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MONDAY,<br />

MAY 3rd <strong>2010</strong><br />

The rain falling over Milan could not keep the<br />

participants of <strong>MILMUN</strong> <strong>2010</strong> away from the welcome<br />

aperetivo, organized by Logistics director,<br />

Miss Bianca Cravenna It was a complete success,<br />

where delegates, ExCom and Chairs exchange<br />

ideas and expectations for the event<br />

taking place the next day at the Bocconi University.<br />

Some old Milmuners reminisced about past editions<br />

and said that it was without a doubt one of<br />

the best MUNs organized worldwide. and they<br />

had no doubt that this edition will be as successful<br />

as past editions. There were also many<br />

new faces excited about the future possibilities<br />

and a little nervous about what would be expected<br />

of them. The consensus amongst the old<br />

timers was that they would thoroughly enjoy it<br />

and that they soon would seek other MUNs as<br />

they had.<br />

As the evening went by old friends talked about<br />

past experiences, bases for new friendships<br />

were established and the overall feeling was<br />

that without a doubt <strong>MILMUN</strong> <strong>2010</strong> was going to<br />

another successful conference in one of the<br />

most beautiful cities of the world- Milan.<br />

CONNIE<br />

VILASMIL<br />

Editors in Chief<br />

PAOLA IVANOVA<br />

IN TODAY’S EDITION:<br />

<strong>MILMUN</strong> COUNCILS —<br />

CASE BY CASE<br />

CAN YOU KEEP A SECRET?<br />

WE CAN’T EITHER!<br />

Tell<br />

us some gossip and we’ll make<br />

sure no one outside <strong>MILMUN</strong><br />

<strong>2010</strong> ever finds out!<br />

DESIGNED BY EDITORS IN CHIEF<br />

<strong>MILMUN</strong> CHRONICLE TEAM <strong>2010</strong>:<br />

EDITORS IN CHIEF :<br />

CONNIE VILLASMIL & PAOLA IVANOVA<br />

ALICE SIGNORI — XINHUA<br />

GIULIA GUSTINUCCI — LE MONDE DIPLOMATIQUE<br />

KHALED HIJAB — HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH<br />

PRISCILLA QUEIROLO—EL CLARIN<br />

PATRICK HALLBERG — WASHINGTON POST<br />

RUSTAM JAMILOV — RIA NOVOSTI<br />

SARAH GHANNAM — VANITY FAIR<br />

SELENA CAVALLO — AL JAZEERA


<strong>MILMUN</strong> CHRONICLE<br />

2<br />

The International Court of<br />

Justice issued the final ruling.<br />

Argentine oppositions remain<br />

but there is hope for a<br />

cooperation with Uruguay.<br />

The environmental dispute<br />

between Argentina and<br />

Uruguay is not about to end.<br />

On Tuesday April 22nd <strong>2010</strong>,<br />

International Court of Justice<br />

issued the ruling that Uruguay,<br />

by allowing the installation of<br />

a pulp mill in 2002, violated its<br />

procedural obligations<br />

(established by the Statute of<br />

Uruguay River) to notify,<br />

inform and negotiate in good<br />

faith but did not violate its<br />

obligations in terms of<br />

environmental pollution. This<br />

final decision was followed by<br />

important riots on the<br />

Argentine side of the river, in<br />

the town of Gualeguaychú<br />

where the Assembly members<br />

declared the “conflict<br />

continues until death”. Facing<br />

these harsh reactions, the<br />

Argentine government decided<br />

to rebuild the relationship with<br />

Uruguay. The first step for<br />

cooperation was made with<br />

the announcement that<br />

Uruguayan President José<br />

Mujica will come to Argentina<br />

in the end of April to meet<br />

with President Cristina<br />

Kirchner. But Uruguay claims<br />

the removal of roadblocks<br />

near the river as a priority of<br />

its foreign policy.<br />

THE STORY The conflict<br />

between the two neighbors<br />

started in 2002 when the<br />

Uruguayan government<br />

headed by Jorge Batlle<br />

negotiated with Finnish<br />

company UPM‐Kymmene the<br />

construction of a large pulp<br />

mill. In 2005 a crowd of<br />

40,000 Argentines and<br />

Uruguayans blocked the bridge<br />

over the Uruguay River and<br />

the conflict raised to national<br />

and international relevance.<br />

Since then part of the<br />

Argentine demonstrators was<br />

organized in Gualeguaychú<br />

Environmental Assembly and<br />

begun to develop an ongoing<br />

and massive opposition to the<br />

installation of the plant. In<br />

defence of its position,<br />

Uruguay initiated a lawsuit in<br />

2006 against Argentina before<br />

the Mercosur dispute<br />

settlement system arguing that<br />

the roadblocks were a<br />

violation of the principle of<br />

free movement, and that these<br />

were used by the Argentine<br />

government to pressure<br />

Uruguay in the negotiations<br />

concerning the installation of<br />

pulp mills. On the opposite<br />

side, Argentina prosecuted<br />

Uruguay at the International<br />

Court of Justice arguing that the<br />

installation of pulp mills was a<br />

polluting agent and a violation<br />

of the Statute of the River<br />

Uruguay (signed in 1975).<br />

THE CRITICS However, in<br />

these last days, Argentina,<br />

shaken by the final decision of<br />

ICJ, is rather critical of its past<br />

choices. Was it necessary to<br />

make such riots on the bridge<br />

fighting against a mill which<br />

objectively has the best and<br />

less polluting technology?<br />

Argentine politician Rodolfo<br />

Terragno, believes that past<br />

years’ massive oppositions<br />

were not aimed at concrete<br />

solutions. “We used our<br />

strength and not our reason”.<br />

And therefore the result was<br />

rather predictable: on Tuesday<br />

television screens showed on<br />

the left, vice president of the<br />

International Court of Justice,<br />

Peter Tomka, reading the<br />

verdict and on the right, the<br />

people of Gualeguaychú crying<br />

their disappointment.


3<br />

<strong>MILMUN</strong> CHRONICLE<br />

Fighting, death and destruction on the streets of the<br />

Somalia capital is nothing new. A local human rights<br />

organization released the first tally of deaths in four<br />

days of fierce fighting. Ali Ahmed, chairman of Elman<br />

Human Rights Organization said that: “In the last 4 days of battles between TFG and Islamic<br />

militants we have registered 381 deaths and 565 people wounded".<br />

One oral testimony was by a Somali boy 14- years-old who recounts the moment that his<br />

entire family was killed in Mogadishu: "When I came home from the Koranic school I<br />

found our house had been hit" he says. "My mother and father were killed. I think my four<br />

brothers were killed as well - I saw pieces of their hands and legs near the part of the<br />

house that we used for resting."<br />

Since 1991 Somalia remains in a brutal conflict between the Transitional Federal Government<br />

(TFG), which holds only the capital, Mogadishu, and Al- Shabaab armed opposition<br />

group that control most of the country. Both the habitants of the capital and those living<br />

in other areas have endured abuse. In the same years the northern part of the country had declared its independence, and<br />

constituted the Republic of Somaliland. Somaliland and Puntland demonstrate the potential and sustainability of peacemaking<br />

and reconciliation. However, these gains are delicate. The United Nations Refugee Agency estimates that one million<br />

Somalis are internally displaced, hundreds of thousands have fled abroad and at least 6,000 civilians were murdered<br />

last year. Whenever there is fighting, a convoy of cars, minibuses and trucks deliver civilians to the already overflowing<br />

hospitals. Those without motor transport have to rely on wheelbarrows.<br />

Last February, the African Union base opened the first military<br />

hospital to the public in response to the lack of medical facilities<br />

in the city. Here, each people relate his personal story about the<br />

brutal nature of Al Shabaab. Tales of dismemberment, bodies<br />

being chopped up and sent back to families, routine executions,<br />

even people being skinned alive emanate from neighborhoods<br />

closed off to the international community or any form of governance.<br />

It is time for the international community to find more<br />

effective ways to move the<br />

country out of this protracted crisis and to develop methods that<br />

are more responsive to Somali realities.<br />

Can you see the end of this story?<br />

NEXT PAGE: FOLLOW UP ON HRC— ANTIGOVERNMENTAL PROTESTS


<strong>MILMUN</strong> CHRONICLE<br />

4<br />

“We will mark our<br />

presence by our absence”,<br />

states one of<br />

the main slogan of<br />

“Journeé sans Immigré”.<br />

This association,<br />

which promoted a full<br />

day off from work for<br />

immigrants, was created<br />

in order to raise<br />

the attention on the<br />

condition of migrants in<br />

France. However,<br />

since the topic is one of<br />

the hot issues in the<br />

political agenda in numerous European states, the 1 st of March was<br />

marked by the absence of immigrants also in Italy, Greece and<br />

Spain.<br />

France’s problems with regards to immigrants are widely known: the<br />

policeman: a unprecedented situation since 1985.<br />

Also the 1 st of <strong>May</strong>, which should be devoted to<br />

celebrate the workers, is expected to hold space<br />

for disagreement: Greece has already announced<br />

demonstrations and protests which could be followed<br />

by strikes on various degrees.<br />

To complete our compass, let’s focus west. Guess what we will<br />

find? We will find the same old mood. Portugal started to protest<br />

against the cut decided by the government on the 27 th of April, exactly<br />

a day after the double downgrading of the national debt. Starting<br />

from local transportation to railways and ferries, a number of<br />

demonstrations and strikes have invaded the country, with a high rate<br />

of adhesion (between the 40% - 80% of personnel). The agitations<br />

are deemed to continue, with the participation also of postal services<br />

and infrastructural programs.<br />

Is this the idea of peace and democracy that European countries<br />

strive to convey? Is it the way in which they respect their people’s<br />

will?<br />

Sometimes citizens seem not to be able to choose what’s best for<br />

them, sometimes governments fail in carrying out their duty properly:<br />

then where is the balance European countries think should be entitled<br />

to teach?<br />

last chapter being the proposal of banishing the burqua from<br />

public venues which has been put forward by the President<br />

Sarkozy himself. The law is causing troubles also because politicians<br />

differ a lot in their position: conservatives would have liked<br />

a more accommodating law, the Council of State warned about<br />

the possibility for this ban to be unconstitutional while public<br />

opinion is divided among the ones that perceive the wearing of a<br />

full veil as a violation of religious freedom and the ones who<br />

think it does not really bother citizens’ sensibility.<br />

Another country, the same problem: on the 3 rd of April the Time<br />

titled “ Belgium moves closer to the first Burqua Ban”. Belgian<br />

politicians are, in fact, debating on a law that will make illegal,<br />

and also subject to fines and imprisonment, the covering of all or<br />

part of the face.<br />

Moving east, don’t expect a different situation: Greece is heated<br />

up from continuous protests which have gone on since December.<br />

Tensions arising from the difficulty due to the financial crisis<br />

and against the measurements undertaken by the government<br />

led to moments of great nervousness. It’s enough to remember<br />

the death of a 15-year old demonstrator who was killed by a


5<br />

<strong>MILMUN</strong> CHRONICLE<br />

The world is perched on a<br />

dangerous ledge, the end of the Cold<br />

War marked a thawing in relations<br />

and the coming of a “Nuclear Spring”,<br />

the unstable world that emerged is<br />

characterized by events like the attacks<br />

on the United States on 9/11,<br />

uncertainty of North Korea’s intentions<br />

and Iranian scamper for nuclear<br />

capabilities. Though the context has<br />

changed dramatically, the words of<br />

John F. Kennedy in his speech to the<br />

United Nations in 1961, have never<br />

been more pertinent, "Every man,<br />

woman and child lives under a nuclear<br />

sword of Damocles, hanging by<br />

the slenderest of threads. . . The<br />

weapons of war must be abolished<br />

before they abolish us”.<br />

The world watches with an<br />

eye on the past and with great expectations<br />

for the future as the United<br />

Nations Security Council deliberations<br />

commence. The past months have<br />

been punctuated with accords on<br />

nuclear disarmament and proliferation,<br />

bringing to the attention of the<br />

world the very serious connotations<br />

of an issue long overlooked as a diverting<br />

incident of international security.<br />

The delegates must seize upon<br />

this impetus in approaching the forthcoming<br />

Security Council, and seek to<br />

deliver a unified and progressive<br />

strategy.<br />

President Obama hosted a<br />

Nuclear Security Summit in Washington<br />

D.C. this month, attended by 37<br />

heads of state and an additional 10<br />

delegates. Amidst renewed partisan<br />

squabbles and limited expectations<br />

from the American public, the president<br />

secured individual commitments<br />

to stop nuclear proliferation and support<br />

disarmament. Governments<br />

agreed to bolster international security<br />

efforts and protect nuclear materials<br />

used for military as well as civilian<br />

purposes. Of particular importance<br />

were the promises made by<br />

countries such as Mexico, Chile and<br />

Ukraine who declared that they<br />

would eliminate their stockpiles of<br />

enriched uranium. The summit is a<br />

promising start, but binding commitments<br />

and further reductions are<br />

required, in combination with the<br />

discontinuation of the development<br />

of fissile materials for military purposes.<br />

In complement (or perhaps<br />

in contrast) to Obama’s Nuclear Security<br />

Summit, Iranian President Mahmud<br />

Ahmadinejad hosted his own<br />

summit in Tehran, a mere four days<br />

later, inviting 60 international delegations<br />

to participate. The meeting<br />

comes during a time of renewed efforts<br />

to secure a fourth round of<br />

United Nations sanctions against Iran<br />

over its nuclear program. Mr. Ahmadinejad<br />

responded critically to the U.S.<br />

hosted summit, labeling it as<br />

“humiliating to humanity”. In response<br />

to President Obama’s announcement<br />

that states not in compliance<br />

with the Nuclear Proliferation<br />

Treaty would not be spared a U.S.<br />

nuclear response, The Iranian Ambassador<br />

to the U.N., Mohammad<br />

Khazaee, formally complained to the<br />

Security Council that these statements<br />

were “tantamount to nuclear<br />

blackmail against a non‐nuclear<br />

weapon state”. Neither the United<br />

States nor the Islamic Republic of Iran<br />

extended reciprocal invitations to<br />

their summits.<br />

Perhaps the most important<br />

development in the international<br />

nuclear security agenda over the past<br />

months was the signing of the socalled<br />

New START treaty between the<br />

United States and Russia. The treaty<br />

promises to reduce nuclear weapons<br />

stockpiles and bring about new procedures<br />

for verifying which weapons<br />

each country possesses. David Miliband,<br />

the British Foreign Secretary<br />

praised the treaty as a “break of a<br />

culture of cynicism”. The nuclear<br />

status quo is not desirable yet, to<br />

some extent, may be necessary as a<br />

means of deterrence and in order not<br />

to disturb<br />

the balance of powers.<br />

The momentum gained during<br />

the past months must now be seized<br />

by the delegates of the forthcoming<br />

United Nations Security Council session<br />

in their discussions on nuclear<br />

disarmament and proliferation. Of<br />

utmost importance is the review of<br />

the Treaty on the Non‐proliferation of<br />

Nuclear Weapons (NPT). First, export<br />

controls must be strengthened, primarily<br />

through further integration of<br />

international agencies and reinforcement<br />

of international coordination.<br />

Second, conditions of supply must be<br />

assured as demands for fuel increase,<br />

as an incentive to nonproliferation.<br />

Third, Article IV, discussing the right<br />

of states to develop nuclear energy<br />

for peaceful means, must be reviewed<br />

as it has served in the past as<br />

a loophole in the process to develop<br />

nuclear weapons. Also Article X must<br />

be considered, the article establishing<br />

terms for withdrawal from the NPT.<br />

Any amendments to the treaty are<br />

however subject to a complex process,<br />

with success ultimately relying on<br />

consensus among the members.<br />

There are great expectations for the<br />

United States. The U.S., as a permanent<br />

member of the Security Council<br />

and a nuclear weapon state, has an<br />

inherent interest in the regime and<br />

must recognize the needs for reform<br />

and strategically manage them. It is<br />

necessary to negotiate solutions with<br />

Iran and North Korea in an effort to<br />

take a step back from the ledge that<br />

we are precariously perched upon.<br />

Essentially connected to the<br />

process is the International Atomic<br />

Energy Agency (IAEA), an international<br />

organization that seeks to promote<br />

the peaceful utilization of nuclear<br />

energy, it reports directly to the<br />

U.N General Assembly and Security<br />

Council. On the Security Council<br />

agenda no doubt, will be discussions<br />

of the increased purview of the organization<br />

and hopefully provisions<br />

for greater funding.<br />

The coming United Nations<br />

Security Council session is critical for<br />

addressing nonproliferation and disarmament<br />

concerns. At a time of<br />

uncertainty between Western nuclear<br />

powers and states such as Iran and<br />

North Korea, the eyes of the world<br />

are pinned to the delegates in the<br />

hope that they will emerge with a<br />

strong foot forward in the next step<br />

of the process of disarmament. It is a<br />

time when transparent diplomatic<br />

conversation is of utmost importance<br />

and must be supported, in order for<br />

the people of the world to look forward<br />

to a new age without the threat<br />

of weapons of mass destruction. At a<br />

time when emerging countries are at<br />

a critical point and development<br />

needs to be encouraged, spending on<br />

weapons must be curtailed. The<br />

emergence of new nuclear countries<br />

paradoxically mars the decrease in<br />

current nuclear states’ stockpiles. The<br />

question of nuclear disarmament is a<br />

question of morality. As the United<br />

Nations Secretary‐General, Ban‐Ki<br />

Moon said in his address to the East‐<br />

West institute in October, 2008, “A<br />

world free of nuclear weapons would<br />

be a public good of the highest order”.<br />

Going into this conference, the<br />

question remains: will the nuclear<br />

club allow for real change, or will the<br />

naysayers be proved correct?<br />

NEXT PAGE:<br />

FOLLOW UP ON SC ‐<br />

RIGHT OF SELF‐DETERMINATION


<strong>MILMUN</strong> CHRONICLE<br />

6<br />

RUSTAM<br />

JAMILOV<br />

Northern Ireland, Kashmir, Chechnya, Tibet, the Middle East,<br />

Yugoslavia… Kosovo, South Ossetia, Abkhazia… 40,000,000<br />

people… Over 100 years of political conflict, high-level diplomatic<br />

debate, and all-level human struggle. Will the issue of<br />

self-determination ever be solved? If yes, then the time is<br />

here. Right here, right now. at <strong>MILMUN</strong> <strong>2010</strong>.<br />

Young academics from around the world are gathering at the<br />

Milan International Model United Nations conference for its<br />

6 th consecutive edition this <strong>May</strong> at the Universita Luigi Bocconi<br />

in Milan, Italy. All the 15 members of the <strong>MILMUN</strong> <strong>2010</strong><br />

Security Council share one goal – solve the problem of the<br />

right to self-determination and ultimately make our world a<br />

better place. Whether their making our world a better place<br />

will somehow be affected by the incredibly consuming nightlife<br />

of Milano is a different story however. In any case, Ria<br />

Novosti is determined to commit itself to providing an honest,<br />

top-quality, timely coverage of the conference for 24/7.<br />

And indeed there will be much to cover. From the hot disputes<br />

over the Middle East, to the America’s polite remarks<br />

on Abkhazia and Southern Ossetia, to Russia’s even more<br />

polite remarks on Kosovo. The tension is predicted to reach<br />

unseen heights, with plenty of frustrated sighs, disgusted<br />

looks, and, hopefully, even minor fist fights. For ‘the truth is<br />

born of arguments’ (Mark Van Hoen).<br />

The primary dispute within the topic of the Right to Self-<br />

determination and Security is predicted to be over the<br />

adoption of the appropriate strategy to tackle the issue.<br />

There are essentially two choices: a case-by-case approach<br />

or a more systematic method. While the latter policy might<br />

sound a bit more appealing, it could potentially lead to the<br />

neglect of unique socio-cultural aspects of a particular dispute.<br />

On the other hand, a case-by-case strategy may raise<br />

issues of fairness and consistency of law, although accounting<br />

for differences in the individual cases.<br />

The starting opinion on this issue of each SC delegate could<br />

be quite easily forecasted. European states would probably<br />

lean towards a systematic approach, while all three of the<br />

Super Powers (USA, Russia, China) would most likely be in<br />

favor of a case-by-case analysis. Practically, each major<br />

country has an issue of its own, and therefore, a substantially<br />

pre-determined position on this debate.<br />

However, while the initial arguments of most SC members<br />

will be understandable, the final decisions and conclusions<br />

of the work of the council are completely unclear. Will the<br />

delegates reach an all-benefiting compromise and a workable<br />

solution to the problem? Or will they adhere to their respective<br />

national interests, refuse to cooperate, and let the stalemate<br />

continue? The world holds its breath, watching the 15<br />

most brilliant diplomats decide on its future.


<strong>MILMUN</strong> CHRONICLE<br />

7<br />

In light of the major attempt to labor<br />

market reforms, the Council the European<br />

Union is expected to altercate<br />

this week one of the most human<br />

right’s related topics of the Lisbon<br />

Treaty: the right of freedom of movement.<br />

Debate is believed to help pave the<br />

way for final decisions expected to<br />

solve many of the treaty’s major controversial<br />

flaws.<br />

While The European Union estimates<br />

that around 20 million jobs could be<br />

created by 2020 and encourages member<br />

states to shift the focus gradually<br />

to achieving full employment rather<br />

than merely combating unemployment,<br />

major issues are still to be faced<br />

as long as human rights protection and<br />

promotion is concerned.<br />

Although the Charter is not actually<br />

included in the treaty text it is nonetheless<br />

legally binding because the<br />

treaty directly refers to it.<br />

With the European Parliament still<br />

judging the Directive on improving the<br />

portability of supplementary pension<br />

rights to be unworkable, people are<br />

still on the move across borders, losing<br />

pension rights, underpaid and face<br />

precarious jobs in the informal sector,<br />

where there is a near total lack of unemployment<br />

or social security protection.<br />

Despite the fact that national statutory<br />

minimum wage control is one of<br />

the major remaining official barriers to<br />

the establishment of a free common<br />

or single European labour market, we<br />

foresee such a control as a breach of<br />

the anti‐slavery clause in the European<br />

Convention on Human Rights insofar<br />

as any authority that dictates minimum<br />

prices at which persons must sell<br />

their own labour services is effectively<br />

exercising economic ownership and<br />

control over those persons.<br />

On another level, Human Rights Watch<br />

deplores the fact that several candidate<br />

member states in Central and<br />

Eastern Europe still have a track record<br />

of supplying arms to human<br />

rights abusers and clients suspected of<br />

diverting weapons to unauthorized<br />

destinations. Drawing on recent examples<br />

from Bulgaria, Czech Republic,<br />

Poland, Romania and Slovakia, Human<br />

Rights Watch highlights that added<br />

pressure should be exercised on the<br />

European Union to continue to press<br />

such countries in Central and Eastern<br />

Europe to improve arms trade controls.<br />

The Human Rights Watch We strongly<br />

fear that giving the green light for an<br />

all‐free movement of persons policy in<br />

the absence of an effective crossborder<br />

patrolling system will only proliferate<br />

undesirable human rights infringements.<br />

We fully acknowledge the procedures<br />

of member states accession to the EU<br />

but still feel disconcerted that many of<br />

the old member states raised barriers<br />

against migrant workers from ten new<br />

Central European member states in<br />

the Accession Treaties for fairly long<br />

transitional periods.<br />

The right to free movement of workers<br />

from, to and between the EU countries<br />

that joined the EU on 1 <strong>May</strong> 2004<br />

(Czech Republic, Estonia, Cyprus, Latvia,<br />

Lithuania, Hungary, Malta, Poland,<br />

Slovenia, Slovakia) and on 1 January<br />

2007 (Bulgaria, Romania) may be restricted<br />

during a transitional period of<br />

maximum seven years after accession<br />

but this should not stop them from<br />

attaining their basic fair labor rights<br />

outlines in the Charter.<br />

If the illegal immigration from outside<br />

the European Union is seen by many<br />

as a potential source of difficulties,<br />

surely what should be preferred<br />

within the European Union is offering<br />

both employees and employers improved<br />

legal possibilities that meet<br />

offer and demand.


<strong>MILMUN</strong> CHRONICLE<br />

8<br />

Over the last 15 years there has been a<br />

massive increase in investments from China into<br />

African countries.<br />

African economy is characterized by a chronically<br />

and almost total absence of a domestic<br />

business class, hence the promotion of human<br />

capital resources and improvement of governance<br />

(basically possible by reducing risk of investment)<br />

are necessary requisites for its long<br />

term development.<br />

That’s why resource-seeking(as opposed to market-seeking)<br />

orientation of Chinese FDIs raises<br />

serious doubts on their effectiveness , appearing<br />

more as an unnatural implantation of foreign<br />

technologies and business models that fail in<br />

being assimilated rather than a stimulus towards<br />

actual growth, and benefiting more for the home<br />

country rather than the host economy.<br />

Chinese investors and companies are increasingly<br />

present in the infrastructures building sector(in<br />

particular in Morocco, Mauritania, Uganda,<br />

Senegal ), in the TCnetworks (with Huawei and<br />

Zet as main companies),in the mining sector<br />

(Congo, Zambia),and oil industry(Angola,Kenya<br />

and Guinea).<br />

In countries where relations with the West are<br />

tense, China avoids getting mixed up in the internal<br />

policies of the trading country. Its relationship<br />

with Sudan, its main oil supplier along with<br />

Angola, is emblematic of the strategic cynicism<br />

of the government in Beijing. In September 2004,<br />

the UN Security Council condemned the genocide<br />

in Darfur and announced an embargo on<br />

arms sales to Sudan. China’s UN ambassador<br />

threatened to veto the resolution, before finally<br />

abstaining. Sudan is one of the main Chinese<br />

outlets for military technology and thousands of<br />

Chinese soldiers are there to supervise and<br />

monitor oil pipelines.13 of out of over 15 among<br />

the foreign oil industries present in Sudan are<br />

Chinese.<br />

Recently nevertheless Beijing’s logic of noninvolvement<br />

is becoming more flexible and due<br />

to the impossibility of pure aseptic market perspective,<br />

economic partnerships are keeping<br />

pace with diplomatic relationships.<br />

China, notwithstanding consistent military involvement<br />

in Zimbawe, Liberia, Eritrea where it<br />

encourages weapons traffic in exchange for<br />

timber, gold and other raw materials, is paradoxically<br />

participating to the ONU Peacekeeping<br />

mission in these same regions.<br />

Beijing government is also generously sustaining<br />

the right to a permanent seat at the Security<br />

Council for Nigeria, one of the richest regions for<br />

what concerns oil fields.<br />

Loans with low interest rates, debt cancellation<br />

and preferential tariffs are the main techniques<br />

used by the Chinese investors to gain the trust of<br />

Ethiopia, well-known target of charges for the<br />

violation of human rights, with low energetic<br />

geo-<br />

potential but a high valuable strategic<br />

graphic position.<br />

An embarrassing exception to the dominant<br />

trend of non-involvement of China is represented<br />

by the case of Angola. In 2005 China’s export<br />

bank, Eximbank, had approved a $2bn line of<br />

credit to enable Angola to reconstruct infrastructure<br />

destroyed during 30 years of civil war.<br />

Global Witness ‘s inquiries had shown that some<br />

of the money went to fund government propaganda<br />

for the 2006 general election. Chinese<br />

pressure forced the business go-between Antonio<br />

Pereira Mendes de Campos Van Dunem to<br />

resign from his post as secretary of the Angolan<br />

Council of Ministers. The ex-Portuguese colony<br />

is now China’s second-largest commercial partner<br />

in Africa and exports 25% of its oil production<br />

to China.<br />

China is acting as a sort of huge permissive<br />

stepmother who temporarily avoid correcting his<br />

bossy, rude stepson for the fear of losing his<br />

beloved father (call him Oil or Money as you<br />

wish).<br />

Someone claims that at the basis of this Sino-<br />

African successful bilateral relations stand<br />

shared common values. Better to say - shared<br />

common lack of values with respect to justice,<br />

ecology, respect. There’s no ideological rhetoric,<br />

it’s just a matter of pragmatism, conspiracy of<br />

silence, “interested indifference” aimed at sustain<br />

or at least non-hinder unethical attitudes to<br />

protect incommensurable economic interests.<br />

Rwanda’s minister of finance and economic planning,<br />

Donald Kaberuka, respond to the anxieties<br />

of European and American multinationals, traditional<br />

Africa’s partners ,saying that: “It’s just a<br />

different way of doing business”.<br />

Completely true. It’s a way forbidden by the<br />

“politically correct” EU and USA, based on unconditional,<br />

instant credits, corruption, under<br />

table mechanisms that make everything easier<br />

for emergent African companies but go to the<br />

detriment of financial transparency .<br />

It has to be said that undeniable benefits of resource-seeking<br />

Chinese investments also exist.<br />

The Chinese government’s African Human Resources<br />

Development Fund pays for 10,000 Africans<br />

to be trained in Beijing, and this could likely<br />

r e -<br />

sults in the creation of a strong, cultivated,<br />

disen- chanted<br />

business class. F u r t h e r -<br />

more economic models<br />

imposed by a developing<br />

country are more appropriate to the host<br />

country context than those coming from western<br />

industrialized countries, which are moreover<br />

more risk-averse in dealing with the informal<br />

governance arrangements and processes<br />

typical of many African economies. Hopefully we<br />

will assist to a gradual change of the terms of<br />

the relationships between Africa and “the<br />

North”. FDIs will provide African industrial<br />

governance with greater bargaining power in<br />

their relations with multinational corporations<br />

from industrial countries and foreign investors<br />

in general, the probable outcome will be a radical<br />

shake of the power balance.<br />

The original objective of South-South investments<br />

was “economic cooperation meant at<br />

build solidarity between continents belonging<br />

to the same underdeveloped world”. But isn’t it<br />

very little credible considering a capitalist giant<br />

as China as still belonging to that world? Thanks<br />

to its well-known ability in grasping opportunities<br />

that seem to pass unobserved to the rest<br />

of the globe the former “celestial empire” understood<br />

how to turn this mass of wars, poverty,<br />

HIV an deserts into an outstanding treasure.<br />

In the last century a very similar kind of commercial<br />

and diplomatic relationships had little to do<br />

with mutual aid and fraternal collaboration.<br />

It sounds more like a sort of fresh XXI centurymade<br />

neocolonialism.


<strong>MILMUN</strong> CHRONICLE<br />

9<br />

Perhaps a suitable<br />

reference of J.M.<br />

Barrie’s play about<br />

Peter Pan would be: when the first MUN took place for<br />

the first time, the MUN broke into a thousand pieces<br />

and they all went shipping about. And that was the<br />

beginning of a tradition. However, no pixie hollow is<br />

needed when the MUN fairy tale takes form: motivated<br />

students, hardworking, an interesting theme to<br />

debate and a spark of mischievous optimism. Here is<br />

the perfect recipe for a happy ending.<br />

Being part of the MUN fairy tale is always a lifetime opportunity,<br />

and whosoever experiences the wonder and magic of these international<br />

conferences becomes addicted. Simply put, being a participant<br />

of a MUN provides a valuable interactive learning experience<br />

in multilateral diplomacy, effective communication and conflict<br />

resolution. Furthermore, intercultural exchange and opinion<br />

sharing regarding pressing matters are part of the game. And,<br />

who knows, this could be the opportunity to start long-lasting<br />

friendships. Meanwhile, lookout,<br />

the clock is ticking. MUN<br />

simulations challenge participants<br />

by imposing to work<br />

round the clock while sticking<br />

the special rules and guidelines<br />

of the United Nations’<br />

General Assembly and other<br />

multilateral bodies.<br />

As the popular magic opening<br />

goes, once upon a fifth time,<br />

the prestigious Bocconi University<br />

in Milan, Italy will host<br />

the <strong>MILMUN</strong> from the 3 rd to<br />

the 7 th of <strong>May</strong> <strong>2010</strong>. Think<br />

about it… Five days to be recalled<br />

as a step forward towards open-mindedness. This initiative<br />

is fantastic, especially when knowing that <strong>MILMUN</strong> is an initiative<br />

created by students for students. This year, the conference general<br />

theme is “Finding the right balance: towards a<br />

global social contract.” The Security Council will<br />

discuss the right to self-determination and security<br />

as well as the issue of nuclear proliferation<br />

and disarmament. The 40 countries within the<br />

Human Rights Council will debate on Somali governance,<br />

anti-governmental protests and discrimination<br />

on the basis of sexual orientation. The<br />

Economic and Social Council will be implementing<br />

a global health program while evaluating the<br />

south-south and triangular co-operation. The International<br />

Court of Justice will focus on jurisdictional immunity<br />

of sovereign states. Finally, the Council of the European Union will<br />

reform the labor market and, at the meantime, agree on an environmental<br />

policy. The <strong>MILMUN</strong> chronicle news journalists will be<br />

covering the whole conference, including social events that promise<br />

to be sumptuous in the Italian capital of fashion.<br />

A suitable conclusion would be a<br />

happy ending, but as we are moving<br />

out of the fairy tale, significant<br />

challenges remain still. Nevertheless,<br />

The <strong>MILMUN</strong> initiative<br />

brings about change in mentalities<br />

and its participants are definitely<br />

making a difference in this<br />

world. This is a message full of<br />

hope as, thanks to MUN conferences,<br />

the youth of today could<br />

be tomorrow’s fairies of human<br />

rights and international policy.<br />

My tale is done, now a MUN conference<br />

is running in Milan, and whosoever catches it may make<br />

himself addicted to it.<br />

<strong>MILMUN</strong> <strong>2010</strong> Photographs by: Alberto Maria Colombo, Alessandro Fregoso, Melania Coletta, Valerio Geraci , Khaled<br />

WELCOME APERETIVO<br />

ITALIAN DINNER<br />

“La Fabbrica”<br />

(Alzaia Naviglio Grande 70)

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