Party rituals in a cross-cultural perspective
Party rituals in a cross-cultural perspective
Party rituals in a cross-cultural perspective
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<strong>Party</strong> <strong>rituals</strong> <strong>in</strong> a <strong>cross</strong>-<strong>cultural</strong> <strong>perspective</strong><br />
Ewa Jakubowska<br />
University of Silesia, Katowice, Poland<br />
In this paper I present a contrastive analysis of polite <strong>rituals</strong> performed <strong>in</strong> a party<br />
situation <strong>in</strong> two different cultures, the Polish and the Anglo-Saxon.<br />
The recurrence of certa<strong>in</strong> communicative goals <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpersonal<br />
communication results <strong>in</strong> some communicative strategies be<strong>in</strong>g turned <strong>in</strong>to<br />
“<strong>in</strong>teraction <strong>rituals</strong>”, as Goffman (1967; cf. Jakubowska 2003) calls them. He<br />
compares these “little ceremonies of everyday life” to religious <strong>rituals</strong>. “Interaction<br />
<strong>rituals</strong>” have a social function. They are acts “through whose symbolic component<br />
the actor shows how worthy he is of respect or how worthy he feels others are of<br />
it” (Goffman 1955: 328). In other words, the function of these <strong>rituals</strong> is to establish<br />
and/or ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> a state of “ritual equilibrium” <strong>in</strong> social <strong>in</strong>teraction. The state of<br />
“ritual equilibrium” is necessary to susta<strong>in</strong> one’s face. Thus, our everyday<br />
behaviour is subject to ritual constra<strong>in</strong>ts which have to do with “how each<br />
<strong>in</strong>dividual ought to handle himself with respect to each of the others, so that he<br />
does not discredit his own tacit claim to good character or the tacit claim of the<br />
others that they are persons of social worth whose various forms of territoriality<br />
are to be respected” (Goffman 1976: 266). In various social situations people<br />
behave <strong>in</strong> a conventionalised way by perform<strong>in</strong>g fossilised social <strong>rituals</strong>.<br />
The concept of culture is central for the studies of <strong>cross</strong>-l<strong>in</strong>guistic and<br />
<strong>cross</strong>-<strong>cultural</strong> communication. It helps researchers understand the nature of social<br />
<strong>in</strong>teraction. The aspects of culture that constitute a conceptual basis for the<br />
present study are social relations and social values, as they strongly <strong>in</strong>fluence the<br />
way members of a given culture behave, <strong>in</strong> other words, they play a very important<br />
role <strong>in</strong> the formation of <strong>in</strong>teractional norms and <strong>in</strong>teraction <strong>rituals</strong>.<br />
Polish culture and Anglo-Saxon culture, generally understood, even<br />
though both are part of European culture, differ a lot <strong>in</strong> the hierarchies of values<br />
they cherish and the norms they adhere to. Polish culture is collectivistic. It values<br />
respect, <strong>in</strong>terdependence, reciprocal obligations, emotionality, <strong>in</strong>timacy, modesty<br />
and positive-face need (Lubecka 2000; Wierzbicka 1991; Jakubowska, forthcom<strong>in</strong>g).<br />
Anglo-Saxon culture is <strong>in</strong>dividualistic. It values <strong>in</strong>dividuality, autonomy, choices,<br />
respect rooted <strong>in</strong> the conviction of equality of people, moderate emotionality,<br />
promotion of success and of solidarity, and negative-face need (T<strong>in</strong>g-Toomey 1988;<br />
Lubecka 2000; Jakubowska, forthcom<strong>in</strong>g). These differences <strong>in</strong> the values<br />
appreciated <strong>in</strong> these two cultures “translate” <strong>in</strong>to different <strong>in</strong>teractional norms<br />
and <strong>rituals</strong>, party <strong>rituals</strong> <strong>in</strong>cluded. The majority of differences of this k<strong>in</strong>d have<br />
been noticed <strong>in</strong> the expression of requests, emotions and feel<strong>in</strong>gs, <strong>in</strong> talk<strong>in</strong>g about<br />
achievements, <strong>in</strong> responses to compliments, <strong>in</strong> the expression of congratulations,<br />
and <strong>in</strong> how-are-you-type questions, <strong>in</strong> food offers and responses to them, and <strong>in</strong><br />
the generally understood treatment of guests by the host (Jakubowska 1999).<br />
The data for the study were gathered <strong>in</strong> Poland, England and Canada.<br />
Participant observation, <strong>in</strong>terviews and <strong>in</strong>trospection were the methods used to<br />
collect them. Interviews and <strong>in</strong>trospection were helpful <strong>in</strong> provid<strong>in</strong>g many pieces of<br />
important <strong>in</strong>formation concern<strong>in</strong>g the repertoire of party <strong>rituals</strong> <strong>in</strong> the two<br />
cultures. However, the <strong>in</strong>formants often idealised the use of <strong>rituals</strong>, and <strong>in</strong> their<br />
answers they often suggested how they should be used. Participant observation<br />
made up for this <strong>in</strong>sufficiency, because it recorded the <strong>rituals</strong> used <strong>in</strong> real
situations. The variety of sources allowed the author to have a <strong>cross</strong>-check<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>perspective</strong> on the material analysed.<br />
References<br />
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