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A HOMELESS HUB RESEARCH PAPER<br />

services. In many urban centres, Aboriginal-controlled<br />

service organizations that focused on capacity<br />

building and direct service provision were established<br />

(Abele and Graham 2011, Abele 2004). What currently<br />

exists in cities to support urban Aboriginal Peoples is<br />

largely a result of this era of change.<br />

Since this time, the Government of Canada has<br />

made funding commitments toward the housing<br />

and well-being of both reserve- and urbandwelling<br />

Aboriginal People. In 1999, the federal<br />

government implemented the $753 million National<br />

Homelessness Initiative (NHI; now Homeless<br />

Partnering Strategy), which was a three-year program<br />

designed alleviate homelessness across the country<br />

by funding a range of programs and services for<br />

homeless people (Belanger et al. 2012 b). Out of this<br />

funding, $59 million was dedicated to addressing<br />

urban Aboriginal homelessness (National Aboriginal<br />

Housing Association 2009). In recognition of the<br />

ever-escalating urban Aboriginal homelessness<br />

crisis in Canada, the federal government renewed<br />

the NHI in 2003, allocating $45 million to the<br />

National Homelessness Initiative through the Urban<br />

Aboriginal Homelessness (UAH) module (Belanger et<br />

al. 2012 b, Webster 2007).<br />

The dedication of homelessness funding for<br />

Aboriginal Peoples is viewed as a progressive step by<br />

some (Walker 2003). However, Aboriginal community<br />

initiatives have not always been adequately<br />

supported by such financial infusions. This fact is<br />

particularly difficult in urban centres like Toronto,<br />

where the Aboriginal population is in the hundreds<br />

of thousands, and does little to change the situation<br />

of inadequate on-reserve housing. As Webster (2007)<br />

points out, UAH funding intended for Aboriginal<br />

shelter clients was often received by non-Aboriginal<br />

shelters, which may have limited its impact on<br />

Aboriginal Peoples in need. The National Aboriginal<br />

Housing Association (2009) reports that the current<br />

funding extension under the Homeless Partnering<br />

Strategy (HPS) for 2009-2014 provides $134.8 million<br />

annually, with $14.6 million directed specifically to<br />

Aboriginal need. The HPS aims to prevent and reduce<br />

homelessness by providing support directly to 61<br />

designated communities, along with Aboriginal and<br />

rural/remote communities.<br />

The federally funded Urban Aboriginal Strategy<br />

(UAS), which began in 1998, endeavours to address<br />

the widening socio-economic gap between urbandwelling<br />

Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people<br />

through policy improvements and program<br />

development (Walker 2005). The Government of<br />

Canada made a commitment to urban Aboriginal<br />

communities in the 2012 Budget by renewing the<br />

UAS and investing $27 million over two years (2012-13<br />

and 2013-14) to improve economic opportunities for<br />

Aboriginal Peoples living in urban centres (Aboriginal<br />

Affairs and Northern Development Canada 2013).<br />

However, Walker (2005:410) feels the problem of<br />

the UAS is it “is not based in the evolving Aboriginal<br />

rights of self-determination and self-government<br />

that are central to contemporary Aboriginality.”<br />

Walker (2005:397) defines ‘self-determination’ as “the<br />

inherent right of Aboriginal/Indigenous peoples<br />

to continue governing their own affairs.” He notes,<br />

within Canada, self-determination equates to the<br />

right of self-government 7 : administrative authority<br />

over the Aboriginal population lies within Aboriginal<br />

institutions (Walker 2005). Walker’s (2006) study<br />

of low-cost housing provision in Winnipeg found<br />

Aboriginal self-determination was not fully evident<br />

in cities, despite the fact that a majority of clients<br />

would be Aboriginal. The reality was almost none<br />

of the decision-making process took them into<br />

account. Many scholars and stakeholders dealing<br />

with this issue assert the way forward lies in<br />

Aboriginal self-determination (Abele and Graham<br />

2011, Walker 2008, Walker 2006, Walker 2005, Walker<br />

2003). Others, such as Crookshanks (2012), claim selfdetermination<br />

may not be fully possible in an urban<br />

setting, but believe the concept is productive insofar<br />

as it sets a normative goal for ending modern-day<br />

colonialism by calling for Aboriginal control over<br />

7. In contrast, Crookshanks (2012) contends self-determination amounts to the broader goal of autonomy, while self-government is<br />

the political manifestation of this pursuit.<br />

27

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