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State Reconstitution and the Challenge of Democracy in Somalia

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<strong>State</strong> <strong>Reconstitution</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Challenge</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Democracy</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>Somalia</strong><br />

rhetoric <strong>the</strong> first is currently a term <strong>of</strong> abuse <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> second <strong>of</strong> approbation (Lewis, 1998).<br />

While <strong>in</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r African states, <strong>the</strong> hydra-headed problem <strong>of</strong> ethnicity could be deciphered<br />

<strong>in</strong> most national <strong>and</strong> domestic problems. In <strong>Somalia</strong>, <strong>the</strong> society was structured traditionally<br />

as clan system. Therefore Clanism has always been a central pillar <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Somali traditional<br />

political life.<br />

Thus as Lewis has already stated<br />

“...Clanism is <strong>the</strong> Somali version <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> generic problem <strong>of</strong> ethnicity or tribalism,<br />

social scientists with<strong>in</strong> Somali studies have long focused on an analysis or tribalism...”<br />

(Lewis, 1990)<br />

The above equally throws-up salient questions. For <strong>in</strong>stance, <strong>Somalia</strong> has over <strong>the</strong> years<br />

developed a strong sense <strong>of</strong> community life exemplified by a common language, a broadly<br />

homogeneous <strong>and</strong> largely pastoral culture <strong>and</strong> a thorough adherence to <strong>the</strong> tenets <strong>of</strong> Islam.<br />

Then why this condition <strong>of</strong> anarchy <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong> state has found itself <strong>and</strong> from which it<br />

is still reel<strong>in</strong>g The social science literature is awash with all k<strong>in</strong>ds <strong>of</strong> propositions. The<br />

central concept or element which has become typical <strong>in</strong> highlight<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> <strong>Somalia</strong>n political<br />

system all through this literature is <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> k<strong>in</strong>ship. Lewis argues that segmented<br />

clan system rema<strong>in</strong>s <strong>the</strong> bedrock or foundation, <strong>and</strong> 'clannishness' which he described as<br />

<strong>the</strong> primacy <strong>of</strong> clan <strong>in</strong>terest <strong>the</strong>n has <strong>the</strong> tendency <strong>of</strong> divid<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> society <strong>and</strong> creat<strong>in</strong>g a<br />

segmented social structure which <strong>in</strong> turn is a recipe for "<strong>in</strong>stitutionalized <strong>in</strong>stability"<br />

(Lewis,1961). In similar ve<strong>in</strong>, Samatar argues that <strong>the</strong> changes fostered on <strong>Somalia</strong>n<br />

traditional lifestyle like <strong>the</strong> partial commoditization <strong>of</strong> production <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> confusion <strong>of</strong><br />

k<strong>in</strong>ship with clannishness have both done enough damage to <strong>Somalia</strong>'s existence as a<br />

nation (Samatar, 1988.) The transformation <strong>of</strong> social roles h<strong>and</strong>ed to <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn Somalis<br />

which sought to alienate <strong>the</strong>m from <strong>the</strong>ir traditional role <strong>and</strong> which was exploited by<br />

lead<strong>in</strong>g politicians as well as <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>telligentsia also played a part. (Samatar, 1989)<br />

The policies <strong>of</strong> Siad Barre <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn part <strong>of</strong> <strong>Somalia</strong> especially with <strong>the</strong> Isaaq clan<br />

where from 1978-1980 onwards, he <strong>in</strong>stigated widespread violence designed to punish <strong>the</strong><br />

people <strong>of</strong> this region have been well documented . As a result <strong>of</strong> this oppressive rule, <strong>the</strong><br />

people <strong>of</strong> this region mobilized <strong>in</strong>to groups. Before long violent revolts had engulfed <strong>the</strong><br />

north <strong>and</strong> subsequently spread down. By January 1991, Siad Barre had fled Mogadishu<br />

(Battera, 2004).<br />

Events after his departure had assumed such a horrible proportion. <strong>Somalia</strong> had experienced<br />

several peacekeep<strong>in</strong>g operations all supported by <strong>in</strong>ternational bodies. Notable among<br />

<strong>the</strong>se was <strong>the</strong> United Nation <strong>in</strong>tervention force nicknamed 'Operation Restore Hope' which<br />

was ma<strong>in</strong>ly an American peacekeep<strong>in</strong>g operation. The ironical angle to <strong>the</strong>se peacekeep<strong>in</strong>g<br />

operations is that all have ended <strong>in</strong> serious failures. Besides this, <strong>the</strong>y have all left <strong>Somalia</strong><br />

<strong>in</strong> an even more sorry state than before. It should be understood that <strong>Somalia</strong> because <strong>of</strong><br />

its traditional <strong>and</strong> cultural style is close to what could be described as a decentralized<br />

political set up. Its heavy reliance on clan <strong>and</strong> Clanism which organizes its agro-pastoral<br />

life <strong>and</strong> which provides <strong>the</strong> l<strong>in</strong>e <strong>of</strong> conflicts along which struggles for recognition have<br />

been fought is a testimony to this fact (Battera, 2004). In <strong>the</strong> same ve<strong>in</strong>, Lewis argues that<br />

<strong>the</strong> Somalis had lived under decentralized clan based politics which is <strong>of</strong>ten referred to<br />

as 'pastoral democracy'. Deriv<strong>in</strong>g from this is <strong>the</strong> relative peaceful co-existence fostered<br />

by decentralized governance. Therefore, it is important to identify two major livewires <strong>of</strong><br />

social existence which had tended to characterize <strong>Somalia</strong>. First is a h<strong>in</strong>terl<strong>and</strong> pastoral<br />

<strong>and</strong> agro-pastoral movement; second is <strong>the</strong> establishment <strong>of</strong> many coastal states which<br />

developed central adm<strong>in</strong>istrative <strong>and</strong> legal systems based strictly on Islamic law (Battera,<br />

2004).<br />

However, it must be noted that after <strong>the</strong> British Somali-l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Italian <strong>Somalia</strong> were<br />

amalgamated <strong>in</strong> July 1 1960. The former came to <strong>in</strong>troduce what it called participatory<br />

democracy (<strong>the</strong> latter had completely lost out s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> outcome <strong>of</strong> its ventures <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Vol. 5, No. 2, (Fall 2009)<br />

141

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