24.12.2014 Views

Annual Meeting Handbook - Linguistic Society of America

Annual Meeting Handbook - Linguistic Society of America

Annual Meeting Handbook - Linguistic Society of America

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

Thursday, 8 January<br />

Plenary Address<br />

Grand Ballroom<br />

8:30 - 9:30 PM<br />

The syntax-discourse interface:<br />

Lyn Frazier<br />

University <strong>of</strong> Massachusetts-Amherst<br />

Processing ellipsis<br />

How do perceivers parse and interpret elided constituents (silence) There is a long standing debate in the linguistic literature about<br />

whether syntactic 'reconstruction' is required for an elided constituent (e.g. the elided VP in Max laughed. Tina did [ ] too.) or whether a<br />

purely semantic or discourse account will suffice. We present several experimental studies <strong>of</strong> VP ellipsis and sluicing which were<br />

designed to investigate the interplay <strong>of</strong> syntax and discourse in processing ellipsis.<br />

We use the results <strong>of</strong> the studies to argue that the syntactic and discourse systems differ not only in terms <strong>of</strong> their vocabulary, the<br />

kinds <strong>of</strong> structures implicated, and their characteristic domains but also in terms <strong>of</strong> their salience properties: Recently encountered<br />

material, material low in the syntactic tree, is most salient in the syntax whereas material that is part <strong>of</strong> the 'main assertion', typically<br />

material high in the syntactic tree, is most salient in the discourse representation. We also argue that spelling out the interplay <strong>of</strong> the<br />

syntactic and discourse systems in processing ellipsis may help us to understand certain contrasts when sluicing may violate island<br />

constraints and when it may not.<br />

Overall the results favor syntactic approaches to ellipsis. However, it is well-known that syntactic accounts <strong>of</strong> ellipsis undergenerate:<br />

They permit ellipsis only in circumstances where a syntactically parallel antecedent is available. But clearly ellipsis sometimes takes<br />

place when no syntactically-appropriate antecedent is available. Recent 'mixed' or hybrid accounts <strong>of</strong> ellipsis claim that the type <strong>of</strong><br />

antecedent that is required, syntactic or only semantic, depends on the type <strong>of</strong> discourse coherence relation at issue. Preliminary<br />

evidence suggests that these accounts are also inadequate and that the best approach to the undergeneration problem may involve<br />

alterations <strong>of</strong> the antecedent at LF.<br />

Lyn Frazier (PhD, U CT, 1978) is a pr<strong>of</strong>essor in the Department <strong>of</strong> <strong>Linguistic</strong>s at U-MA-Amherst. She is interested in how the<br />

grammar is mentally represented and used in adult language comprehension. With her long-term collaborators, C. Clifton and K.<br />

Rayner <strong>of</strong> the Department <strong>of</strong> Psychology, she has developed and tested experimentally various theories <strong>of</strong> syntactic processing. She<br />

has co-edited Language acquisition and language processing (with De Villiers) and Perspectives on sentence processing (with Clifton &<br />

Rayner); co-authored a book on processing adjuncts, Construal, (with Clifton); and published a monograph on semantic processing,<br />

On sentence interpretation. She is co-editor <strong>of</strong> the Kluwer series Studies in Theoretical Psycholinguistics. Her current research<br />

examines the interface <strong>of</strong> syntax with prosody, funded by an NSF grant (with Clifton), and the interface <strong>of</strong> syntax and discourse, funded<br />

by an NIH grant on ellipsis (with Clifton). She also holds a grant on eye-movements during reading (with Rayner).<br />

50

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!