are scoring worse. Worse yet, even when the parents’ income<br />
and education are controlled for, the black-white gap reappears within just two years of a<br />
child’s entering school. By the end of first grade, a black child is underperforming a<br />
statistically equivalent white child. And the gap steadily grows over the second and third<br />
grades.<br />
Why does this happen? That’s a hard, complicated question. But one answer may lie in<br />
the fact that the school attended by the typical black child is not the same school attended<br />
by the typical white child, and the typical black child goes to a school that is<br />
simply…bad. Even fifty years after Brown v. Board, many American schools are<br />
virtually segregated. The ECLS project surveyed roughly one thousand schools, taking