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Php 70.00 Vol. 45 No. 5 • MAY 2011 - IMPACT Magazine Online!

Php 70.00 Vol. 45 No. 5 • MAY 2011 - IMPACT Magazine Online!

Php 70.00 Vol. 45 No. 5 • MAY 2011 - IMPACT Magazine Online!

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COVER<br />

STORY<br />

Who feels better now after a year of Aquino economy?<br />

liberalizing the energy sector is law and,<br />

after a while, when nothing comes out of<br />

the investigation, people may already have<br />

forgotten anyway but who knows how they<br />

will respond to the next social surveys?<br />

What makes even better copy is how<br />

the P<strong>No</strong>ys are now ready to distribute the<br />

fuel subsidy cards that are to start by May<br />

2nd. The Department of Energy (DOE) will<br />

distribute some 200,000 fuel assistance<br />

cards that will initially be distributed to<br />

PUJs in the metropolis because most of<br />

the gasoline stations in the capital region<br />

are equipped with point-of-sale (POS)<br />

terminals. Some P<strong>45</strong>0 million have been<br />

allocated for this so-called Public Transport<br />

Assistance Program (PTAP), with<br />

P300 million going to jeepney driver<br />

beneficiaries and the remaining P150<br />

million to be shared among tricycle driver<br />

beneficiaries.<br />

The bureaucratic side of this program<br />

is sufficiently laced with modern information<br />

and communications technology that<br />

it should not become another corruption<br />

center—not easily. The fuel smart cards<br />

are embedded with information that will<br />

tie it to the point-of-sale machines of the<br />

gasoline stations and the vehicle for which<br />

the card is intended. This means that the<br />

cards cannot be used for anything but the<br />

purchase of fuel products in the gas stations.<br />

The cards, being nontransferable, can only<br />

be used to gas up or avail of discounts for<br />

a specific vehicle and plate number. There<br />

seems to be assurance, then, that the cards<br />

will reach the intended recipients and will<br />

neither be pilfered nor abused.<br />

Then there’s the CCT or conditional<br />

cash transfer program—an effort undertaken<br />

even earlier than the Pantawid Pasada.<br />

Actually, cash transfers to poor households<br />

are well established in many developed<br />

countries, to provide income maintenance<br />

following adverse shocks—such as unemployment,<br />

disability or sickness—or<br />

to redistribute income. Their importance<br />

varies across countries. For example, in the<br />

mid-2000s New Zealand’s cash transfers<br />

accounted for around 13 percent of household<br />

disposable income and Sweden’s more<br />

than 32 percent.<br />

Conditional cash transfers to assist<br />

poor families have also become popular<br />

since the late 1990s, in Brazil and Mexico.<br />

Cash payments are made to poor households<br />

that meet requirements related to<br />

household investments in child schooling<br />

and health. Today, in fact, more than 30<br />

countries have some kind of conditional<br />

cash transfer programme, many national<br />

in coverage. In Africa, however, uncondi-<br />

tional transfers may be more appropriate<br />

because of inadequate supplies of basic<br />

services and more limited capacity to<br />

implement and enforce conditions on<br />

transfers.<br />

In any case, these programmes can<br />

be administratively demanding. Targeting<br />

households and monitoring compliance<br />

are data intensive and require extensive<br />

coordination across agencies and levels<br />

of government. The path to successful<br />

implementation is riddled with potholes<br />

of bureaucratic corruption opportunities.<br />

And CCTs are not development programs;<br />

they cannot substitute for comprehensive<br />

development and poverty reduction strategies.<br />

They can, however, make a President<br />

wonder why despite such measures his<br />

popularity can still take a big dive. Or<br />

they could also make him think at last<br />

whether he really has a clear strategy for<br />

poverty reduction and the political will<br />

RH Bill, from page 11<br />

abortion in these countries. In international<br />

circles abortion is part of the reproductive<br />

right! Either the promoters of HB 4244 are<br />

naïve or they are cunningly deceptive when<br />

they say that they are not for abortion. All<br />

those who promote contraception end up<br />

upholding abortion, if they are consistent<br />

with their position of contra-ception!<br />

b. Even more teen-age pregnancies,<br />

so more unwanted pregnancies. This is<br />

the result of more promiscuity and less<br />

respect which stems from the ideology<br />

of contraception. By the way, there is no<br />

mention the word ‘contraception’ in the bill<br />

but its ideology is all over in the language<br />

of ‘Reproductive Health’.<br />

c. Their poor people are not improved<br />

by the availability of these devices. The<br />

poor do not get a better chance in life<br />

even if they have fewer children if basic<br />

services are not given to them and if the<br />

© Roy Lagarde / CBCP Media<br />

to implement it. For instance, can he be<br />

the first President to focus tenaciously on<br />

the agro-industrialization of this country?<br />

There seems to be evidence in Benguet<br />

province where one finds vegetables galore<br />

that soon small farmers may have access<br />

at last to DA-sponsored post-harvest marketing<br />

and processing centers that could<br />

motivate farmers to make their area grow<br />

even greener and more prosperous.<br />

Otherwise, the truth remains that Filipinos<br />

living on less than $2 a day represent<br />

about half of the population, and this has<br />

remained stubbornly persistent for the past<br />

two decades. Indeed, a top economic policy<br />

official in the last administration lamented<br />

that 34 uninterrupted quarters of positive<br />

economic growth during the better part<br />

of the 2000s did little to reduce poverty<br />

in the country.<br />

The P<strong>No</strong>ys think they could start by<br />

reducing the government deficit—a laudable<br />

goal. They are working to reduce the<br />

government deficit from 3.9% of GDP,<br />

when it took office, to 2% of GDP by 2013.<br />

Their government has had little difficulty<br />

issuing debt both locally and internationally<br />

to finance the deficits.<br />

P<strong>No</strong>y's first budget emphasizes education,<br />

health, conditional cash transfers<br />

for the poor, and other social spending<br />

programs, relying on the private sector to<br />

finance important infrastructure projects.<br />

It has also vowed to focus on improving<br />

tax collection. But as of this writing, only<br />

two Revenue District Offices nationwide<br />

have been able to meet their collection<br />

targets: Cainta and Pasig City. A New<br />

Deal economy needs a super-efficient<br />

finance department. Sadly, neither our tax<br />

collectors nor our tax-collection systems<br />

are famous for this.<br />

The story at the Bureau of Customs<br />

is not much different.<br />

What has not lost vibrancy and efficiency<br />

is the complex underground<br />

collection system of illegal gambling<br />

activities running parallel to so-called<br />

legalized gambling projects and the even<br />

more odious system of illegal drug pushing<br />

nationwide where cops and pushers are<br />

hard to identify and differentiate but where<br />

money surely flows efficiently—all going<br />

where? Yes, P<strong>No</strong>y economists—where?<br />

Where are we going? It is less than a year<br />

since you took over but time, the digital<br />

age guys declare, being indeed so relative,<br />

runs so much faster these days. We hope<br />

and pray we’re not running twenty times<br />

faster just to stay in place. I<br />

perspective of governance is pro-foreign<br />

investment rather than harnessing local resources,<br />

pro-investor rather than pro-labor,<br />

increased GDP rather than equity.<br />

13. There is the concern that many<br />

people die because of unwanted pregnancies.<br />

Many of these devices, IUDs and<br />

Pills among them, are contraceptives and<br />

abortifacients. They really kill the life that<br />

is already there. The bill and the contraceptive<br />

mentality behind it do not recognize<br />

the equal dignity of life of all—preferring<br />

that of the woman than that of the child<br />

that she had engendered. It is killing the<br />

ones who are innocent and defenseless. <strong>No</strong><br />

wonder insensitivity to life in contraception<br />

eventually leads to abortion.<br />

14. In is noteworthy that the bill<br />

speaks both of the youth and the adolescent.<br />

It defines who the adolescent is but<br />

not who the youth is. It really targets the<br />

Plight, from page 8<br />

Filipino migrants is a number so staggering<br />

that the Commission is in a quandary on<br />

how to effectively and efficiently meet the<br />

demands and expectations of the Bishops<br />

Conference of the Philippines.<br />

One of the greatest pains of our migrant<br />

workers is the loss of the sense of self-pride.<br />

They pine to get it back, but no amount of<br />

money that they receive can buy it back.<br />

The Church understands the depth of man’s<br />

pain when he is deprived of such self-worth.<br />

Hence, in its work for Christian justice and<br />

charity, its priority is help the concerned<br />

individual migrants get back their dignity.<br />

Hence, the words of John XXIII<br />

echoed: “Individual human beings are<br />

the foundation, the cause and the end of<br />

every social l institution” (Pacem in Terris,<br />

31). Then he added: “Every man has the<br />

right to life, to bodily integrity, and to the<br />

means which are suitable for the proper<br />

development of life; these are primarily<br />

food, clothing, shelter, rest, medical care,<br />

and finally the necessary social services”<br />

(ibid, 32). For, every person is precious,<br />

people are more important than things, and<br />

the value of every institution is whether<br />

or not it threatens or enhances the life and<br />

dignity of the human person.<br />

Our migrant workers, nine million of<br />

them, have dignity to uphold, human pride<br />

to protect, better quality of lives to pine<br />

for, meaning of life to savor, spirituality<br />

to hang on to, so that they can stand up as<br />

human persons and as children of God in<br />

foreign places. I<br />

adolescent, both for its sex education and<br />

for the services of its “devices.”<br />

15. There are several good provisions in<br />

the bill. Among them are Sec 5 “Midwives<br />

for skilled attendance” and Sec 6 “Emergency<br />

Obstetric and Neonatal Care”. Both<br />

demand that there be enough personnel and<br />

hospital facilities to address maternal care.<br />

Both end with this sentence: “Provided<br />

that people in geographically isolated and<br />

depressed areas shall be provided the same<br />

level of access.” Beautiful words, but will<br />

the government do this? The bill does not<br />

provide where the money shall come from<br />

for these services, and this is indeed a very<br />

basic need which can really address a lot<br />

of deaths and sufferings among women and<br />

children. Are these then just dressings to the<br />

real intent of the bill, not to really help the<br />

poor and the women but to put forward the<br />

contraceptive mentality? I<br />

20 <strong>IMPACT</strong> <strong>•</strong> May <strong>2011</strong><br />

<strong>Vol</strong>ume <strong>45</strong> <strong>•</strong> Number 5 21

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