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Chapter 9 Moving verbs in agrammatic production

Chapter 9 Moving verbs in agrammatic production

Chapter 9 Moving verbs in agrammatic production

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166 Grammatical disorders i n aphasia<br />

10-14% of the sentences, and there is no reason to believe that <strong>agrammatic</strong>s<br />

would prefer to use auxiliary constructions <strong>in</strong> 53% of the sentences,<br />

and then omit the auxiliary. True, <strong>agrammatic</strong>s do use forms that usually<br />

require an auxiliary verb, but only because the forms they use arc forms<br />

that do not carry tense, and therefore <strong>in</strong> normal syntax require an; auxiliary<br />

to carry the <strong>in</strong>flection.<br />

Verb omission: averbia or <strong>in</strong>flectional deficit<br />

Agrammatics frequently omit <strong>verbs</strong> <strong>in</strong> spontaneous speech and <strong>in</strong> picture<br />

description. This led researchers to claim that <strong>agrammatic</strong>s have an<br />

additional problem: averbia (see for example Z<strong>in</strong>geser and Berndt, 1990).<br />

That is - <strong>in</strong> addition to their other deficits, they also have a special<br />

problem <strong>in</strong> the lexicon that prevents them from retriev<strong>in</strong>g <strong>verbs</strong>.<br />

In the Bastiaanse and Van Zonneveld (1998) study, Dutch-speak<strong>in</strong>g<br />

<strong>agrammatic</strong>s had 'verb retrieval' deficits <strong>in</strong> second position only (where<br />

the verb has to be <strong>in</strong>flected) but not <strong>in</strong> sentence f<strong>in</strong>al position (where it<br />

appears <strong>in</strong> a low node). This f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g cannot be expla<strong>in</strong>ed by lexical<br />

retrieval deficit. It <strong>in</strong>dicates, rather, the strong relation between verb<br />

<strong>production</strong> and its sentential position, and raises the possibility that<br />

<strong>agrammatic</strong>s omit <strong>verbs</strong> not due to a lexical retrieval deficit, but due to<br />

their <strong>in</strong>ability to move them to the relevant functional categories <strong>in</strong> the<br />

syntactic tree and to <strong>in</strong>flect them correctly.<br />

Another corroboration for this claim comes from a tense treatment study:<br />

We<strong>in</strong>rich, Shelton, Cox and McCall (1997) report that their patients had<br />

severe tense-<strong>in</strong>flection deficit before treatment: they <strong>in</strong>flected only 5% and<br />

17%, 22% of their <strong>verbs</strong> correctly for tense. At that stage, their patient also<br />

had verb-retrieval deficit: they produced only 36%, 43% and 53% of the<br />

required <strong>verbs</strong>. After treatment of tense <strong>production</strong>, when their tense <strong>in</strong>flection<br />

has improved significantly (to 92, 64 and 73% correct), their verb<br />

retrieval ability had strik<strong>in</strong>gly doubled (to 89, 85 and 83%). This aga<strong>in</strong><br />

suggests the <strong>in</strong>volvement of <strong>in</strong>flection <strong>in</strong> verb <strong>production</strong>.<br />

This poses a new type of explanation for verb omission <strong>in</strong> terms of verb<br />

movement. When <strong>agrammatic</strong>s have to <strong>in</strong>flect a verb and move it to a<br />

pruned position, they sometimes prefer not to produce the verb at all. The<br />

deficit, then, is not a purely lexical deficit <strong>in</strong> the 'verb lexicon'. It is<br />

modulated, rather, by syntactic structure, and can be expla<strong>in</strong>ed with<strong>in</strong> the<br />

framework of pruned trees and the result<strong>in</strong>g verb movement deficit.<br />

Thus, verb omissions may result from the same deficit that causes verb<br />

<strong>in</strong>flection errors: a syntactic deficit.<br />

Inf<strong>in</strong>itives <strong>in</strong> Hebrew<br />

One of the important properties of the <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itives that are used <strong>in</strong> <strong>agrammatic</strong><br />

<strong>production</strong> <strong>in</strong>stead of <strong>in</strong>flected <strong>verbs</strong> is that they arc bare <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>i-<br />

<strong>Mov<strong>in</strong>g</strong> <strong>verbs</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>agrammatic</strong> <strong>production</strong> 167<br />

Lives: namely, they do not conta<strong>in</strong> the 'to' morpheme. Agrammatics<br />

produce sentences of the form, but do not produce sentences like (13).<br />

12. Dori drive a Porsche<br />

Dori to drive a Porsche<br />

It is now clear why aphasics use <strong>verbs</strong> without the 'to' morpheme (see, for<br />

example, 'to' omissions <strong>in</strong> English and Dutch <strong>in</strong> Menn and Obler, 1990):<br />

'to' is a tense morpheme, and is located <strong>in</strong> Tense node which is located <strong>in</strong><br />

the pruned part of the tree. Whereas bare <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itives are licensed <strong>in</strong> low<br />

nodes, their <strong>in</strong>flection 'to' is not.<br />

Consider the implications this has for the choice of replac<strong>in</strong>g forms <strong>in</strong> a<br />

language that does not have a bare verb, and where its <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive <strong>in</strong>cludes<br />

the 'to' as a bound <strong>in</strong>flection. In such a language, the <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive also has to<br />

move up to tense node to collect (or check) its <strong>in</strong>flection. In this case,<br />

<strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itives are expected not to be produced <strong>in</strong>stead of f<strong>in</strong>ite <strong>verbs</strong>.<br />

Fortunately we can test this <strong>in</strong> Hebrew, see<strong>in</strong>g as Hebrew is a language<br />

<strong>in</strong> which the <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive is not bare. The Hebrew <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive conta<strong>in</strong>s a<br />

morpheme which is the analogue of 'to' (the prefix 'le-'), and it is therefore<br />

parallel to the whole phrase 'to go' <strong>in</strong> English, and not only to the<br />

bare verb 'go'. Therefore, the <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive <strong>in</strong> Hebrew must raise high like an<br />

<strong>in</strong>flected verb, to check its <strong>in</strong>flection. Another demonstration for the<br />

difference between the Hebrew <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive and the English <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive is the<br />

fact that the Hebrew <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive does not appear as a complement of auxiliary<br />

<strong>verbs</strong>. Because it is <strong>in</strong>flected and occupies the Tense node, there is no<br />

place or need for an auxiliary. Furthermore, the movement pattern of the<br />

<strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive <strong>in</strong> Hebrew is just the same as the movement of the f<strong>in</strong>ite verb:<br />

arguments from word order of ad<strong>verbs</strong> and <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itives show that they<br />

raise to the same high node <strong>in</strong> the syntactic tree as f<strong>in</strong>ites (Shlonsky,<br />

1997).<br />

The prediction, then, is that <strong>in</strong> Hebrew, unlike <strong>in</strong> German and Dutch,<br />

for example, <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itives will not be overused <strong>in</strong> <strong>agrammatic</strong> <strong>production</strong>.<br />

This prediction was tested <strong>in</strong> 11 Hebrew-speak<strong>in</strong>g <strong>agrammatic</strong> patients<br />

(Friedmann, 1998).<br />

Sentence repetition and verb completion <strong>in</strong> sentential context were<br />

used to assess <strong>in</strong>flection abilities and to f<strong>in</strong>d out whether <strong>agrammatic</strong><br />

aphasics use <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itives <strong>in</strong>stead of f<strong>in</strong>ite <strong>verbs</strong> <strong>in</strong> Hebrew. Errors were<br />

analysed <strong>in</strong> order to determ<strong>in</strong>e whether <strong>agrammatic</strong>s substituted the<br />

<strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itive for f<strong>in</strong>ite <strong>verbs</strong>, or kept all verb <strong>in</strong>flection errors with<strong>in</strong> the f<strong>in</strong>ite<br />

paradigm.<br />

The results were clear-cut: substitution errors were almost always<br />

with<strong>in</strong> the f<strong>in</strong>ite paradigm (or possibly <strong>in</strong>cluded substitution of the<br />

participle which is identical to the present tense). Errors were substitution<br />

of one tense for another, but almost never substitution of <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itival form<br />

for the f<strong>in</strong>ite. 9 Aga<strong>in</strong>, each <strong>in</strong>dividual patient showed the same pattern of

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