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The Incredible Shrinking Crisis - US-Korea Institute at SAIS

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Security and Alliance Politics<br />

receiving the leaders from both <strong>Korea</strong>s, China opted to continue its policy of<br />

advoc<strong>at</strong>ing for restraint on the <strong>Korea</strong>n peninsula r<strong>at</strong>her than blame the North for<br />

the <strong>at</strong>tack.<br />

<br />

support has only highlighted China’s evolving role on the <strong>Korea</strong>n peninsula,<br />

from one-time antagonist to principal arbiter, as well as its increasingly<br />

untenable position as the lone supporter of North <strong>Korea</strong>. Indeed, r<strong>at</strong>her than<br />

<br />

the two <strong>Korea</strong>s has the potential to divide the country between its short-term<br />

str<strong>at</strong>egic and long-term economic interests. This reality was underscored in<br />

August, when Kim paid another visit to China after much of the anger over the<br />

Cheonan sinking had subsided, presumably to seek Beijing’s approval of North<br />

<strong>Korea</strong>n succession plans th<strong>at</strong> will see absolute authority kept within the Kim<br />

clan for a third gener<strong>at</strong>ion. This visit underscored the fact th<strong>at</strong>, while it once<br />

appeared as though China’s “reform and opening up” would necessarily compel<br />

North <strong>Korea</strong> down a similarly incrementalist p<strong>at</strong>h, something th<strong>at</strong> Chinese<br />

diplom<strong>at</strong>s are surely lobbying for behind the scenes, recent history, including<br />

the Yeonpyeong Island <strong>at</strong>tack, suggests th<strong>at</strong> the recalcitrant North may just as<br />

soon force China to risk harming its economic partnerships in order to save the<br />

Hermit Kingdom.<br />

All of the efforts by South <strong>Korea</strong> after the Cheonan sinking to seek Chinese and<br />

intern<strong>at</strong>ional support, however, have been noticeably lacking in the afterm<strong>at</strong>h<br />

of the Yeonpyeong Island shelling. This is partly a function of North <strong>Korea</strong>’s<br />

unquestioned perpetr<strong>at</strong>ion of the <strong>at</strong>tack, and also recognition by Seoul th<strong>at</strong><br />

Beijing will stand by its allies in Pyongyang even in the face of undeniable<br />

proof. Furthermore, while Chinese media reports have been slow to condemn the<br />

<strong>at</strong>tack, they have also <strong>at</strong>tempted to give credence to Pyongyang’s st<strong>at</strong>ed position<br />

th<strong>at</strong> its actions were a defensive response to South <strong>Korea</strong>n encroachment into<br />

North <strong>Korea</strong>n w<strong>at</strong>ers. This may explain South <strong>Korea</strong>’s growing imp<strong>at</strong>ience with<br />

China’s empty calls for “restraint” on the peninsula, particularly as Beijing’s<br />

allies in Pyongyang continue to exhibit precious little of it.<br />

III. CHINESE RESTRAINT<br />

In the immedi<strong>at</strong>e afterm<strong>at</strong>h of the Cheonan sinking, the United St<strong>at</strong>es was<br />

able to come quickly to the defense of South <strong>Korea</strong>, demanding an apology<br />

from Pyongyang and conducting a series of joint military exercises with South<br />

23

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