OVPR-Malala
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I AM MALALA:<br />
A RESOURCE GUIDE FOR EDUCATORS<br />
For more information about the resource guide,<br />
visit malala.gwu.edu or www.malala.org.
A PREFACE FROM MALALA’S FATHER<br />
It is the elder generation’s duty to teach children the universal human<br />
values of truth, fairness, justice and equality. For this purpose, we have<br />
two institutions: families and schools. Education, whether at home<br />
or in the classroom, has the power to promote acceptance of others’<br />
views and to challenge biases and bigotry.<br />
In patriarchal societies, women are expected to be obedient. A<br />
good girl should be quiet, humble and submissive. She is told not to<br />
question her elders, even if she feels that they are wrong or unjust.<br />
As a father, I did not silence <strong>Malala</strong>’s voice. I encouraged her to ask<br />
questions and to demand answers. As a teacher, I also imparted<br />
these values to the students at my school. I taught my female students to unlearn the lesson of<br />
obedience. I taught the boys to unlearn the lesson of so-called pseudo-honor.<br />
It is similarly the obligation of schools and universities to instill the principles of love, respect,<br />
dignity and universal humanism in their students. Girls and boys alike must learn to think critically,<br />
to stand up for what they believe is right and build an effective and healthy society. And these<br />
lessons are taught at schools through curriculum. Curricula teach young people how to be<br />
confident individuals and responsible citizens.<br />
I Am <strong>Malala</strong> is a story about a young girl’s campaign for human rights, especially a woman’s right to<br />
education. The power of this story is that it is true. Truth, justice, forgiveness, and equality—these are<br />
the universal human values, and they are the lessons instilled in <strong>Malala</strong>’s book. I am, therefore, very<br />
pleased that the <strong>Malala</strong> Fund and the George Washington University have partnered to develop<br />
this resource guide to accompany I Am <strong>Malala</strong>.<br />
The resource guide for educators will elevate <strong>Malala</strong>’s story from a news story to an inspiration for<br />
coming generations. It tells how a country’s power and politics can endanger its own citizens. It tells<br />
how a few people can misinterpret and misuse peaceful religions to distort their true message. It<br />
tells how women and children suffer due to conflicts. And it tells why millions of children are out<br />
of school.<br />
People ask me, what is special about my parenting, which has made <strong>Malala</strong> so bold and so<br />
courageous and so vocal and so poised I tell them, “Don’t ask me what I did. Ask me what I did not<br />
do.” I did not clip <strong>Malala</strong>’s wings. Now <strong>Malala</strong>’s story will be shared in classrooms around the world.<br />
I hope that my daughter’s message will resonate with many future generations of our children and<br />
young people, and that they, too, will feel empowered to raise their voices and spread their wings.<br />
Ziauddin Yousafzai
To expand the reach of <strong>Malala</strong>’s memoir—I am <strong>Malala</strong>: The Girl Who Stood Up for<br />
Education and Was Shot by the Taliban—and spread <strong>Malala</strong>’s message to young people<br />
and activists, the Global Women’s Institute of the George Washington University, in<br />
collaboration with the <strong>Malala</strong> Fund, developed a resource guide for high school and<br />
college students around the world. Building on the content of <strong>Malala</strong>’s memoir, the<br />
resource guide supports global efforts to mobilize women and men to address women’s<br />
and girls’ rights to an education.<br />
<strong>Malala</strong>’s memoir opens the door to some of the greatest challenges of our modern world.<br />
It is about politics, education, culture, religion and violence against women and girls. It<br />
is a moment in the life of a young girl and in the history of a country. To do these broad<br />
themes justice, faculty from a wide range of disciplines contributed to the development<br />
of the resource guide.<br />
The resource guide challenges students to think deeply, share their experiences, and<br />
engage with their communities. Each theme begins with learning objectives and a<br />
narrative, intended to start the conversation and help plan lessons. The theme then<br />
includes individual exercises, group activities, and resources to assist students and<br />
instructors in deepening their knowledge of a topic.<br />
THE EIGHT THEMES ARE:<br />
1. Memoir as Literature and History ......................................................................3<br />
2. Education: A Human Right for Girls ...................................................................7<br />
3. Cultural Politics, Gender and History in<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> Yousafzai’s I am <strong>Malala</strong> ....................................................................... 12<br />
4. Religion and Religious Extremism ................................................................. 17<br />
5. <strong>Malala</strong> and Violence against Women and Girls .............................................. 22<br />
6. <strong>Malala</strong> Leadership Essay ................................................................................. 27<br />
7. <strong>Malala</strong> and the Media ..................................................................................... 33<br />
8. Global Feminisms: Speaking and<br />
Acting about Women and Girls ...................................................................... 37
REFLECTIONS FROM A PAKISTANI SCHOLAR<br />
I Am <strong>Malala</strong>: A Resource Guide for Educators is a unique endeavor to enlighten students and academics,<br />
providing a well-deserved space to the emerging struggle for life, peace, and education around the world. It is<br />
a privilege and honor to have worked with my brother in peace, Ziauddin Yousafzai, as well as the faculty of the<br />
Global Women’s Institute at the George Washington University, to provide my input on a broad range of issues<br />
covered by the resource guide.<br />
Education has the power to transform lives, communities, and societies. I once asked <strong>Malala</strong> why she had chosen<br />
education as her single-point agenda. Her clear and simple response was that education offers health and hope,<br />
options and opportunities.<br />
<strong>Malala</strong>’s journey of peace through education and nonviolent resistance is shaping a new discourse from the<br />
United Nations, through refugee camps in Jordan, on to villages in Kenya, and into schools in the Swat Valley,<br />
sharing the message of struggle and hope. This is happening because <strong>Malala</strong> chose peace and forgiveness over<br />
the violence that has brought prolonged suffering and misery to the lives of those in her own Pashtun community<br />
in Pakistan and Afghanistan and in many countries around the world.<br />
Before 9/11, the idyllic Swat Valley, the land of <strong>Malala</strong>, was calm. Fruit orchards and vegetable gardens were in<br />
abundance. People were renowned for their folk music and storytelling; schools were in almost every village<br />
and town; and people lived in peace, resolving their disputes nonviolently through Jirga and Sulha. Suddenly<br />
armed militancy appeared on the scene, destroying peace, prosperity, and Pashtunwali, the way of life of Pashtun<br />
people. Traditions faded quickly into the past, as the deadly conflict and trauma of war scarred a generation of<br />
children and of women.<br />
Swat has fresh water, green forests, precious gemstones, and small cottage industries with the potential to export<br />
hydropower, water, fresh and dried fruits, vegetables, and gems. Pashtuns are dreamers, innovative and creative.<br />
Women make fine crafts, and men produce stirring poetry and art. They have the capacity to resolve their<br />
disputes and conflicts creatively through the long-standing institutions of Jirga and Sulha. Once interference in<br />
their social, cultural, and political affairs has ended, Pashtuns will expel extremism from their land.<br />
<strong>Malala</strong>’s struggle for peace and education against the worst form of violence in the Swat Valley almost cost<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> her own life. But instead she has become a torchbearer for peaceful and active resistance. <strong>Malala</strong> provides<br />
continuity for building stable societies, as embodied by those heroes of nonviolence Rumi, Bacha Khan, Gandhi,<br />
Mandela, King, and Mother Teresa. With this shining lineage we are inspired to contribute to a generation of<br />
young people—women and men—who are well-educated in many fields and grounded in the knowledge of<br />
processes that create a peaceful society.<br />
This guide will set a foundation to explore the lives and struggle of Pashtun people and address the root causes<br />
of war in <strong>Malala</strong>’s land. I am confident that students and academics will create forums, seminars, conferences, and<br />
research centers for dialogue to defeat extremism and bring peace to the people of Pakistan, Afghanistan, and<br />
our shared world.<br />
Jahab Zeb<br />
Director of the Global Peace Council Canada<br />
The Centre for Peace Advancement at Conrad Grebel University College,<br />
affiliated with the University of Waterloo, Canada
MEMOIR AS<br />
LITERATURE<br />
AND HISTORY<br />
BY JULIE DONOVAN<br />
P A R T 1<br />
Introduction<br />
In choosing to narrate the brutal attempt on her life, <strong>Malala</strong><br />
Yousafzai selected the literary form known as memoir, a<br />
well-established genre used by historical figures and other<br />
thoughtful but less recognized men and women to capture<br />
a certain moment in time. This theme will consider the<br />
particular characteristics of memoir as a literary device and<br />
its effectiveness in communicating <strong>Malala</strong>’s story through a<br />
discussion of the following topics:<br />
• The unique attributes of memoir as a literary genre<br />
• The difference between autobiographies, memoirs,<br />
and diaries<br />
• Memoir as a powerful witness to history<br />
• The relationship between memoir and memory<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> Yousafzai’s stirring memoir, I Am <strong>Malala</strong>: The Girl<br />
Who Stood Up for Education and Was Shot by the Taliban,<br />
combines the personal story of a girl’s life caught in the<br />
vortex of war and religious extremism. As an increasingly<br />
popular genre of literary nonfiction, <strong>Malala</strong>’s memoir<br />
prompts the question: What is it about the memoir that can<br />
make it a more powerful means of expression than other<br />
literary forms In Testament of Youth (1933) Vera Brittain<br />
provides one answer. Grappling with how to depict World<br />
War I from a young woman’s perspective, Brittain rejected<br />
the idea of writing a novel, feeling that it would be too far<br />
removed from the reality of her experience. Opting to write<br />
a memoir enabled Brittain to recount her personal story<br />
against the backdrop of a harrowing war, within a society<br />
that decried female independence and denied her the right<br />
to vote. Here is how she explained her choice: “In no other<br />
fashion, it seemed, could I carry out my endeavor to put the<br />
life of an ordinary individual into its niche in contemporary<br />
history, and thus illustrate the influence of world-wide events<br />
and movements upon the personal destinies of men and<br />
women.” (12)<br />
A memoir can excel in evoking immediacy and veracity,<br />
where private feelings mesh with public issues and raw<br />
emotions intertwine with the detachment of rational<br />
argument and the exegesis of an intellectual or political<br />
stance. Memoir differs from autobiography in that the<br />
memoir concerns a specific, concentrated period within a<br />
life, whereas an autobiography tends to recount the story<br />
of a life that is generally more all-embracing, with a greater<br />
chronological sweep and more linear structure. There are<br />
also points of contiguity between the diary and the memoir,<br />
but the temporal immediacy of the diary typically does not<br />
allow the degree of reflection found in the memoir. All three<br />
forms of relating personal stories are told in the first person,<br />
and therefore readers need to be mindful of the process<br />
of interpreting a narrator’s point of view. When we read a<br />
memoir, we may be less conscious of its aesthetic effect than<br />
we are when we read a poem or a novel. Yet there is an art<br />
to the memoir that exercises rhetorical skill just as much as<br />
other literary forms in terms of pace, tone, and choices in<br />
language.<br />
Elie Wiesel’s Holocaust memoir Night (1955), and Ishmael<br />
Beah’s account of war in Sierra Leone, A Long Way Gone:<br />
Memoirs of a Boy Soldier (2007) demonstrate how the<br />
memoir stands as a powerful witness to history. Both<br />
of these works convey the visceral effect of personal<br />
experience that gives history a more human context than a<br />
bald recounting of dates, battles, and other details of more<br />
formal or grand historical narratives. They also demonstrate<br />
the occasionally didactic nature of the memoir, which raises<br />
consciousness about society, culture, and government.<br />
Since memory is intrinsic to this genre, we should consider<br />
the complicated relationship between history and memory,<br />
and why some events emerge as more notable than others.<br />
Indeed, the memoir prompts us to consider how memory<br />
and history have an unsettled relationship that is open to<br />
examination.<br />
MEMOIR AS LITERATURE AND HISTORY 3
While the memoir serves as a testament to injustice, it<br />
is also a genre that may indulge the worst excesses of<br />
contemporary voyeurism and self-absorption, so it is worth<br />
considering when memoirs reveal merely narcissism and<br />
even deceit. Though readers concede the subtleties of<br />
framing a story, there remains an expectation that a memoir<br />
must, at its core, be genuine. When it was discovered<br />
that parts of James Frey’s confessional memoir of drug<br />
addiction, A Million Little Pieces (2005), were intentionally<br />
fabricated, many readers felt betrayed. While fiction has its<br />
share of unreliable first-person narrators, what is demanded<br />
of the memoir is reliable narration, since the memoir is<br />
inherently linked to a sense of authenticity and good faith.<br />
Despite <strong>Malala</strong>’s courage, maturity, and poise, her<br />
experiences happened when she was a child. <strong>Malala</strong>’s<br />
narrative is typical of the memoir’s ability to give us an<br />
insider’s perspective on events that may seem remote when<br />
reported in newscasts and other media. The vividness of<br />
personal experience evokes not only the sense of terror and<br />
displacement caused by Taliban control but also the beauty<br />
of the Swat Valley and the renowned hospitality of the<br />
Pashtun people. It also serves to educate us about an area<br />
too often conceptualized in the abstract. As <strong>Malala</strong> explains,<br />
she thinks of herself as primarily Swati, then Pashtun, and<br />
then Pakistani, demonstrating complicated allegiances in<br />
regional and national identity. <strong>Malala</strong>’s authorial voice is<br />
alternately strident and playful, but we may consider the<br />
challenges involved in successfully sustaining that voice.<br />
<strong>Malala</strong>’s memoir illustrates the power of contrasts—<br />
from descriptions of bombardment and her assailant’s<br />
shaking hand as he shoots her at close range—to teenage<br />
preoccupations with Twilight books and arguments with<br />
Munneba, her loving but possessive best friend. Although<br />
she campaigns against the encroaching fundamentalism<br />
seeking to destroy girls’ access to education, <strong>Malala</strong>’s<br />
criticism of the Taliban is combined with an exposition of<br />
other factors that have destabilized her former home: the<br />
repercussions of British colonialism, the Russian invasion of<br />
Afghanistan, support of the West for Afghan mujahideen<br />
and military dictators in Pakistan, and U.S.-ordered drone<br />
strikes. <strong>Malala</strong> provides the kind of details that only an<br />
eye-witness familiar with her surroundings can give: how<br />
a charismatic Taliban leader sets himself up as a modernday<br />
Robin Hood through his FM radio station, or how<br />
some people prefer sharia law because it is considered<br />
more effective than the corrupt legal system in place.<br />
Piquant details that <strong>Malala</strong> provides, such as the Pakistani<br />
establishment’s production of a popular soap opera of<br />
its travails called Beyond the Call of Duty, are described<br />
with the impish humor that shines through <strong>Malala</strong>’s prose,<br />
despite the horrors she experienced. Perhaps it is this<br />
capacity to find laughter amid tears that tempers her<br />
indictment of inequality and cruelty.<br />
WORKS CITED<br />
Abu-Lughod, Lila. Do Muslim Women Need Saving Cambridge, MA:<br />
Harvard University Press, 2013.<br />
Adler, Mortimer. How to Read a Book. New York, NY: Simon and<br />
Schuster, 1972. See Part Three, Chapter 16: “How to Read History,”<br />
in particular the section entitled “How to Read Biography and<br />
Autobiography.”<br />
Barrington, Judith. Writing the Memoir: From Truth to Art. Portland,<br />
OR: Eight Mountain Press, 2002.<br />
Beah, Ishmael. A Long Way Gone: Memoirs of a Boy Soldier. New<br />
York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2007.<br />
Brittain, Vera. Testament of Youth. London: Penguin, 1994.<br />
Frank, Anne. The Diary of Anne Frank. New York: Bantam, 1993.<br />
Frey, James. A Million Little Pieces. New York: Anchor, 2005.<br />
Mandela, Nelson. A Long Walk to Freedom. London: Back Bay, 1995.<br />
Nafasi, Azar. Reading Lolita in Tehran: A Memoir in Books. New York:<br />
Random House, 2008.<br />
Said, Edward. Out of Place: A Memoir. New York: Vintage, 2000.<br />
Satrapi, Marjane. The Complete Persepolis. New York: Pantheon,<br />
2007.<br />
Soyinka, Wole. Aké: The Years of Childhood. New York: Vintage, 1981<br />
Wiesel, Elie. Night. New York: Hill and Wang, 2006.<br />
Yagoda, Ben. Memoir: A History. New York: Riverhead, 2002.<br />
MEMOIR AS LITERATURE AND HISTORY 4
P A R T 2<br />
Individual Activities<br />
1. Writing memoir: Just as the assassination attempt<br />
on <strong>Malala</strong> profoundly altered the course of her<br />
life, students will write a brief memoir that focuses<br />
on one memorable instance where everything<br />
seemed to change. The event can be personal and<br />
directly related to their family, such as birth, death,<br />
marriage and remarriage; on the other hand, it can<br />
be something of global significance. For many, living<br />
through the attacks on the World Trade Towers and the<br />
Pentagon on September 11, 2011, or the inauguration<br />
of the United States’ first African-American president<br />
in 2008, profoundly marked them. In organizing your<br />
own memoir, reflect on how <strong>Malala</strong> organized her<br />
narrative by providing the description of a key event,<br />
historic and cultural context, and her own response.<br />
2. Contrasts and complexities in memoir: Explore the<br />
contrasts and complexities revealed by a memoir<br />
of your own choosing. How do the contrasts and<br />
complexities relate to individual experience as it is<br />
affected by social, cultural, and historical events<br />
Do you find that you also have “contrasts” within<br />
yourself as they relate to things in your life that you<br />
feel passionate about or want to change What can<br />
we learn from looking at the world and ourselves in a<br />
more complex way<br />
3. The introduction to memoir states that the memoir<br />
evokes “immediacy and veracity, where private<br />
feelings mesh with public issues, and raw emotions<br />
intertwine with the detachment of rational argument..<br />
Write an essay where you argue for the benefits and<br />
downfalls of approaching a historical or personal<br />
account in this manner. To what extent it is bad or<br />
good to have the personal be mixed with the “facts”<br />
Can you think of a time in your life when the personal<br />
and public became intertwined and how that affected<br />
your thinking or recounting of a situation<br />
4. Select a historical, social, political, or cultural event<br />
and create a blog about it. Consider what it is like to<br />
write a running history based on your own experience.<br />
5. Analyze the following <strong>Malala</strong> blogs in the light of what<br />
you understand about memoir:<br />
http://malalayousafzaibbcblog.blogspot.com<br />
http://www.malala-yousafzai.com<br />
http://ziauddinyousafzai.blogspot.ca<br />
MEMOIR AS LITERATURE AND HISTORY 5
P A R T 3<br />
Group Activities<br />
1. Identify a historic event chronicled by journalists,<br />
historians, and individuals that has also been<br />
addressed in the form of a memoir, diary, or<br />
autobiography. Divide the class into groups, and ask<br />
each to read different accounts of a same event. For<br />
example, one group can read historical accounts<br />
of the Jews in Holland during War World II whereas<br />
another will read selections from The Diary of Anne<br />
Frank. Another pair might read historical accounts of<br />
apartheid South Africa while others will read Kaffir Boy.<br />
How do they each portray the times The emotional<br />
context Historical facts Where do we feel the greater<br />
affinity<br />
While there are hundreds of wonderful memoirs,<br />
diaries, and autobiographies written in response to<br />
major historical events, we offer these as possible<br />
suggestions:<br />
• The Diary of Anne Frank (Anne Frank) and/or Night<br />
and the Holocaust (Elie Wiesel)<br />
• Kaffir Boy: The True Story of a Black Youth’s Coming of<br />
Age in Apartheid South Africa (Mark Mathabane)<br />
• A Long Way Gone: Memoirs of a Boy Soldier<br />
(Ishmael Beh) and the war in Sierra Leone<br />
• Reading Lolita in Tehran (Azar Nafisi) and the<br />
Iranian Revolution<br />
2. A comparison of <strong>Malala</strong> and Persepolis by Marjane<br />
Satrapi. Both of these books deal with the plight of<br />
schoolgirls living under a fundamentalist regime.<br />
Students may read an extract of Persepolis or watch<br />
the film in class. Students will then divide into smaller<br />
groups and identify similarities and differences<br />
between <strong>Malala</strong> and Persepolis. This activity can<br />
show students how Muslim women hail from different<br />
histories, backgrounds, and cultures.<br />
3. Students will be organized into groups to work on the<br />
task of interviewing a person who has lived through a<br />
life event such as the Civil Rights Act, the Apollo moon<br />
landing, or Vietnam War. Develop a memoir based<br />
on your interview and conversations, considering<br />
how the sharing of narratives sheds light on different<br />
perspectives of a historical event.<br />
P A R T 4<br />
Resources<br />
Teachers are encouraged to view the PowerPoint<br />
presentation prepared by Professor Julie Donovan.<br />
https://malala.gwu.edu/sites/malala.gwu.edu/files/Memoir<br />
PPT revised.pdf<br />
For more information about the resource guide, visit malala.gwu.edu or www.malala.org.<br />
MEMOIR AS LITERATURE AND HISTORY 6
EDUCATION: A HUMAN<br />
RIGHT FOR GIRLS<br />
BY MICHELE A. CLARK & LARISA WARHOL<br />
P A R T 1<br />
Introduction<br />
On October 9, 2012, 15-year-old <strong>Malala</strong> Yousafzai was shot<br />
in the face on her way home from school. Her offense was<br />
a deeply personal love of learning, accompanied by an<br />
equally passionate belief in the right to an education for<br />
girls in Pakistan and beyond. This theme will consider the<br />
importance of education for girls as a basic human right<br />
through a discussion of the following issues:<br />
• The status of girls’ education in Pakistan<br />
• The international frameworks to ensure education<br />
as a human right for girls<br />
• The importance of education and schooling<br />
• The challenges unique to educating girls<br />
Girls’ Education in Pakistan<br />
“The School that my father dreamed of would have desks<br />
and a library, computers, bright posters on the walls and,<br />
most importantly, washrooms.”<br />
(<strong>Malala</strong>, Page 41)<br />
After independence, Pakistan inherited a British colonial<br />
school system that has changed little in the past 65 years.<br />
According to the Constitution of Pakistan, the government<br />
is required to provide free and compulsory education for<br />
children ages 5 through 16, although this is not followed in<br />
practice. The educational situation in Pakistan is complex.<br />
There are large disparities between urban and rural areas<br />
as well as social and economic classes and ethnic groups<br />
related to access to school and school resources. Currently<br />
a class-based education system is in place: high-quality<br />
private schools for elites, low-cost private and public schools<br />
for the poor, and madrassa schools for the poorest of the<br />
population. In 2009, primary school attendance for the<br />
entire country was only 66 percent, well below the world<br />
average of 90 percent.<br />
Many schools have large gender disparities. While there is<br />
more gender equity in urban areas, rural areas experience<br />
much gender inequality. In areas like the Swat Valley,<br />
after the Taliban in 2009 enacted a ban on the schooling<br />
of girls, 400 private schools enrolling 40,000 girls were<br />
closed, including the private school run by <strong>Malala</strong>’s father,<br />
the Khushal School and College in Mingora. However,<br />
even after the Pakistani government regained control over<br />
the region and reopened the schools, many girls did not<br />
return and Taliban insurgents still tried to prevent girls<br />
from being educated. During this period, <strong>Malala</strong> became<br />
an internationally recognized spokesperson for education,<br />
which resulted in her shooting by the Taliban. Since the<br />
education ban, national and international NGOs have been<br />
working to create more gender balance by opening “nonformal”<br />
schools (Latif, 2011). <strong>Malala</strong>, her family, civil society<br />
organizations, and the government continue working to<br />
overturn the gender disparities and the social/cultural<br />
norms against schooling women, especially since Islam<br />
urges both men and women to become educated.<br />
Overall, Pakistan suffers from common education challenges<br />
seen in both developing and developed countries: lack of<br />
highly qualified and trained teachers, outdated curricula,<br />
and a lack of education resources and materials (Ahmad et<br />
al., 2013). There are also challenges related to establishing<br />
the role of religion in school curricula and determining the<br />
language of instruction. Urdu is the language that different<br />
peoples and provinces in Pakistan use to communicate<br />
with one another, whereas English is the official language<br />
of the state and the language of higher education. At the<br />
same time, education research promotes the use of local<br />
languages for cultural continuity and the cognitive benefits<br />
of multilingualism.<br />
EDUCATION: A HUMAN RIGHT FOR GIRLS 7
The efforts of <strong>Malala</strong>, her family, and the previous PPP and<br />
ANP coalition government have brought some positive<br />
changes to education in Pakistan (e.g., more tolerance and<br />
protection of human rights and the inclusion of more secular<br />
nationalist leaders, movements, and historical figures). In<br />
addition, after <strong>Malala</strong>’s shooting, a U.N. petition prompted<br />
the ratification by the Pakistani National Assembly of the<br />
Right to Free and Compulsory Education Bill of 2012, which<br />
upholds the constitutional mandate of education for all and<br />
authorizes fines for negligent schools and parents. <strong>Malala</strong>’s<br />
story has brought worldwide attention to the ongoing<br />
challenges and to the changes that need to take place to<br />
improve education in Pakistan, especially for girls.<br />
Education as a Human Right for Girls<br />
“As we crossed the Malakand Pass, I saw a young girl<br />
selling oranges. She was scratching marks on a piece of<br />
paper with a pencil she had to account for the oranges she<br />
had sold, as she could not read or write. I took a photo of<br />
her and vowed I would do everything in my power to<br />
help educate girls just like her. This was the war I was<br />
going to fight.”<br />
(Page 217)<br />
<strong>Malala</strong>’s commitment to education for girls is grounded in<br />
modern international human rights discourse. According<br />
to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural<br />
Organization (UNESCO), education is considered a<br />
“fundamental human right” and “essential for the exercise<br />
of all other rights.” The international community first<br />
recognized this in 1948 through Article 26 of the Universal<br />
Declaration of Human Rights, stating, “Everyone has a<br />
right to education.” The article affirms the right to free and<br />
compulsory education in elementary school and the general<br />
availability of technical, professional, and higher education.<br />
Building on the universal declaration, numerous conventions<br />
have affirmed the rights of children to “free, universal, and<br />
compulsory education” with specific references to the rights<br />
of girls. Notably, the Convention on the Elimination of All<br />
Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) calls<br />
upon states to “take all appropriate measures to eliminate<br />
discrimination against women in order to ensure them equal<br />
rights with men in the field of education.”<br />
The third Millennium Development Goal seeks to “promote<br />
gender equality and empower women,” but we are far from<br />
seeing success. One hundred twenty-three million young<br />
people worldwide still lack basic reading and writing skills,<br />
and girls comprise 61 percent of that number. While girls<br />
are gaining access to primary education, gender disparities<br />
remain high precisely where education is able to help shape<br />
a young person’s future—at secondary and higher levels of<br />
education. On her 16th birthday, July 12, 2013, in a speech<br />
before the U.N. General Assembly, <strong>Malala</strong> reminded the<br />
international community of its commitment to defend the<br />
rights of education for girls and women by saying, “Today<br />
is the day of every woman, every boy and every girl who<br />
raised their voice for their rights.”<br />
Purposes of Education and Schooling<br />
“They can stop us going to school, but they can’t stop<br />
us learning.”<br />
(Page 161)<br />
Education is an integral and necessary part of any<br />
society. In modern times, it is most often associated<br />
with schools and the information learned in schools.<br />
As globalization encourages nations to form modern<br />
capitalistic societies, much of what children need to know<br />
to actively participate in these types of societies is taught<br />
in schools. In postcolonial countries where there is often<br />
linguistic and cultural diversity, schooling has also become<br />
an important tool to build national unity and promote<br />
citizenship through a national curriculum, such as the one<br />
developed in Pakistan in 2006. Thus, education and schools<br />
impart not only specific and relevant content knowledge<br />
needed for economic advancement but also integral social<br />
knowledge needed for a cohesive society. This curriculum<br />
discarded rote learning for a greater focus on analytical<br />
thinking and marked a modest shift toward removing<br />
materials that glorified war and incited conflict, ensuring<br />
greater gender balance, and including references to local<br />
culture in textbooks. Critics of the revisions, however,<br />
believe that it did not go far enough and that it still projects<br />
a biased interpretation of Pakistani culture. (Education<br />
Reform in Pakistan)<br />
Within global efforts for development, schooling is<br />
considered a foundational element for economic<br />
development and nation building. Education has become<br />
a common world agenda item, as seen in the “Education<br />
for All” (EFA) movement, which has focused on ascertaining<br />
demographic trends and examining the overall benefits of,<br />
and constraints to, education in the developing world. EFA,<br />
led by UNESCO, releases an annual monitoring report and<br />
has also developed the Global Partnership for Education,<br />
which helps low-income countries achieve free and<br />
universal primary education. EFA directly relates to MDGs<br />
that emphasize that education is a human right, and it has a<br />
positive impact on the economic development of the local<br />
and national communities. EFA also endorses increased<br />
female empowerment and gender equity. This consensus is<br />
solidified by the United Nations’ unprecedented emphasis<br />
on girls’ and women’s empowerment and human capital<br />
investment as the condition of development in the eight<br />
Millennium Development Goals.<br />
EDUCATION: A HUMAN RIGHT FOR GIRLS 8
The Challenges of Educating Girls<br />
“I believe that female teachers should educate girls … but<br />
first, we need to educate our girls so that they can become<br />
teachers!”<br />
(Page 118)<br />
Traditional studies promoting education for girls focus<br />
on the positive impact of education for their future wellbeing.<br />
In particular, benefits include higher wages, greater<br />
participation in public/political life, later marriages, and<br />
fewer, healthier, and better-educated children. These<br />
benefits, however, are offset by a broad spectrum of<br />
challenges, which need to be addressed by policymakers,<br />
donors, and local activists. Many obstacles are rooted<br />
in culture and tradition and keep girls in a worldview<br />
where education plays no part in their futures. While still<br />
in elementary school, Tor Pekai, <strong>Malala</strong>’s mother, stopped<br />
going to classes because, simply put, she did not see the<br />
value to an education. “There seemed no point in going to<br />
school to just end up cooking, cleaning, and bringing up<br />
children, so one day, Pekai sold her books for nine annas,<br />
spent the money on boiled sweets and never went back. Her<br />
father said nothing.” (Page 40)<br />
Religious tenets in many parts of the world further define a<br />
woman’s place as caring for her husband and children and<br />
not interacting with men outside of her immediate family,<br />
factors which limit a woman’s professional opportunities.<br />
The lack of female teachers creates an obstacle to educating<br />
girls where fears of sexual harassment as well as social<br />
taboos in mixing the sexes constrain girls’ attendance. And<br />
finally, a family’s economic status will determine whether<br />
resources will be invested in educating sons or daughters.<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> illustrates this boy preference when she describes<br />
how school “wasn’t the only thing my aunts missed out on.<br />
In the morning, when my father was given cream or milk, his<br />
sisters were given tea with no milk. If there were eggs, they<br />
would be only for the boys. When a chicken was slaughtered<br />
for dinner, the girls would get the wings and the neck while<br />
the luscious breast meat was enjoyed by my father and my<br />
grandfather.” (Page 29)<br />
Evidence is now emerging to indicate that not only girls<br />
benefit from getting an education. According to a 2011<br />
World Bank study, Measuring the Economic Gain of<br />
Investing in Girls, “Improving the socio-economic outcomes<br />
for girls and young women is of central importance, not<br />
only to the beneficiaries themselves but also to their<br />
communities and the next generation.” This conclusion is at<br />
the heart of <strong>Malala</strong>’s message and creates a challenge for all<br />
of us as academics, activists, and global citizens.<br />
P A R T 2<br />
Individual Activities<br />
A. The role of incentives in encouraging<br />
school attendance.<br />
<strong>Malala</strong>’s mother stopped going to school because she<br />
did not see the relevance of an education for her own<br />
future. Her parents did not challenge her decision, and<br />
the community offered no incentive to educate girls either<br />
through opportunities for employment or increased social<br />
status. However, research now indicates that raising a<br />
family’s income will increase a boy’s chance for staying<br />
in school by 16 percent, and 41 percent for girls. Many<br />
educational initiatives now offer financial compensation to<br />
parents to keep their daughters in school. Write a two-page<br />
paper arguing for the value of such incentives as a longterm<br />
strategy to keep girls in school. Are there environments<br />
where financial incentives work better than others<br />
B. What would <strong>Malala</strong> say<br />
Millennium Development Goal 3 focuses on promoting<br />
gender equality and empowering women. A target of<br />
this goal is to “eliminate gender disparity in primary and<br />
secondary education, preferably by 2005, and in all levels<br />
of education no later than 2015.” (http://www.un.org/<br />
millenniumgoals)<br />
Write <strong>Malala</strong>’s next speech to the U.N. General Assembly<br />
in the fall of 2015, in which she addresses the status of<br />
MDG 3. What recommendations will she make to the U.N.<br />
bodies in order to ensure that the aims of the goals will be<br />
accomplished Draw on <strong>Malala</strong>’s efforts and activities as<br />
illustrated in her book. Limit: 1,000 words.<br />
EDUCATION: A HUMAN RIGHT FOR GIRLS 9
P A R T 3<br />
Group Activities<br />
C. Debate: Is education a human right<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> appeared in front of the United Nations and paid<br />
homage to all girls, boys, and women who claimed their<br />
right to an education. Primary schooling is specifically cited<br />
as a right in international conventions, and states are also<br />
encouraged to provide for secondary and higher education.<br />
But does educating children beyond primary school carry<br />
with it the same duties and obligations as other rights<br />
Using <strong>Malala</strong>’s experience as a starting point, divide the<br />
class into two groups and debate the question, Should<br />
states be held accountable for education of their children<br />
and youth<br />
D. Gender analysis on education in<br />
Pakistan group project<br />
In small groups of three or four people, you will be<br />
conducting a gender analysis of education in Pakistan. Using<br />
<strong>Malala</strong>’s memoir as a primary source, you will write a twopage<br />
policy brief including recommendations to inform a<br />
donor-funded program to support gender-based education<br />
development projects in Pakistan.<br />
Your brief should cover USAID’s Six Domains of Gender<br />
Analysis (see right column), and your recommendations<br />
should address the following questions:<br />
• What are key gender issues that might affect the ability<br />
of a project to achieve its goals or prevent women and<br />
men from benefiting equally<br />
• Does the gender analysis suggest that without any<br />
proactive intervention there will be gender imbalance<br />
in projects<br />
• What types of data should be collected to track the<br />
gender-related project impacts<br />
• What might be some potential unintended<br />
consequences<br />
Your gender analysis should use as your primary source<br />
<strong>Malala</strong>’s memoir.<br />
It should also include an investigation of secondary<br />
sources related to Pakistan’s laws, policies, and institutional,<br />
social, and religious practices and/or other research reports<br />
and literature.<br />
USAID’S SIX DOMAINS OF GENDER ANALYSIS<br />
Source: USAID Tips for Conducting a<br />
Gender Analysis at the Activity or Project Level<br />
http://www.usaid.gov/sites/default/files/documents/1865/201sae.pdf<br />
Access<br />
This domain refers to a person’s ability to use the necessary<br />
resources to be a fully active and productive participant<br />
(socially, economically, and politically) in society. It includes<br />
access to resources, income, services, employment,<br />
information, and benefits.<br />
Knowledge, Belief, and Perceptions<br />
This domain refers to the types of knowledge that men and<br />
women possess, the beliefs that shape gender identities and<br />
behavior, and the different perceptions that guide people’s<br />
understanding of their lives, depending upon their gender<br />
identity.<br />
Practices and Participation<br />
This domain refers to people’s behaviors and actions in life—<br />
what they actually do—and how this varies by gender roles<br />
and responsibilities. The questions cover not only current<br />
patterns of action but also the ways in which men and<br />
women may engage differently in development activities.<br />
Types of action include attendance at meetings and training<br />
courses, and accepting or seeking out services. Participation<br />
can be both active and passive.<br />
Time and Space<br />
This domain recognizes gender differences in the availability<br />
and allocation of time and the locations in which time is<br />
spent. It considers the division of both productive and<br />
reproductive labor; the identification of how time is spent<br />
during the day (week, month, or year, and in different<br />
seasons); and how men and women each contribute to the<br />
welfare of the family, community, and society. The objective<br />
of this domain is to determine how men and women spend<br />
their time and what implications their time commitments<br />
have on their availability for program activities.<br />
Legal Rights and Status<br />
This domain involves assessing how people are regarded<br />
and treated by customary legal codes, formal legal<br />
codes, and judicial systems. The domain encompasses<br />
legal documentation such as identification cards, voter<br />
registration, and property titles.<br />
Additionally, the domain includes the right to<br />
inheritance, employment, atonement of wrongs, and<br />
legal representation.<br />
EDUCATION: A HUMAN RIGHT FOR GIRLS 10
Power and Decision Making<br />
This domain pertains to the ability of people to decide,<br />
influence, control, and enforce personal and governmental<br />
power. It refers to one’s capacity to make decisions freely<br />
and to exercise power over one’s body, within a household,<br />
community, municipality, and state. This domain also details<br />
the capacity of adults to make household and individual<br />
economic decisions, including the use of household and<br />
individual economic resources, income, and their choice<br />
of employment. Additionally, this domain describes the<br />
decision to vote, run for office, enter into legal contracts, etc.<br />
P A R T 4<br />
Resources<br />
Articles and Reports<br />
Ahmad, I., Rauf, M., Rashid, A., Rehman, S. & Salam, M.<br />
(2013). Analysis of the Problems of Primary Education<br />
System in Pakistan: Critical Review of the Literature.<br />
Academic Research International, 4 (2), 324-331.<br />
Bengali, K. (1999). History of Educational Policy Making and<br />
Planning in Pakistan. The Sustainable Development Policy<br />
Institute: Working Paper Series #40.<br />
International Conventions Related to Education<br />
• The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of<br />
Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW)<br />
• The United Nations Declaration of Human Rights<br />
• The Millennium Development Goals<br />
Chaaban, J. & Cunningham, W. 2011. Measuring the<br />
Economic Gain of Investing in Girls: The Girl Effect Dividend.<br />
Policy Research Working Paper 5753. Washington, D.C.: The<br />
World Bank.<br />
Hameed-ur-Rehman, M. & Moosa Sadruddin Sewani,<br />
S. (2011) Critical Analysis of the Educational Policies of<br />
Pakistan. The Dialogue, VIII, 3.<br />
Lafit, A. (2011). Alarming Situation of Education in Pakistan.<br />
UNESCO: Press International Report.<br />
Levine, R. et al. (2008). Girls Count: A Global Investment<br />
& Action Agenda. Washington, D.C.: Center for Global<br />
Development.<br />
Malhotra, A. et al. 2003. Impact of Investments in Female<br />
Education on Gender Equality. Washington, D.C.:<br />
International Center for Research on Women.<br />
Education Reform in Pakistan, Asia Report No. 257,<br />
June 2014, International Crisis Group, Belgium available<br />
at http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-asia/<br />
pakistan/257-education-reform-in-pakistan.pdf<br />
For more information about the resource guide, visit malala.gwu.edu or www.malala.org.<br />
EDUCATION: A HUMAN RIGHT FOR GIRLS 11
CULTURAL POLITICS,<br />
GENDER, AND HISTORY<br />
IN MALALA YOUSAFZAI’S<br />
I AM MALALA<br />
BY KAVITA DAIYA<br />
P A R T 1<br />
Introduction<br />
In order to appreciate the cultural issues around female<br />
experiences brought forward by <strong>Malala</strong> Yousafzai’s memoir,<br />
I Am <strong>Malala</strong>, it is important to situate the memoir historically<br />
and read it as a part of a particular cultural and political<br />
context in Pakistan. In this essay, I will connect culture and<br />
history through the following:<br />
• A discussion of how <strong>Malala</strong> Yousafzai’s narrative<br />
illuminates common cultural practices around the<br />
place of girls in the family in modern South Asia<br />
• An examination of the connections between cultural<br />
practices shaping girls’ experiences and the history of<br />
secularism in Pakistan<br />
Culture and History<br />
From a Euro-American vantage point, it may be tempting<br />
to approach <strong>Malala</strong>’s memoir as evidence of the<br />
incompleteness of Pakistan’s modernity or of how “women<br />
in the Global South” are victims of their own cultures and<br />
traditions. In such approaches, readers tend to reductively<br />
homogenize whole communities and cultures, erasing<br />
the complex diversity in them to produce one simplistic<br />
idea about a place; examples would include “exotic India,”<br />
“underdeveloped Africa,” or “repressive China.” Historically,<br />
many Western feminists have participated in producing<br />
stereotypical and ahistorical images of women from the<br />
so-called third world as simplistic victims of their “cultures.”<br />
Many recent feminist critics like Chandra Talpade Mohanty,<br />
Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, and bell hooks have criticized<br />
these accounts, which not only stereotype and dehistoricize<br />
cultures but also ignore how girls and women in non-<br />
European contexts criticize, negotiate, and challenge the<br />
violence and discrimination they face. <strong>Malala</strong>’s memoir<br />
should be read as part of this tradition of critique and<br />
dissent if we do not want to reduce her to this stereotype<br />
of third world woman/victim. As <strong>Malala</strong> also insists, “I don’t<br />
want to be thought of as the ‘girl who was shot by the<br />
Taliban’ but the ‘girl who fought for education. ’ ” (152-153)<br />
If we want to understand <strong>Malala</strong>, as she herself wishes, as<br />
an active, resistant, and political actor in her Pakistani and<br />
Muslim community, then we have to attend to the history of<br />
Pakistan and secularism, which profoundly shapes her as a<br />
political subject.<br />
Pakistan is a relatively young nation: It was formed in<br />
August 1947 when the British decolonized the Indian<br />
subcontinent. At the same time that the British granted<br />
India independence, they also divided it and created two<br />
countries, Pakistan and India. Having stoked fears on the<br />
part of Muslims that they would be oppressed in a free India,<br />
as they were outnumbered by Hindus, the British enacted<br />
a partition along religious lines. Many Muslim-majority<br />
regions formed “Pakistan,” and Hindu-majority areas were<br />
named “India.” Pakistan became independent on Aug. 14,<br />
1947, and India on Aug. 15, 1947. Thus, from the start, the<br />
popular understanding was that Pakistan was created “for<br />
Muslims,” so that they would not be a minority in what was a<br />
Hindu-majority India. Following this partition, approximately<br />
7 million Muslims migrated from India to Pakistan; called<br />
mohajirs, or migrants, they faced discrimination as outsiders.<br />
As a result, they eventually mobilized themselves and<br />
became a political force: the Muttahida Quami Movement<br />
(MQM). <strong>Malala</strong> also refers to the mohajirs and their political<br />
clout: “The MQM is a very organised movement and the<br />
mohajir community sticks together.” (111) In part, the<br />
large scale of Partition migrations was a consequence of<br />
religious violence; when the locations of the borders were<br />
announced by radio on Aug. 16, Hindus and Sikhs attacked<br />
Muslims and vice versa. Approximately 2 million people<br />
died in the span of one year, while by official counts, 5<br />
CULTURAL POLITICS, GENDER, AND HISTORY IN MALALA YOUSAFZAI’S I AM MALALA 12
million Hindus and Sikhs left Pakistan for India, and 7 million<br />
Muslims left India for Pakistan. In this, as in other moments<br />
of ethnic conflict, women became targets of terrible sexual<br />
violence, mutilation, abduction, and commodification. The<br />
experience and enduring impact of this gendered ethnic<br />
violence have been the focus of much research, including<br />
my first book, Violent Belongings: Partition, Gender and<br />
National Culture in Postcolonial India ([2008] 2013).<br />
Subsequently, as feminist historians Ritu Menon and Kamala<br />
Bhasin detail, from 1948 till 1956, both India and Pakistan<br />
agreed to forcibly repatriate and “exchange” the over<br />
100,000 women who had been abducted, regardless of the<br />
women’s own wishes. They were also forced to leave behind<br />
any children they had after their abduction. Enacted at the<br />
scale of the nation-state, this dehumanizing action formally<br />
cast women as property that “belonged” to both the ethnic<br />
community they were born in and the nation. This idea that<br />
women are not equal citizens but rather that they “belong”<br />
to the nation and community—also operative in other conflict<br />
zones from Bosnia to Rwanda—has continued to shape<br />
women’s experiences during conflict.<br />
Secularism and Gender<br />
Mohammed Ali Jinnah, founder of Pakistan, had originally<br />
intended for Pakistan to be a Muslim country but a<br />
constitutionally secular state in which all communities—<br />
Hindu, Christian, Parsi, Sikh, Muslim—lived peacefully, and<br />
women and men had equal rights (21, 49). However, he<br />
passed away shortly after independence, and since then,<br />
the Pakistani government has had a checkered relationship<br />
with institutions of secularism. In Chapter 20, <strong>Malala</strong> refers<br />
to this history when she describes her trip to Jinnah’s<br />
tomb in Karachi. She asserts how Jinnah had dreamed<br />
of a secular and inclusive Pakistan when he had founded<br />
the country. After 1947, ethnic minorities including many<br />
Hindus, Parsis, Jews, and Sikhs left the country, fleeing<br />
religious persecution. After Jinnah, successive political<br />
leaders colluded with the Army and religious groups as they<br />
jockeyed for political power. As political power shifted back<br />
and forth from democratic forces to the military in different<br />
decades, the period from 1977 to 1988 under the military<br />
dictator Zia ul Haq saw a mass movement sweeping the<br />
countryside and the cities of Pakistan that argued for the<br />
radical Islamization of both state and civil society. While<br />
religious parties were able to consolidate popular support<br />
from a largely uneducated and unemployed youth, as<br />
there was little industry in the fledgling nation to support<br />
the growth of a middle class, the Harvard- and Oxfordeducated<br />
political elite often made compromises with the<br />
Army and the religious parties to preserve their power.<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> observes in her memoir that General Zia argued that<br />
the Army’s government was “pursuing Islamic principles”<br />
and opened many religious schools across the country.<br />
He ushered in much repression, from setting up “prayer<br />
committees in every district” and “prayer inspectors” to<br />
changing laws so that a woman’s word in court counted for<br />
“only half that of a man’s.” (21)<br />
The film Khamosh Pani (Silent Waters, 2003) by notable<br />
Pakistani independent filmmaker Sabiha Sumar captures this<br />
transformation poignantly, tracing how it affects the life of<br />
a female Partition survivor in rural Pakistan. The film depicts<br />
the experience of rape and sexual violence that women<br />
experienced during the 1947 Partition, and connects it with<br />
how women again became increasingly erased from public<br />
life and stripped of equal rights with General Zia’s 1979<br />
Islamization of Pakistan. Khamosh Pani won critical acclaim at<br />
film festivals globally.<br />
Alongside this, any understanding of Pakistan must<br />
consider how it was and continues to be affected by the<br />
political history of its neighbor Afghanistan; indeed, the<br />
rise to power of the Taliban in the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa<br />
region, formerly known as North West Frontier Province,<br />
where <strong>Malala</strong> is from, is not unrelated to the rise of the<br />
Taliban in Afghanistan during the Cold War. From 1979<br />
to 1988, the United States covertly funded, trained, and<br />
armed mujahideen militants through Pakistan, creating<br />
what became the Taliban to resist the Russian occupation<br />
of Afghanistan. <strong>Malala</strong> is keenly aware of and criticizes<br />
both Zia’s Islamization and the American involvement in<br />
Cold War Taliban politics and support of Pakistan’s military<br />
rulers. As <strong>Malala</strong> also mentions, in 1979, once Russia<br />
invaded Afghanistan and the U.S.-supported shah of Iran<br />
was overthrown, the U.S. lost its regional base in Iran and<br />
so shifted to Pakistan: “Billions of dollars flowed into our<br />
exchequer from the United States … and weapons to help<br />
the ISI [Pakistan Inter-Services Intelligence Agency] train the<br />
Afghans to fight the [Russian] communist Red Army. General<br />
Zia was invited to meet President Ronald Reagan at the<br />
White House … The US government lavished praise on<br />
him.” (22)<br />
Girls and Male Privilege<br />
If we approach culture as a historically changing set of<br />
learned and shared ideas and practices, then we can<br />
understand better how the cultural privileging of boys<br />
manifests itself in different ways across the world. <strong>Malala</strong>’s<br />
memoir shows how poor families in Pakistan and many<br />
other parts of South Asia endeavor to ensure that the boys<br />
get some kind of education and often care less if their<br />
daughter remains illiterate, because she does not need<br />
to be educated to assume the expected role of wife and<br />
mother. In an early moment in her narrative, describing the<br />
birth of her younger brother, <strong>Malala</strong> recalls, “My mother<br />
had been waiting for a son and could not hide her joy<br />
when he was born. To me he seemed very thin and small,<br />
like a reed that could snap in the wind, but he was the<br />
apple of her eye, her ladla. It seemed to me that his every<br />
wish was her command.” (16) This moment where <strong>Malala</strong><br />
CULTURAL POLITICS, GENDER, AND HISTORY IN MALALA YOUSAFZAI’S I AM MALALA 13
ecognizes the inequality between her and her brother’s<br />
treatment signals how, from the moment they are born, male<br />
children are prized and privileged over female children in<br />
a large majority of families in South Asia. This has terrible<br />
implications for girl children. The powerful documentary It’s<br />
a Girl (2012) shows that female infanticide has generated<br />
a massive gap in the population ratio of men to women<br />
across a large part of Asia, where, according to the United<br />
Nations, an estimated 200 million women are missing due<br />
to gendercide. The social organization of South Asia’s many<br />
communities is largely patriarchal. Many believe that the<br />
son will eventually care for the parents when they are old,<br />
providing a safety net for the future in a society without any<br />
state-sponsored social security. The son therefore is to be<br />
prized; the daughter, however, will marry and leave for her<br />
husband’s family. She is thus often seen as an economic<br />
burden, even as she performs unrecognized but valuable<br />
labor in the fields and the home for her family.<br />
These patriarchal ideas that the son is superior to the<br />
daughter prevail in middle-class and wealthy families<br />
as well. It is not uncommon therefore to see, as <strong>Malala</strong><br />
describes, the husband and son in the family getting<br />
the choice meats at dinnertime, or more food, more<br />
milk or eggs, which is expensive, while the daughter-inlaw<br />
or daughter gets less or none (21-22). This kind of<br />
discrimination is both subtle and deeply unfair, as it inhabits<br />
the intimate relations of a family and indelibly will shape<br />
the sense of self-worth as well as physical health of the girls<br />
and women in the family. <strong>Malala</strong> is able to cast a critical<br />
lens on this, because her father, Ziauddin Yousafzai, who is<br />
educated, liberated, and fair-minded, rejects this genderbased<br />
way of treating girls as less, and she embraces his<br />
perspective. Because of his education and support, she is<br />
able to challenge gender inequality within her culture. But<br />
many others are not so fortunate. In 2009, I investigated the<br />
tragic and untimely death of my 34-year-old cousin Kavita,<br />
married into a very rich family in Mumbai, India. I learned<br />
that in the four years of her marriage, she had been tortured<br />
and abused in various ways, including the deprivation of<br />
food. Sometimes the house servant would sneak a sandwich<br />
into her room out of pity; sometimes she got food through<br />
her sister. This family hid bars of gold in their wardrobes<br />
and bank lockers, and yet withheld nutritious food from my<br />
cousin. This is not an isolated story: Most girls learn early<br />
that they can expect to get less food than boys.<br />
Cultural Politics and Women’s Struggles<br />
“We talked about how things happen for different reasons,<br />
this happened to me, and how education for females<br />
not just males is one of our Islamic rights. I was speaking<br />
up for my right as a Muslim woman to be able to go to<br />
school.” (141)<br />
This is a poignant moment, underscoring how at the heart<br />
of <strong>Malala</strong>’s story is a vulnerable girl child wanting only to go<br />
to school to learn things about her own life and the world.<br />
It is also a powerful moment in which <strong>Malala</strong> is showing<br />
us a complex vision of Pakistani culture: one that allows<br />
debate and dissent on what actually IS Pakistani and Islamic<br />
culture. That secularism is a problematic and contested idea<br />
in Pakistan is apparent even in <strong>Malala</strong>’s text. She discovers<br />
that the Taliban have named her as a target only when she<br />
happens to meet the Pakistani-American journalist Shehla<br />
Anjum on a visit to Karachi, and Anjum mentions this to her:<br />
“We didn’t know what she was talking about so she went<br />
on the Internet and showed us that the Taliban had that day<br />
issued threats against two women—Shad Begum, an activist<br />
in Dir, and me, <strong>Malala</strong>. ‘These two are spreading secularism<br />
and should be killed,’ it said.” (112) In response to the<br />
Taliban’s claim that education is un-Islamic and “Western,”<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> asserts: “Today we all know education is our basic<br />
right. Not just in the West; Islam too has given us this right.<br />
Islam says every girl and every boy should go to school. In<br />
the Quran it is written, God wants us to have knowledge. ”<br />
(263) Similarly, later in the narrative, she argues, “I love my<br />
God. I thank my Allah. I talk to him all day. He is the greatest.<br />
By giving me this height to reach people, he has also given<br />
me great responsibilities. Peace in every home, every street,<br />
every village, every country—this is my dream. Education for<br />
every boy and every girl in the world. To sit down on a chair<br />
and read my books with all my friends at school is my<br />
right.” (265)<br />
The Taliban’s view of culture, and of women’s role as silent<br />
property, is thus being challenged by <strong>Malala</strong>, civil society,<br />
and now the government. Toward the end of her memoir,<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> notes how many girls’ schools and colleges in<br />
Pakistani cities had been attacked and bombed since she<br />
left for England. It is very clear that even when segregated in<br />
all-girls schools and colleges, where thousands of Pakistani<br />
parents are sending their girls to get an education that they<br />
hope might lead them to a better life, female education<br />
is not acceptable to the Taliban. What is at stake then is<br />
both the autonomy and rights of local Pakistanis, as well<br />
as the very place and personhood of the girl child—within<br />
the family and home, and outside in public life and in the<br />
institutions of civil society, like schools.<br />
CULTURAL POLITICS, GENDER, AND HISTORY IN MALALA YOUSAFZAI’S I AM MALALA 14
P A R T 2<br />
Individual Activities<br />
1. Investigate the difference between urban and<br />
rural women’s schools and colleges in Pakistan.<br />
How many exist in the major cities like Karachi<br />
and Lahore, and how many in rural areas What<br />
challenges do they face<br />
2. Identify and discuss the textual moments where<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> sets out her political opinions about women,<br />
secularism, and culture. What can we glean from<br />
this dialogue about how she views modern Islamic<br />
identity<br />
3. A new Pakistani animated series about a female<br />
superhero, Burka Avenger, also advocates for the<br />
value of education as <strong>Malala</strong> does. Identify and<br />
view an episode from this series, and explain how it<br />
resonates with or differs from <strong>Malala</strong>’s memoir.<br />
P A R T 3<br />
Group Activities<br />
1. Watch Sabiha Sumar’s film Silent Waters. Discuss how<br />
women’s lives are depicted in the film. What factors<br />
have a negative impact on the different women’s lives,<br />
in the public sphere and in their private lives, across<br />
the generations<br />
2. Watch the documentary It’s a Girl, and identify the<br />
various factors that generate gendercide according to<br />
the film. Then discuss strategies the film identifies that<br />
can combat and end gendercide, and how they can be<br />
implemented. Discuss how the documentary connects<br />
with the memoir: What are the points of congruence<br />
and divergence<br />
3. Study three different feminist activists or women’s<br />
organizations in Pakistan (some listed below). Identify<br />
the focal issue for the activists or organizations—be it<br />
education, human rights, rape laws, domestic violence,<br />
rural development, etc.—and the method by which<br />
they articulate their resistance and projects. Together,<br />
discuss the outcome of each one’s struggle, and map<br />
out their similarities and differences, their strengths<br />
and limitations.<br />
CULTURAL POLITICS, GENDER, AND HISTORY IN MALALA YOUSAFZAI’S I AM MALALA 15
P A R T 4<br />
Resources<br />
Pakistani writing on women:<br />
Nadeem Aslam’s poignant novel Maps for Lost Lovers takes<br />
up the issue of violence against women in Pakistani culture<br />
through the representation of love and marriage. We can<br />
thus place <strong>Malala</strong>’s memoir in its larger literary context<br />
of Pakistani, and more broadly South Asian, literature by<br />
reading it alongside works like Aslam’s novel, Bapsi Sidhwa’s<br />
novels The Bride and Cracking India, Talat Abbasi’s short<br />
stories in Bitter Gourd and Other Short Stories, Kamila<br />
Shamsie’s novel Salt and Saffron, Sara Suleri’s memoir<br />
Meatless Days, and others.<br />
Historical and cultural works:<br />
Women’s organizations:<br />
• The Sarhad Rural Support Program<br />
• Women Media Center<br />
• Aurat Foundation<br />
• All Pakistan Women’s Association<br />
• Blue Veins<br />
• Sindhiani Tahreek<br />
• Society for Appraisal and Women<br />
Empowerment in Rural Areas<br />
• The Revolutionary Association of the<br />
Women of Afghanistan<br />
Irfan Husain, Fatal Faultlines: Pakistan, Islam, and the West<br />
Vazira Fazila-Yacoobali Zamindar, The Long Partition<br />
and the Making of Modern South Asia: Refugees,<br />
Boundaries, Histories<br />
Ayesha Jalal, “The Convenience of Subservience: Women<br />
and the State of Pakistan,” in Women, Islam and the State,<br />
edited by Deniz Kandiyoti<br />
Prominent activists:<br />
• Munawar Khan<br />
• Muneeza Shamsie<br />
• Asma Jahangir<br />
• Mukhtar Mai<br />
• Tehmina Durrani<br />
• Samar Minallah<br />
• Shad Begum<br />
• <strong>Malala</strong>i Joya<br />
• Sakena Yacoobi<br />
For more information about the resource guide, visit malala.gwu.edu or www.malala.org.<br />
CULTURAL POLITICS, GENDER, AND HISTORY IN MALALA YOUSAFZAI’S I AM MALALA 16
RELIGION AND<br />
RELIGIOUS<br />
EXTREMISM<br />
BY KELLY PEMBERTON<br />
P A R T 1<br />
Introduction<br />
Islam in Its Religious and Cultural Manifestations<br />
Characterized alternately as a religion of peace,<br />
ecumenism, and gender egalitarianism, or as a faith<br />
predisposed to intolerance, extremism, and misogyny,<br />
Islam is arguably the most misunderstood religion of the<br />
21st century. Discussions of Islam are rarely informed by a<br />
grounded understanding of its foundations or of its varied<br />
manifestations in different cultural, political, and religious<br />
contexts. While Islam is often cited in the mass media as<br />
the cause of the oppression of women in Muslim-majority<br />
nations, it is much less explored as a force for progressive<br />
change in the world. Yet when examined critically, both in<br />
its foundational context and in light of major developments<br />
taking place among religiously observant Muslims today, it<br />
is clear that Islam can, and does, operate as such a force. The<br />
theme “Religion and Religious Extremism” addresses the<br />
challenges of assessing Islam in its religious, sociocultural,<br />
and political manifestations. By religion we mean the<br />
faith-based beliefs and practices that Muslims observe. By<br />
sociocultural we mean the variety of social relationships<br />
and customary practices that are associated with Muslim<br />
communities. These practices are controversial among<br />
Muslims because some, such as pilgrimage to the tombs of<br />
deceased holy men and women other than the tomb of the<br />
Prophet Muhammad,<br />
1<br />
festive celebrations of the Prophet<br />
Muhammad’s birthday (milad), or hiring a female dancer to<br />
perform at a wedding, are considered to be outside the pale<br />
of Islamic faith and within the realm of extra-Islamic regional<br />
or local cultural observations.<br />
Operating from the assumption that it is impossible to speak<br />
of a single, monolithic Islam, yet that there is something<br />
about Islam as a religion (belief, practice) and culture<br />
(moral guide, way of living) that has the power to unite the<br />
majority of the world’s 1.6 billion Muslims as a community of<br />
believers, we will discuss<br />
• the problematics of defining Islam<br />
• the varied forms that Islam takes in different social<br />
and cultural contexts,<br />
• the question of extremism in Islam<br />
• how Muslim girls and women (and the men who<br />
support them) have been transforming Islam into a<br />
force for progressive change in the world today<br />
These themes are all evident in <strong>Malala</strong> Yousafzai’s memoir,<br />
I Am <strong>Malala</strong>: The Girl Who Stood Up for Education and Was<br />
Shot by the Taliban. Through <strong>Malala</strong>’s story we learn about<br />
the ways in which Islam is expressed, lived, interpreted, and<br />
manipulated.<br />
1<br />
The salawat, “salah allahu alaihi wa sallam,” is a phrase that Muslims use to pronounce blessings upon the Prophet Muhammad. Sometimes the<br />
phrase is abbreviated as SAW or PBUH for “peace be upon him,” but these abbreviations are controversial and, to some, suggest a lack of respect.<br />
With this in mind, we have used the full salawat in Arabic, as a superscript, in line with contemporary literary conventions seen in texts about Islam.<br />
RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM 17
The Challenges of Defining Islam as<br />
it Relates to Gender<br />
Many of the problematics of defining Islam’s views on<br />
gender stem from some of the foundational teachings in<br />
the Qur’an and the Prophet Muhammad’s sunna (teaching<br />
and practice), including the rights and obligations of<br />
women and girls, and male-female relationships. For<br />
example, women have the right to attach conditions to<br />
their marriage contract, such as the right to continue<br />
pursuing their education after marriage. As wives, women<br />
are obliged to care for and show respect to their husbands.<br />
This is a mutual obligation: The husband, who is required<br />
to spend his income to take care of his family (while his<br />
wife is not obliged to spend her income on the family),<br />
is commanded in the Qur’an to respect his wife and to<br />
treat her with kindness and love. While it is commonly<br />
assumed that there is a readily identifiable core of Islam,<br />
the evidence in these two sources suggests that there<br />
were multiple understandings of orthopraxy (correct<br />
practice) and “authentic” beliefs even among the first few<br />
generations of Muslims. <strong>Malala</strong>’s story illustrates some of<br />
these problematics. For example, her father’s commitment<br />
to the education of girls, a passion shared by his young<br />
daughter, is atypical of men and women in his Pashtun<br />
community yet wholly in conformity with the foundational<br />
teachings of the Qur’an and the sunna of the Prophet.<br />
These teachings emphasize that knowledge is to be sought<br />
after by both men and women, boys and girls. The history<br />
of Islam, from its earliest origins, is filled with examples of<br />
Muslim girls and women who were renowned as scholars,<br />
including and especially the Prophet’s young wife Aishah,<br />
who transmitted a large number of hadith (reports) about<br />
the Prophet Muhammad. These hadith, which are also<br />
considered part of the sunna of the Prophet, are one of the<br />
two most important textual sources of the faith for Muslims,<br />
second only to the Qur’an. As a famous hadith of Prophet<br />
Muhammad says, Muslims should “seek knowledge even<br />
as far as China.”<br />
The Varied Forms of Islam<br />
The early forms of Islam reflect multiple understandings and<br />
beliefs among Muslims. These include 1) the split between<br />
Sunni and Shia Muslims, which began in the late seventh<br />
century, 2) the appearance of alternative communities<br />
(such as the Qarmatians and the mystics of Islam, or the<br />
Sufis), and 3) the impact of pre-Islamic (and non-Muslim)<br />
cultures on the development of Islam and Islamic texts and<br />
institutions. An evaluation of these divisions will serve as a<br />
departure point for understanding how cultural and social<br />
contexts as well as key historical and political developments<br />
over time have shaped the multiple forms that Islam has<br />
taken around the world. It is commonplace to hear that the<br />
forms of Islam practiced by Muslims in countries like Egypt,<br />
Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Turkey, Indonesia, India, and Nigeria<br />
look very different from each other. Likewise, the forms of<br />
Islam practiced by communities within these countries can<br />
look very different, too. For example, celebrations of major<br />
Islamic holidays are often combined with observances<br />
of locally significant commemorative events, and the<br />
significance of ethnic identity distinguishes Pashtun Muslims<br />
like <strong>Malala</strong> and her family from other Muslims in South<br />
Asia and the rest of the world. Still, there are key elements<br />
that unite Muslims across these countries and cultural<br />
contexts. Some of the elements include the reverence that<br />
is accorded the Qur’an and the Prophet Muhammad,<br />
and the ideal of Islamic sharia as a moral guiding force for<br />
Muslims (the latter differs from Islamic sharia as applied to<br />
the law, or fiqh). <strong>Malala</strong>’s story illustrates how sectarian and<br />
ethnic divisions can trump adherence to the foundational<br />
teachings of Islam, yet it also demonstrates how Pashtuns<br />
participate in a community of shared identities with other<br />
Muslims globally. For instance, <strong>Malala</strong>’s struggle is a<br />
continuation of the nonviolence philosophy of Bacha Khan<br />
(Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan), a prominent Pashtun activist who<br />
struggled with Mahatma Gandhi for India’s independence<br />
from the British. As a spiritual leader, Bacha Khan also<br />
practiced and taught the ethics of Islamic “sageness“ and<br />
enlightenment—the basic moral principles of Pashtunwali<br />
and the indigenous, egalitarian-minded Pashtun society<br />
that are fully aligned with universal humanism and bonding.<br />
As <strong>Malala</strong> pointed out at the UN, “Pashtuns want education<br />
for their daughters and sons. “ <strong>Malala</strong>’s narrative identifies<br />
the root causes of conflicts and how diverse perspectives<br />
and divisions have led to the development of extremist<br />
beliefs and practices among some Muslims, including those<br />
concerning gender roles and the complex relationships<br />
and agendas created in war and peace. One of the most<br />
notorious groups promoting these extremist beliefs and<br />
practices in Afghanistan and Pakistan as “true” Islam is the<br />
Taliban. Ultimately, <strong>Malala</strong>’s arguments provide a venue to<br />
study and analyze the lives and struggle of Pashtuns and<br />
Muslims and to address the root causes of conflict and war<br />
being played out in her land.<br />
Radical Islamic Extremism<br />
In <strong>Malala</strong>’s story we see how the rise of the Taliban and<br />
their supporters in Swat and other areas of Pakistan and<br />
Afghanistan was fueled by transformational political and<br />
cultural factors, such as the Islamization policies pursued<br />
by the regime of Pakistan’s General Zia ul-Haq in the 1980s;<br />
the U.S.-sponsored curriculum (published with support of<br />
the University of Nebraska), which taught schoolchildren the<br />
basics of counting with illustrations featuring Kalashnikovs,<br />
tanks, and land mines and glorified Jihadi culture; the<br />
impact of Westernization and wars of aggression waged<br />
by Western nations in South Asia and the Middle East, and<br />
the growth of development and other schemes focused on<br />
increasing women’s rights in Muslim-majority nations. Some<br />
Muslims became radicalized as a result of the direct support<br />
and encouragement by the West, and some understood<br />
this to be a war on their religion and culture(s), and/or their<br />
RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM 18
governments’ pandering to the agendas of Western nations.<br />
The third aspect of this thematic study explores the issue of<br />
religious extremism in light of factors like these in order to<br />
answer key questions that have been posed since the rise<br />
of religious extremism among groups claiming to represent<br />
Islam. Some of these questions include the following: If<br />
Islam is not predisposed to extremism, as so many Muslims<br />
and non-Muslims alike have tried to show, then how<br />
should we understand the rise of extremist groups like the<br />
Taliban And why have such groups attacked the rights of<br />
women and girls in particular as a key part of their (mis)<br />
interpretation of Islam in the 20th and 21st centuries<br />
Islam: A Progressive Force for Change<br />
<strong>Malala</strong>’s advocacy and activism exemplify a growing trend<br />
across the Muslim world: how women and girls have been<br />
contributing to the transformation of Islam as a force for<br />
peace and progressive change. This trend began in the<br />
early 1990s, when scholars and activists began speaking<br />
of a specifically “Islamic” feminism that espoused gender<br />
equity (or equality) and that focused on defining women’s<br />
rights issues through the lens of Islamic frameworks of<br />
understanding. Some call this the “gender jihad” after<br />
scholar-activist Amina Wadud’s book. The idea of a “gender<br />
jihad,” or battle waged for women’s full human rights, has<br />
taken place over the past three decades through a number<br />
of different and often crosscutting frameworks, such as legal<br />
rights, political participation, and greater representation in<br />
educational institutions and the formal labor market.<br />
Indonesia provides one of the most striking examples:<br />
With the overthrow of the Suharto regime in the late 1990s,<br />
the new government of Abdurrahman Wahid committed<br />
itself to fostering gender equality. Seeking to bring more<br />
women into the mainstream of public space, the state<br />
encouraged women to enroll in the pesantren, or Islamic<br />
schools (which constitute about 35 percent of all schools<br />
in Indonesia). Afterward, many of these graduates not<br />
only became professors in Islamic universities, they also<br />
became successful advocates for women’s rights issues,<br />
including marriage and divorce rights, and anti-domestic<br />
violence campaigns. In Egypt, Morocco, and India, Muslim<br />
feminists and grassroots activists from across the political<br />
and ideological spectrum have waged similar battles for<br />
changes to “family law” (marriage, divorce, child custody,<br />
and inheritance, all governed by Islamic sharia in these<br />
countries), using textual exegesis of the Qur’an and hadith<br />
to argue for women’s rights. Recently, the governments<br />
of Afghanistan and Pakistan have sought to increase state<br />
control of the religious schools (dini madaris in Urdu) to<br />
combat gender stereotypes and encourage girls’ greater<br />
participation in these institutions. With increased access<br />
to the type of religious education that promotes the<br />
tolerant, gender-egalitarian, and humanistic aspects of<br />
Islam, women and girls and their male supporters alike are<br />
increasingly using the foundational texts and teachings of<br />
the religion (such as the Qur’an and hadith) to advocate for<br />
gender equity, in particular the right to equal educational<br />
opportunities for Muslim girls and women.<br />
P A R T 2<br />
Individual Activities<br />
Analytical research paper(s)<br />
The(se) research paper(s) will engage one of the<br />
following themes:<br />
• the forms that Islam can take in different cultural<br />
contexts (including and especially in Pakistan)<br />
• compare and contrast Islam and forms of religious<br />
extremism in light of past and current debates about<br />
women and gender (e.g., that women should not<br />
be too highly educated, since their primary role is to<br />
become wives and mothers; that the mixing of the<br />
genders in public spaces leads to the moral corruption<br />
of women; that gender segregation is a way of<br />
“protecting” women from the vices of men in public<br />
spaces; that women are a temptation and a vice to be<br />
avoided by men; that a man should never be “ruled”<br />
by a woman; that Islam gives men the right to beat<br />
their wives; that a woman’s body and hair are awra<br />
[sexually arousing] and thus should be completely<br />
covered from the eyes of unrelated men). Relate one<br />
or more of these issues to events that take place in the<br />
book. What is the range of attitudes you can discern<br />
about “Islamic propriety” regarding the relationships<br />
between men and women (in private, domestic, and<br />
wider/common public spaces)<br />
• how are women and girls contributing to the<br />
transformation of Islam as a force for progressive<br />
change What concurrent factors (e.g., political,<br />
economic, cultural, social) have helped bring about<br />
these transformations Which of these factors stood<br />
out as germane to <strong>Malala</strong>’s story (and the evolving<br />
story of girls’ education in Pakistan and around<br />
the world)<br />
RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM 19
Individual PowerPoint presentation (narrated in<br />
class, or with recorded narration)<br />
The presentation should touch upon one of the themes<br />
explored in this lesson: similarities and differences in the<br />
practice of Islam (“lived Islam”) in various cultural contexts,<br />
Islam vs. religious extremism, or Islam and gender activism.<br />
The presentation may be narrated in person in class, or<br />
designed as a pre-recorded narration.<br />
In-class narration<br />
The PowerPoint presentation should touch on one of<br />
the following themes in a single country or cultural (e.g.,<br />
Pakistani, Pashtun, Swati) context. The presentation must<br />
consist of at least 12 slides (including title slide), all of which<br />
are directly relevant to your chosen subject and theme. You<br />
should create slides using both images and words, but you<br />
may choose how many of each to use. Present this slide<br />
show in class, with explanation of the content you have<br />
included on the slides.<br />
Recorded narration<br />
You must narrate the slides in addition to providing citations<br />
and notes to support your data. Narrations need not be<br />
extensive, though they should be detailed and specific.<br />
Keep the entire narrated presentation between 7 and 10<br />
minutes long.<br />
P A R T 3<br />
Group Activities<br />
Roundtable debate<br />
For this assignment, each participant chooses a position to<br />
defend with three pieces of evidence. The debate can be<br />
designed to take up an entire class session, Alternatively,<br />
each participant may be given five to seven minutes to<br />
speak, with classwide discussion taking place at the end of<br />
each roundtable.<br />
Joint PowerPoint presentation<br />
This presentation would be similar to the one described<br />
above, and would similarly touch on one of the themes<br />
outlined for the analytical research paper, but in multiple<br />
country/cultural contexts (with each panelist taking on<br />
a single country). This could be presented in class, with<br />
responses/questions from the entire class coming at the<br />
end of the presentation, or online, with pre-recorded<br />
narrations from each panelist. Responses to the presentation<br />
from other class members may also be included as part of<br />
this assignment: Responses will be posted to online class<br />
discussion boards, chat rooms, or other collaborative venues<br />
(such as Blackboard Collaborate).<br />
RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM 20
P A R T 4<br />
Resources<br />
Abdellatif, Omayma and Marina Ottaway, “Women in<br />
Islamist Movements: Toward an Islamist Model of Women’s<br />
Activism.“ Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.<br />
Carnegie Papers No. 2, June 2007. Pp. 1-13.<br />
Abu-Lughod, Lila. Do Muslim Women Need Saving<br />
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013.<br />
Arnez, Monika. 2010. “Empowering Women Through Islam:<br />
Fatayat NU between Tradition and Change.” Journal of<br />
Islamic Studies, vol. 21, no. 1: 59-88.<br />
Badran, Margot. “Understanding Islam, Islamist, and Islamic<br />
Feminism,” Journal of Women’s History, vol. 13, no. 1 (2001):<br />
47-52.<br />
Badran, Margot. Feminism in Islam: Secular and Religious<br />
Convergences. London: Oneworld Books, 2009.<br />
Doorn-Harder, Pieternella van. Women Shaping Islam:<br />
Reading the Qur’an in Indonesia. Urbana: University of<br />
Illinois Press, 2006.<br />
Doorn-Harder, Pieternella van and Andree Feillard. “A New<br />
Generation of Islamic Feminists Within Traditional Islam.<br />
An Indonesian Exception. ” In Jajat Burhanudin and Kees<br />
van Dijk, eds. Islam in Indonesia. Contrasting Images and<br />
Interpretations. Amsterdam, NL: Amsterdam University<br />
Press, 2013.<br />
Mahmood, Saba. Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the<br />
Feminist Subject. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005.<br />
Rahman, Bushra H. “Framing of Pakistani Muslim Women<br />
in International Media: Muslim Feminist’s Perspective.”<br />
American International Journal of Contemporary Research,<br />
vol. 2, no. 1 (January 2012): 106-113.<br />
Rinaldo, Rachel. Mobilising Piety: Islam and Feminism in<br />
Indonesia. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2013.<br />
Salime, Zakia. Between Feminism and Islam: Human Rights<br />
and Sharia Law in Morocco. Minneapolis: University of<br />
Minnesota Press, 2011.<br />
Wadud, Amina. Qur’an and Woman: Rereading the Sacred<br />
Text From a Woman’s Perspective. NY; Oxford: Oxford Univ.<br />
Press, 1999.<br />
Wadud, Amina. Inside the Gender Jihad: Women’s Reform in<br />
Islam. Oxford: Oneworld Books, 2006.<br />
Zia, Afiya Shehrbano. “The reinvention of feminism in<br />
Pakistan.” Feminist Review, vol. 91 (2009): 29–46.<br />
For more information about the resource guide, visit malala.gwu.edu or www.malala.org.<br />
RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM 21
MALALA AND<br />
VIOLENCE AGAINST<br />
WOMEN AND GIRLS<br />
BY MARY ELLSBERG<br />
P A R T 1<br />
Introduction<br />
The attempted murder of <strong>Malala</strong> Yousafzai by the Taliban for<br />
speaking out for girls’ education and peace can be viewed<br />
as an isolated act by religious extremists. But it is also<br />
emblematic of the discrimination and violence that women<br />
and girls throughout the world are subjected to because<br />
of their gender. This narrative will explore the global<br />
phenomenon of violence against women and girls through<br />
the lens of <strong>Malala</strong>’s story by addressing the following topics:<br />
1. One girl’s story: <strong>Malala</strong>’s story as an act of violence<br />
against women and girls<br />
2. The world as we know it: Violence against<br />
women today<br />
3. Taking action: Standing up to violence against<br />
women and girls<br />
One Girl’s Story: <strong>Malala</strong>’s Story as an Act of<br />
Violence Against Women and Girls<br />
In the first pages of her memoir, <strong>Malala</strong> points out how<br />
poorly girls are valued in her community and in the Muslim<br />
world, as compared with boys. “When I was born, people<br />
in our village commiserated with my mother and nobody<br />
congratulated my father… I was a girl in a land where<br />
rifles are fired in celebration of a son, while daughters<br />
are hidden away behind a curtain, their role in life simply<br />
to prepare food and give birth to children” (Page 13)<br />
<strong>Malala</strong>’s upbringing was unusual for her setting: Her father<br />
encouraged her to excel academically, to speak up, and<br />
to dream of a future where she could participate actively<br />
in society, as a doctor, a politician, or whatever else she<br />
desired. These aspirations led her to reject the growing<br />
restrictions on her education and mobility by the Taliban<br />
and to speak out publicly to defend her own rights and<br />
those of her schoolmates.<br />
The Taliban’s violent response was an attempt not only to<br />
silence <strong>Malala</strong>’s voice as a human rights defender and peace<br />
activist but also to reinforce patriarchal and extremist values<br />
that keep women and girls in the shadows of society. Sadly,<br />
<strong>Malala</strong>’s story is not unique. Throughout the world, girls<br />
are neglected, denied education, physically mistreated,<br />
sexually abused, sold into slavery, mutilated, and married<br />
against their will in the name of tradition, religion, honor,<br />
and male entitlement. Women’s human rights defenders<br />
are threatened, beaten, raped, and murdered in order to<br />
keep them from speaking out. There is not a country in<br />
the world devoid of abuse, violence, and discrimination<br />
against women. However, thanks to the courage of girls<br />
like <strong>Malala</strong> and men like Ziauddin Yousafzai, <strong>Malala</strong>’s father,<br />
international efforts to end all forms of discrimination<br />
and violence against women and girls have become<br />
increasingly visible.<br />
MALALA AND VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN AND GIRLS 22
The World as We Know It: Violence Against<br />
Women and Girls Today<br />
“It’s not just the Taliban killing children… Sometimes it’s<br />
drone attacks, sometimes it’s wars, sometimes it’s hunger.<br />
And sometimes it’s their own family. In June two girls my<br />
age were murdered in Gilgit … for posting a video online<br />
showing themselves dancing in the rain wearing traditional<br />
dress and headscarves. Apparently their own stepbrother<br />
shot them.” (I am <strong>Malala</strong>, Page 312)<br />
Violence against women and girls, also referred to as<br />
gender-based violence, is one of the most pervasive<br />
and underreported human rights violations in the world.<br />
The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that<br />
approximately one in three women in the world will<br />
experience physical or sexual violence at some point in<br />
their lives. 1 This violence takes many forms, from physical<br />
and sexual assault by intimate partners and family members<br />
to child marriage, trafficking, female genital mutilation,<br />
femicide, and violence in the name of “honor,” tradition, or<br />
religion. The types of violence that women and girls face<br />
vary according to their social, ethnic, cultural, and religious<br />
background, their economic circumstances, and their age.<br />
What links all these acts is that they are overwhelmingly<br />
more likely to be committed by men against women and<br />
that the main purpose of the violence is to maintain a system<br />
of women’s subordination to men.<br />
According to the United Nations Declaration on the<br />
Elimination of Violence Against Women (1993), violence<br />
against women “…refers to any act of gender-based<br />
violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual<br />
or psychological harm or suffering to women, including<br />
threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of<br />
liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life.”<br />
This definition includes but is not limited to:<br />
• physical violence, such as slapping, kicking, hitting,<br />
or use of weapons<br />
• emotional abuse, such as systematic humiliation,<br />
controlling behavior, degrading treatment, insults,<br />
and threats<br />
• sexual violence, including coerced sex or being<br />
forced into sexual activities considered degrading<br />
or humiliating<br />
• denial of resources, services, and opportunities<br />
also known as economic abuse, such as restricting<br />
access to financial, health, educational, or other<br />
resources with the purpose of controlling or<br />
subjugating a person<br />
Violence against women and girls can take place within<br />
the family and the community; it can be perpetrated or<br />
condoned by governments or social structures. Both men<br />
and women can be victims or agents of violence, but the<br />
characteristics of violence commonly committed against<br />
women and men differ. Women and girls are much more<br />
likely than men to be physically assaulted or murdered by<br />
someone they know—often a family member or intimate<br />
partner. They are also at much greater risk of being sexually<br />
assaulted or exploited, in childhood, adolescence, or<br />
adulthood. Men are the main perpetrators of violence<br />
against men as well as against women. 2<br />
The costs of violence against women and girls are<br />
enormous, for women themselves, their families, and for<br />
society as a whole. The impact of violence on women’s<br />
health and well-being has been documented in serious<br />
health problems ranging from injuries, chronic pain, and<br />
gastrointestinal disorders to mental health problems such<br />
as depression and post-traumatic stress disorder as well<br />
as pregnancy complications, and sexually transmitted<br />
infections, including HIV/AIDS. Intimate partner violence<br />
is a major cause of death among women, due to femicide<br />
as well as suicide. Women who are physically abused in<br />
pregnancy are more likely to have a low-birth-weight baby,<br />
and to have a child die before the age of 5. The effects of<br />
violence extend to future generations; boys who witness<br />
their father’s violence against their mothers are more likely<br />
to abuse their own partners, and girls who witness violence<br />
are more likely to experience violence as adolescents<br />
and adults. 3<br />
The economic and social costs of violence are also<br />
significant. The World Bank estimates that the costs of<br />
intimate partner violence, in terms of lost productivity and<br />
public expenditures, are as much as 2 percent of GDP, which<br />
is more than many countries spend on primary education.<br />
Violence is also a major barrier to girls’ education. Several<br />
studies in Africa and South Asia have found that sexual<br />
violence in schools is common, and many girls drop out<br />
of school because of violence, unintended pregnancy, or<br />
being married by their families, often to much older men. 4<br />
1<br />
WHO, LSTHM, and MRC. Global and Regional Estimates of Violence Against Women: Prevalence and Health Effects of Intimate Partner Violence<br />
and Non-partner Sexual Violence. 2013 pg. 2.<br />
2<br />
Morrison, A, Ellsberg, M, Bott, S. Addressing Gender-Based Violence: A Critical Review of Interventions. The World Bank Research Observer 2007;<br />
22, 25-51.<br />
3<br />
Ellsberg, M., H. A. Jansen, et al. Intimate partner violence and women’s physical and mental health in the WHO multi-country study on women’s<br />
health and domestic violence: an observational study. The Lancet 2008; 371(9619): 1165-72.<br />
4<br />
World Bank Group (2014). Voice and agency: Empowering women and girls for shared prosperity. Washington, D.C.<br />
MALALA AND VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN AND GIRLS 23
Despite the high costs of violence against women and girls,<br />
laws and social norms in nearly every society in the world<br />
legitimize, obscure, and deny abuse. The same acts that<br />
would be punished if directed at an employer, a neighbor,<br />
or an acquaintance often go unchallenged when men direct<br />
them at women, especially within the family.<br />
The causes of violence against women and girls are complex<br />
and shaped by forces operating at the levels of individuals,<br />
relationships, communities, and societies. Key risk factors<br />
include exposure to violence as a child, low educational<br />
levels of men and women, male alcohol abuse, male<br />
control of household decision making and wealth, cultural<br />
norms supporting violence as a way of resolving conflicts,<br />
male dominance over women, and policies and laws that<br />
discriminate against women, for example, by restricting<br />
their mobility, ability to get divorce, and rights to property<br />
and assets. In many countries some forms of violence (for<br />
example, marital rape) are not criminalized, and women<br />
often suffer additional stigma and abuse when they try to<br />
report violence committed against them to their families,<br />
police, and other authorities. 5<br />
Taking Action: Standing Up to Violence<br />
Against Women and Girls<br />
For over three decades, women’s advocacy groups<br />
around the world have focused attention on the physical,<br />
psychological, and sexual abuse of women and called for<br />
political action. They have provided abused women with<br />
shelter, lobbied for legal reforms, and challenged the<br />
widespread attitudes and beliefs that support violence<br />
against women and girls. Increasingly, these efforts are<br />
having an effect, and now policies and laws to address<br />
violence against women and girls figure prominently on the<br />
international development agenda. Numerous international<br />
documents, including the Beijing Platform for Action and<br />
the United Nations Resolution on the Elimination of Violence<br />
Against Women, commit governments to take necessary<br />
measures to eliminate violence against women and girls,<br />
and establish indicators for monitoring governments’<br />
progress. According to a recent World Bank report, 6 75 out<br />
of 100 countries studied have enacted laws to criminalize<br />
domestic violence and sexual violence against women.<br />
Even the U.N. Security Council has passed several landmark<br />
resolutions addressing sexual violence in conflict settings 7<br />
and recognizing the necessity of including women’s<br />
voices in peace and security issues. To date, most efforts<br />
have focused on increasing women’s access to justice,<br />
through better laws to protect women and girls and to<br />
increase sanctions on offenders, as well as providing safe<br />
haven and compassionate care for survivors of violence.<br />
Although these constitute important first steps, experience<br />
has shown that laws and services by themselves are not<br />
sufficient to effectively improve the lives of women and<br />
girls, as evidenced by <strong>Malala</strong>’s struggle for girls’ education.<br />
Prevention of violence is equally important, and the<br />
cornerstone of prevention is ensuring that women have<br />
access to the information, education, resources, and ability<br />
to make decisions regarding their lives.<br />
A key component of violence prevention involves<br />
challenging social norms regarding appropriate roles<br />
and responsibilities for men and women. According to<br />
the World Health Organization’s Multi-country Study on<br />
Women’s Health and Domestic Violence against Women 8 ,<br />
women in many countries believed that a husband<br />
would be justified in beating his wife for reasons such as<br />
disobedience, impertinence, failure to prepare food on<br />
time or adequately care for the children, questions about<br />
money or girlfriends, ventures outside the home without<br />
permission, refusing sex, or suspicions of infidelity. All of<br />
these represent transgressions of dominant gender norms<br />
in many societies. <strong>Malala</strong>’s courage in challenging traditional<br />
views of appropriate behavior for girls in her community<br />
is an inspiration for women and girls everywhere who are<br />
standing up for their right to education, to work, to marry<br />
when and whom they choose, and to live free from violence<br />
of any kind.<br />
5<br />
Heise, L. (1998). Violence against women: An integrated, ecological framework. Violence Against Women, 4(3), 262-290.<br />
6<br />
World Bank and International Finance Corporation, Women, Business and the Law 2014.<br />
7<br />
See U.N. Resolution 1325, 1820, 1888, 1889, 1960, 2106, 2122 http://www.un.org/en/sc/documents/resolutions/index.shtml<br />
8<br />
World Health Organization. The WHO Multi-country Study on Women’s Health and Domestic Violence Against Women; Preliminary Findings.<br />
Geneva, 2005.<br />
MALALA AND VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN AND GIRLS 24
P A R T 2<br />
Individual Activities<br />
“Other <strong>Malala</strong>s”: There are many other <strong>Malala</strong>s around<br />
the world, such as Fahma Mohamed, who spearheaded a<br />
campaign to provide education on female genital mutilation<br />
(FGM) in British schools, or Laxmi, the young woman in India<br />
who nearly died from having acid thrown in her face, and<br />
who now leads efforts to end acid assaults against women.<br />
Research and write a short biography about these or other<br />
“<strong>Malala</strong>s,” who can be either international or local figures. In<br />
your essay, consider the following:<br />
• The form of violence she is protesting,<br />
notably its links to culture and tradition<br />
• Her efforts to eliminate violence<br />
• The challenges she has faced<br />
• The progress she is making<br />
• What will it take for this form of violence to<br />
be eliminated<br />
Different forms of violence: Violence against women takes<br />
many forms. Students will research and present to the class<br />
some of the many forms of violence against women that<br />
exist in the world today. These may include:<br />
• Acid burning<br />
• Female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C)<br />
• Human trafficking<br />
• Violence committed in the name of honor<br />
• Child marriage<br />
• Intimate partner violence<br />
• Rape<br />
• Violence against special groups of women<br />
(immigrants, women with disabilities,<br />
indigenous women)<br />
• Other<br />
In their projects, students will research where the form<br />
of violence is prevalent, what is its prevalence, and what<br />
measures are being taken to eliminate this form of violence.<br />
Measures may include national legislation, including<br />
enforcement, as well as civil society initiatives such as<br />
media campaigns, hotlines, shelters, and citizen activism.<br />
The essay will conclude by examining the effectiveness of<br />
these measures and raising questions as to what needs to<br />
happen next.<br />
Standing up to violence against women and girls:<br />
Organizations and activists in every country and community<br />
advocate for women’s rights and an end to violence against<br />
women and girls. Other campaigns, such as the 16 Days<br />
of Activism against Gender Violence, the White Ribbon<br />
Campaign, One Man Can, One Billion Rising, and Girls<br />
Not Brides, are global campaigns to raise awareness and<br />
encourage communities to stand up to violence. Students<br />
will research a group or campaign in their own country or<br />
community that is working to end violence against women<br />
and write a short essay about the organization/campaign.<br />
The essay should consider the following:<br />
• How did the program start<br />
• What kind of violence does it address<br />
• What kind of approach does the program use Is it<br />
trying to strengthen women’s access to justice To<br />
provide support for survivors of violence To change<br />
social norms that support violence To improve<br />
national laws and polices<br />
• What have been the program’s most important<br />
achievements and challenges<br />
MALALA AND VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN AND GIRLS 25
P A R T 3<br />
Group Activities<br />
Film: Students will watch one of the suggested films<br />
addressing violence against women today. These can<br />
include Girl Rising, Half the Sky, Very Young Girls, Maria en<br />
Tierra de Nadie, among others.<br />
Bring in guest speakers from a community program for<br />
battered women or from groups that work to prevent<br />
violence against women and girls to talk about their work.<br />
Students read out loud in small groups the biography they<br />
wrote (in Individual Activity 1) and compare/contrast their<br />
lives with those of their chosen “<strong>Malala</strong>.” This would include<br />
reflecting on their upbringing and the elements they may<br />
have taken for granted, and how this has led to their current<br />
situation of privilege (or not). Elements could include<br />
education, health, social norms, social support networks,<br />
broader legal system/protection, etc., that have enabled<br />
them to be where they are today.<br />
P A R T 4<br />
Resources<br />
Films:<br />
Girl Rising, Half the Sky, Very Young Girls,<br />
Maria en Tierra de Nadie<br />
Publications:<br />
Heise, L. L. (2011). What Works to Prevent Partner Violence<br />
An Evidence Overview. London, U.K., STRIVE Research<br />
Consortium, London School of Hygiene and Tropical<br />
Medicine: xvii+108 pp.<br />
Kristof, N & WuDunn, S. (2009). Half the Sky: Turning<br />
Oppression into Opportunity Worldwide.<br />
Morrison, A, Ellsberg, M, Bott, S. Addressing Gender-Based<br />
Violence: A Critical Review of Interventions. The World Bank<br />
Research Observer 2007; 22, 25-51.<br />
Solotaroff, Jennifer L., and Rohini Prabha Pande. 2014.<br />
Violence Against Women and Girls: Lessons From South<br />
Asia. South Asia Development Forum. Washington, D.C.:<br />
World Bank.<br />
World Bank Group (2014). Voice and Agency: Empowering<br />
Women and Girls for Shared Prosperity. Washington, D.C.<br />
World Health Organization. The WHO Multi-country Study<br />
on Women’s Health and Domestic Violence against Women;<br />
Preliminary Findings. Geneva, 2005.<br />
Websites:<br />
(Organizations that work to end violence against women)<br />
Breakthrough:<br />
http://breakthrough.tv<br />
Futures without Violence:<br />
www.Futureswithoutviolence.org<br />
GBV Prevention Network:<br />
www.preventGBVAfrica.org<br />
Half the Sky Movement:<br />
www.halfthesky.org<br />
International Center for Research on Women (ICRW):<br />
www.icrw.org<br />
Women Thrive:<br />
www.womenthrive.org<br />
Equality Now:<br />
www.equalitynow.org<br />
Vital Voices:<br />
www.vitalvoices.org<br />
Women for Women:<br />
www.womenforwomen.org<br />
UN Women:<br />
www.unwomen.org<br />
For more information about the resource guide, visit malala.gwu.edu or www.malala.org.<br />
MALALA AND VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN AND GIRLS 26
MALALA<br />
LEADERSHIP<br />
ESSAY<br />
BY MARY BUCKLEY<br />
P A R T 1<br />
Introduction<br />
“You must be the change you wish to see in the world.”<br />
~ Mahatma Gandhi<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> Yousafzai, a young social change leader in Pakistan’s<br />
Swat Valley, works on the basic human right of equal<br />
access to education for children around the world. Her<br />
vision stems from childhood experiences, and her political<br />
actions address needs she first identified within her local<br />
community. With strong support from her father, and a newly<br />
established foundation, <strong>Malala</strong> engages local participants,<br />
government administrators, and world leaders to advocate<br />
for policies that will effectively provide education to all<br />
citizens. This essay will examine <strong>Malala</strong>’s leadership work,<br />
recognized internationally, through the following learning<br />
objectives:<br />
• Leadership theories<br />
• <strong>Malala</strong>’s leadership style<br />
• Leadership goals and strategies<br />
• Collective action<br />
Background<br />
While <strong>Malala</strong> was in primary school, Taliban forces took<br />
control in the Swat Valley of Pakistan, and they issued a<br />
decree that all girls’ schools be closed. Parents and teachers<br />
were threatened if they refused to comply. <strong>Malala</strong>’s daily<br />
walk to school became dangerous when the Taliban patrols<br />
exerted power over the community’s institutions and<br />
directed the local women to cover themselves, stay indoors,<br />
and travel with a male protector. Because these directives<br />
were framed as deriving from religious teachings and were<br />
filtered through the valley in print and radio broadcasts,<br />
some community members sympathized with the edicts<br />
and joined the Taliban ranks and many chose to be silent.<br />
Ziauddin Yousafzai, <strong>Malala</strong>’s father, was one of the few who<br />
spoke on national and international media resisting the<br />
Taliban’s decree while promoting the rights of children to<br />
an education. He opposed the mandate and continued to<br />
keep his school open. In her memoir, <strong>Malala</strong> wrote of her<br />
father’s actions and of the challenges Swat Valley social<br />
institutions encountered from political and religious factions.<br />
Eventually her actions gained outside community support<br />
and contributed to shaping a larger platform for universal<br />
access to education.<br />
Leadership Overview<br />
The concept of leadership is conditioned by cultural,<br />
religious, economic, political, and social conditions, and it is<br />
informed by historical and contemporary stories. Leadership<br />
topics can be traced throughout history; both the Iliad<br />
and the Odyssey reference effective leadership qualities,<br />
and philosophers from Plato to Confucius, wrestled with<br />
the subject. For Muslims, Prophet Muhammad’s 1 life and<br />
actions serve as a model of good leadership. Legends,<br />
folk tales, adventure stories, and religious narratives detail<br />
individual feats or events that inspire a community to action<br />
and instill values.<br />
An important historical figure for Pakistani and Afghan<br />
schoolchildren in the Pashtun culture is <strong>Malala</strong>i of Maiwand,<br />
for whom <strong>Malala</strong> Yousafzai is named. In 1880, <strong>Malala</strong>i,<br />
1<br />
The salawat, “salah allahu alaihi wa sallam”, is a phrase that Muslims use to pronounce blessings upon the Prophet Muhammad. Sometimes the<br />
phrase is abbreviated as SAW or PBUH for “peace be upon him,” but these abbreviations are controversial and to some, suggest a lack of respect.<br />
With this in mind, we have used the full salawat in Arabic, as a superscript, in line with contemporary literary conventions seen in texts about Islam.<br />
MALALA LEADERSHIP ESSAY 27
a young Afghanistan heroine, rallied Pashtun people to<br />
continue their battle against British invaders. <strong>Malala</strong>i’s story<br />
inspires Pashtun identity and core values, while connecting<br />
succeeding generations to Pashtunwali, the code of the<br />
Pashtuns, which includes centuries-old traditional principles<br />
of courage and generosity. In her text, <strong>Malala</strong> claims this<br />
leader as “our very own Joan of Arc.” (Yousafzai 15)<br />
Though no universally accepted definition of leadership<br />
exists, many contemporary writers identify leadership<br />
as a complex process that involves the engagement of<br />
a community working toward a shared goal, vision, or<br />
interest. Leaders act as a catalyst within an organization or<br />
community: initiating collective action around a common<br />
interest, accepting responsibility for completion of stated<br />
goals, communicating the community’s position with outside<br />
partners, and exhibiting courage in the face of conflict.<br />
The essential characteristics for a successful leader include<br />
vision, self-knowledge, critical thinking and problem-solving<br />
capacity, adept communication skills, personal integrity, and<br />
responsibility. At the outset of the text, <strong>Malala</strong> reveals her<br />
vision: a concept of equal access to education. Speaking<br />
at public events, first as an apprentice to her father and<br />
later as a featured guest, she has developed language<br />
skills and reasoning ability to effectively communicate her<br />
vision. When an opportunity opens for more dialogue or<br />
action, <strong>Malala</strong> seizes the invitation. She writes about her fear<br />
of public speaking and the greater responsibility to carry<br />
out the mission of access to education. In interviews, she<br />
responds insightfully to questions about the actions and<br />
decisions that affect education rights globally.<br />
Charismatic leaders motivate and inspire others to take<br />
action. <strong>Malala</strong> identifies Benazir Bhutto, Pakistan’s former<br />
prime minister, as a powerful role model who embodied<br />
leadership qualities of charisma, political astuteness, and<br />
tough opposition to rivals. Prime Minister Bhutto received<br />
the 2008 United Nations Prize for Human Rights; following<br />
in her role model’s footsteps, <strong>Malala</strong> Yousafzai was a 2013<br />
recipient of the same prize. Recognizing the importance of<br />
community participation to effect significant policy change,<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> does not present herself as a heroic leader but as<br />
a humble and responsible member of a working group. In<br />
a 2013 U.N. speech to other young education advocates,<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> identified herself as “one girl among many,” and she<br />
spoke of the philosophy of nonviolence learned from the<br />
work of Bacha Khan, Mahatma Gandhi, and Mother Teresa.<br />
Integrity is viewed as an essential trait for effective leaders.<br />
Participants are willing to invest when they can rely on<br />
the leader’s core values; trust inspires confidence. <strong>Malala</strong><br />
accepts responsibility for working within existing community<br />
structures to implement change, and she speaks for those<br />
without a public platform. Writing about the U.N. speech she<br />
delivered in 2013, she states: “Deep in my heart I hoped to<br />
reach every child who could take courage from my words<br />
and stand up for his or her rights.” (Yousafzai 310) She<br />
intended her speech to reach beyond the delegates in the<br />
room, to travel deep into the fault lines of poverty and give<br />
others hope and support.<br />
Theories on Leadership:<br />
Western and Islamic Perspectives<br />
Historically, stories of leaders who have inspired group<br />
actions often emphasize three elements: distinct traits,<br />
aspects of a leader’s engagement with committed<br />
followers working to achieve end goals, and the situational<br />
environment or landscape that influences group actions.<br />
Current leadership literature combines the identified<br />
elements and points toward a nuanced interpretation of<br />
leadership as a process, recognizing the fluid interplay<br />
among constituent parts of individual, community, and<br />
situation. James MacGregor Burns adds to leadership<br />
literature with a discussion of the ethical/moral dimension<br />
of leadership. Writing about the collective responsibility<br />
of citizens to work toward alleviating human rights<br />
needs worldwide, he states: “The task of leadership is to<br />
accomplish some change in the world…. Its actions and<br />
achievements are measured by the supreme public values<br />
that themselves are the profoundest expressions of human<br />
wants: liberty and equality, justice and opportunity, the<br />
pursuit of happiness.” (Burns, Transforming Leadership 4)<br />
A. Leadercentric Theories - Traits, Skills, and Style<br />
Traditional Western leadership theory first identified specific<br />
leader traits or characteristics derived from great man<br />
stories. Professional skills or knowledge competencies and<br />
behavior actions or style were identified, mid 20th century,<br />
as integral components providing additional tools for<br />
assessing successful leaders.<br />
1. Trait leadership theory, first identified in the early<br />
20th century, recognized characteristics attributed<br />
to the leader. Research on leadership traits “points<br />
to six key traits: intelligence, confidence, charisma,<br />
determination, sociability and integrity.” (Northouse,<br />
Introduction to Leadership 27) Today, leadership<br />
scholars acknowledge these leadership traits as a<br />
valuable component in the scope of leadership theory,<br />
while also recognizing the limits of a leadercentric<br />
perspective. Traits analysis focuses on the leader,<br />
without acknowledging the important exchange<br />
between leader and follower; and it does not account<br />
for different situational needs. Additionally, the<br />
demands of working with one group may require traits<br />
not appropriate or necessary in other settings.<br />
MALALA LEADERSHIP ESSAY 28
2. Skills leadership theory, first explored by Robert<br />
Katz in 1955, identified “skills and abilities that can<br />
be learned and developed.” (Northouse, Leadership<br />
Theory and Practice 35) Katz positioned management<br />
leadership capacity to include technical proficiency<br />
skills, human or people skills, and conceptual/idea<br />
skills. In the past 20 years researchers have greatly<br />
expanded the skills leadership theory and identified<br />
a skills-based leadership model that speaks to<br />
the potential of individuals to develop leadership<br />
competencies in problem solving, social judgment<br />
abilities, and knowledge competencies. (Northouse,<br />
Leadership Theory and Practice 39)<br />
3. Style leadership theory analyzes leaders’ actions as<br />
they “facilitate goal accomplishment … and nurture<br />
the community participants.” (Northouse, Leadership<br />
Theory and Practice 65) Both actions are joined to<br />
accommodate successful goal achievement. How the<br />
leader communicates and works with followers and<br />
facilitates interactions with outside community actors<br />
is studied to frame an analysis of the leader’s style.<br />
B. Leader/Follower Leadership Theories – Transactional,<br />
Transformational, and Social Change<br />
Early Western leadership literature focused on the leader<br />
or the follower, but it did not investigate vital relationships<br />
between leader and follower. In 1978 James MacGregor<br />
Burns identified transactional and transformational<br />
leadership styles that examined the role of leader/follower<br />
relationships. Another addition to leadership theory, the<br />
social change leadership model, developed as a collegiate<br />
training program defining a “purposeful, collaborative,<br />
values-based process that results in positive social change.”<br />
(Komives and Wagner xii)<br />
1. The transactional leader engages in an exchange<br />
with followers, based on a system of rewards<br />
and benefits.<br />
2. The transformational leader gets the community to<br />
invest in the common goal and transcend individual<br />
rewards for greater community needs.<br />
3. The two core elements of the Social Change Model<br />
state that leadership is tied to social responsibility<br />
and the common good, and that leadership functions<br />
as a collaborative process. Every participant is a<br />
stakeholder in SCM, and the leader role may shift in<br />
response to the organization’s needs.<br />
C. Islamic Leadership Values<br />
In Muslim countries, the life and work of Prophet<br />
Muhammad has had a profound influence on leadership<br />
models. The Prophet’s words, actions, and life choices serve<br />
as a role model for thoughtful leadership. John Adair in a<br />
treatise on the leadership of Prophet Muhammad writes:<br />
“Islam today is both an inheritor of the world’s body of<br />
knowledge about leadership and … a great contributor to<br />
it.” (Adair 110)<br />
Muslim leaders’ actions are influenced by Islamic religious<br />
values of honesty, integrity, equality, truthfulness, and<br />
sincerity. (Khan and Varshney). Self-awareness is considered<br />
one key leadership trait, and it “involves thankfulness and<br />
respect for Allah and His creation (the Quaranic concept of<br />
at-taqwá)… Additional qualities a leader exhibits are “purity<br />
(taharat), patient perseverance, and steadfastness (sabr).”<br />
(Danielewicz-Betz 140)<br />
In Islam, “leadership is based on trust (amanah)” and “the<br />
focus is on doing good.” (Danielewicz-Betz 140) These<br />
deeply rooted spiritual ideas drive <strong>Malala</strong>’s understanding<br />
of effective community participation and inspire her work<br />
and active citizenship. In her memoir, <strong>Malala</strong> references<br />
core values from religion, family, and teachers as significant<br />
guiding principles that inform her understanding and<br />
perception of community. She proudly locates herself within<br />
a specific cultural and religious community, identifying the<br />
basic values and needs of the group through a generous<br />
description of family and community lives.<br />
Conclusion<br />
Writing with passion and conviction, <strong>Malala</strong> reveals personal<br />
stories and insightful observations across the intersections<br />
of everyday life and the existing power structures of<br />
Pakistan’s Swat Valley. She acknowledges support from<br />
both community and world leaders, evaluating the progress<br />
of the journey thus far. She works within the community<br />
to invest in the common good and develop capacity in<br />
followers working toward equal access to education. She<br />
speaks to authority figures as an advocate and community<br />
action driver, representing the group’s needs. Within this<br />
dialogue, she reveals her charisma as she channels hope<br />
through an optimistic attitude that change is possible. Her<br />
story reveals the active process of engaging others to join<br />
the cause for equal access to education and accept social<br />
responsibility for change.<br />
MALALA LEADERSHIP ESSAY 29
WORKS CITED<br />
Adair, John. The Leadership of Muhammad. London:<br />
Kogan Page, 2010.<br />
Bass, Bernard M. Handbook of Leadership. New York: Macmillan,<br />
Inc., 1990.<br />
Burns, James MacGregor. Leadership. New York: Harper &<br />
Row, 1978.<br />
—. Transforming Leadership. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2003.<br />
Danielewicz-Betz, Anna M. “Glocalization of Leadership and Cultural<br />
Implications for Higher Education: A German-Saudi Case.” Culture<br />
and Gender in Leadership. Ed. James Rajasekar and Loo-See Beh.<br />
London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.<br />
Khan, Sami A. and Deepanjana Varshney. “Transformational<br />
Leadership in the Saudi Arabian Cultural Context: Prospects and<br />
Challenges.” Culture and Gender in Leadership. Ed. James Rajaseker<br />
and Loo-See Beh. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.<br />
Komives, Susan R. and Wendy Wagner. Leadership for a Better<br />
World: Understanding the Social Change Model of Leadership<br />
Development. San Francisco: National Clearinghouse for Leadership<br />
Programs, 2009.<br />
Komives, Susan, Nance Lucas and Timothy R. McMahon. Exploring<br />
Leadership: For College Students Who Want to Make a Change. San<br />
Francisco: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2013.<br />
Northouse, Peter G. Introduction to Leadership. Thousand Oaks: Sage<br />
Publications Inc., 2012.<br />
—. Leadership Theory and Practice. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications,<br />
Inc., 2004.<br />
Shankman, Marcy L. and Scott J. Allen. Emotionally Intelligent<br />
Leadership: A Guide for College Students. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass,<br />
2008.<br />
Shea, Erin E. O’Brien & Jennifer. Gender and Women’s Leadership,<br />
A Reference Handbook. Ed. Karen O’Connor. Thousand Oaks: Sage<br />
Publications, Inc., 2010.<br />
Yousafzai, <strong>Malala</strong>. I Am <strong>Malala</strong>. Little Brown and Company, 2013.<br />
P A R T 2<br />
Individual Activities<br />
Maintain a reflective leadership journal, using the<br />
prompts below:<br />
1. <strong>Malala</strong> and Leadership<br />
Evaluate <strong>Malala</strong> in terms of leadership theories. Find<br />
examples from the text that pair with the leadership<br />
traits and styles found in the leadership narrative. Pair<br />
one trait or style with each quote, and then elaborate<br />
on why this excerpt fits with the leadership discussion.<br />
2. Leadership Role Models<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> references Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and<br />
<strong>Malala</strong>i of Maiwand as role models. Develop and<br />
articulate your view of leadership through a paper<br />
that includes examples of four leaders, two from your<br />
life experiences and two nationally or internationally<br />
recognized. What are their individual styles, actions,<br />
and traits How did they gain their leadership position<br />
Did the leader emerge from an existing community<br />
or organization Did they start a community around a<br />
shared goal Were they appointed or elected to the<br />
position How successful were they in achieving<br />
their goal<br />
In the text, <strong>Malala</strong> defines the importance of role<br />
models. Why were you drawn to the leaders you<br />
identify Are they role models for you Do you see<br />
yourself working in one of these fields What can you<br />
do now to position yourself for this work<br />
3. Vision<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> clearly defines her vision for equal access to<br />
education throughout the text. Her work develops<br />
incrementally as she explores the issue. Can you<br />
outline the steps that led her from a local to a national<br />
platform Where did she begin to define the issue<br />
How did she communicate the ideas Who were her<br />
different audiences<br />
For you, what are three to five things that you want<br />
to accomplish by the end of this year For each goal,<br />
what are the two or three tasks that will help you<br />
reach that goal How will you measure your progress<br />
toward those goals: weekly, bi-weekly, monthly Will<br />
these goals engage others How will you establish a<br />
consistent group action plan<br />
MALALA LEADERSHIP ESSAY 30
4. Community Engagement<br />
List community organizations within your locale,<br />
connect with one of these organizations, and volunteer<br />
10 hours or more with the group. Keep a journal about<br />
the experience. Note the leadership structure within<br />
the volunteer group. How do you interact with others<br />
who are not close friends Who takes responsibility<br />
How is that manifested Is there a group dynamic<br />
How do you build trust with others Are you taking any<br />
risks, moving outside your comfort zone<br />
5. Self-Knowledge<br />
Take the Myers-Briggs Test at<br />
http://www humanmetrics.com/cgi-win/jtypes2.<br />
asp#questionnaire. Score the test to identify<br />
your strengths.<br />
P A R T 3<br />
Group Activities<br />
Share group results online. Use charts, visuals, and video to<br />
enhance the findings.<br />
1. Presentation of a leadership topic or quote<br />
Each student is responsible for introducing a<br />
leadership quote, thought, or exercise into one class<br />
meeting for group discussion.<br />
2. Leadership characteristics identified<br />
Create a list of leaders from different fields and<br />
different nationalities: arts, politics, government,<br />
entertainment, sports, human rights, community<br />
action forums, education, finance, or other.<br />
Brainstorm together for Nos. 1–3; work alone for No.<br />
4, dividing up the leaders among the group members;<br />
collaborate for No. 5 to create a leadership packet and<br />
identify individual skill and knowledge competencies<br />
to assign roles of editor, publisher, online manuscript<br />
designer, and any other tasks involved.<br />
1. Next to each leader list one to three characteristics,<br />
qualities, or traits the leader has exhibited that are<br />
essential for effective leadership in that field.<br />
2. List the main accomplishment of that leader.<br />
3. In what situation has the leader developed:<br />
community structure, hierarchal, government<br />
And what is the leadership structure within that<br />
specific field: authoritative, collaborative, elective,<br />
transformational, transactional<br />
4. Write up a short leadership briefing on each<br />
leader; include media or printed resource<br />
materials for background information.<br />
5. Complete an online composite leadership packet.<br />
3. Vision—Work together to identify community<br />
need and create an action plan<br />
1. Identify a community need. Why is change<br />
needed What are the barriers to change<br />
2. Create an action plan or agenda that will address<br />
the issue. What are the real and hidden costs<br />
What are the expected benefits<br />
3. Establish a list of outside partners that need to be<br />
engaged for support.<br />
4. Identify subcommittees that will work on specific<br />
items to support the change.<br />
5. How often and when will the group access<br />
progress<br />
4. Role Playing—Leader/Follower<br />
Each group member develops an action item.<br />
Communicates the idea/concept to the group.<br />
Motivates others to engage in the plan. Facilitates a<br />
group meeting that will work to design and implement<br />
the suggested agenda item. Evaluates progress and<br />
makes changes to move forward.<br />
MALALA LEADERSHIP ESSAY 31
P A R T 4<br />
Resources<br />
Ted Talks on Leadership:<br />
http://www.ted.com/topics/leadership<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> on YouTube:<br />
https://www.youtube.com/user/<strong>Malala</strong>Fund<br />
Mary Robinson Foundation: http://www.mrfcj.org<br />
University of Maryland, National Clearinghouse for<br />
Leadership Programs: https://nclp.umd.edu<br />
Sheryl WuDunn & Nicolas Kristof – Half the Sky Movement:<br />
http://www.halftheskymovement.org/pages/<br />
nicholas-and-sheryl<br />
Komives, Susan, Nance Lucas and Timothy R. McMahon.<br />
Exploring Leadership: For College Students Who Want to<br />
Make a Change. San Francisco: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2013.<br />
Shankman, Marcy L. and Scott J. Allen. Emotionally Intelligent<br />
Leadership: A Guide for College Students. San Francisco:<br />
Jossey-Bass, 2008.<br />
For more information about the resource guide, visit malala.gwu.edu or www.malala.org.<br />
MALALA LEADERSHIP ESSAY 32
MALALA AND<br />
THE MEDIA<br />
BY SEAN ADAY & SILVIO WAISBORD<br />
P A R T 1<br />
Introduction<br />
This discussion of <strong>Malala</strong> and the media seeks to make<br />
students aware of the complex yet patterned, way in which<br />
the press tends to cover social movements around gender<br />
and women’s rights, especially in the context of foreign<br />
policy issues. This narrative includes the following topics:<br />
• Understanding <strong>Malala</strong> and the media<br />
• Media influence: agenda setting and framing<br />
• Background: media coverage of social movements<br />
• Background: media coverage of foreign affairs<br />
• Intersection: framing the <strong>Malala</strong> story<br />
Understanding <strong>Malala</strong> and the Media<br />
In the West, news coverage of <strong>Malala</strong> addresses several<br />
questions of interest to media scholars in various disciplines.<br />
Some key questions are: When and why did <strong>Malala</strong><br />
become a subject of news attention For how long What<br />
is newsworthy about the story What stories are told about<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> in the Western media What aspects of <strong>Malala</strong>’s story<br />
and the issues and communities she represents get different<br />
amount of coverage Addressing these questions helps us<br />
to understand the characteristics, strengths, and limitations<br />
of news about <strong>Malala</strong>. These questions matter because<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> is essentially a “news story” and a matter of media<br />
coverage for Western audiences. Their knowledge and their<br />
understanding about <strong>Malala</strong> as well as the multiple issues<br />
that she evokes are essentially mediated—that is, they are<br />
based on news and images provided by the media.<br />
From this perspective, then, <strong>Malala</strong> can be reasonably<br />
considered a “news icon”—a point of attention of the<br />
media, which can be individuals, events, and places. A<br />
news icon functions as a gravitational center that holds<br />
media attention. <strong>Malala</strong>, then, became a news icon about<br />
various issues in the contemporary global world, including<br />
children’s education in Pakistan, Afghanistan, and around<br />
the world; violence, conflict, war, and terrorism; the<br />
conditions of girls in patriarchal societies; gender identity;<br />
and children’s rights.<br />
Media Influence: Agenda Setting and Framing<br />
There are two key concepts for understanding new media<br />
and its effects on public opinion and policymaking: agenda<br />
setting and framing. Agenda setting refers to the wellestablished<br />
power of the press to influence “what people<br />
think about,” even if it doesn’t seem to dictate what people<br />
think. In other words, media don’t appear to make people<br />
violent, but when the press runs a lot of stories over time<br />
about crime, people who read those stories are likely to<br />
say crime is an important problem, whether actual crime<br />
rates would suggest it is or isn’t. Scholars have found this<br />
connection between the media agenda and the public<br />
agenda in numerous studies over the past 40 years.<br />
MALALA AND THE MEDIA 33
As opposed to agenda setting, which is about the quantity<br />
of coverage of an issue, framing is about how that issue is<br />
covered. Virtually every story has many different sides and<br />
potential storylines a journalist could choose to emphasize.<br />
Yet journalists often make patterned decisions to cover<br />
certain types of stories in one way rather than another. In the<br />
same way that looking out a window shows you only part of<br />
the picture, media frames similarly represent only one way<br />
of understanding a story. Political campaigns, for example,<br />
are typically framed in terms of their tactics, strategies, and<br />
personalities—who’s winning and who’s losing—rather<br />
than in terms of issues. Research shows that how stories are<br />
framed often influences how audiences understand and<br />
think about the issues and topics being covered.<br />
Agenda setting and framing are powerful concepts for<br />
understanding the nature of news coverage of <strong>Malala</strong>’s<br />
story, why it was covered the way it was (and why alternative<br />
frames were downplayed or ignored), and what influence<br />
this might have on shaping public and policy discourse.<br />
For example, we would expect that when media covered<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> a lot, the public and policymakers might be more<br />
likely to prioritize the issues raised in those stories. But here<br />
is where framing comes in. What aspect of the <strong>Malala</strong> story<br />
ended up being covered The answer has implications for<br />
what type of information was conveyed and, at its essence,<br />
what “the story” really was.<br />
The following research strategies could be adopted in order<br />
to study the <strong>Malala</strong> story from agenda setting and framing<br />
perspectives. First, to get at the agenda-setting question,<br />
one would want to literally count the number of stories<br />
about <strong>Malala</strong> that ran in the media. Here, however, some<br />
choices must be made. Which media are we interested in<br />
TV, radio, newspaper, or digital U.S., Western, Pakistani<br />
How we answer those and other questions depends mostly<br />
on what audiences interest us. For instance, if we are<br />
interested in whether <strong>Malala</strong> made a difference in shaping<br />
Pakistani public opinion, we’d look at Pakistani media.<br />
Background: Media Coverage of<br />
Social Movements<br />
<strong>Malala</strong>’s story as a media story can be analyzed in terms<br />
of the opportunities and challenges it brings for social<br />
movements to get media coverage. It is not simply or only<br />
a story about a girl who was a victim of senseless violence<br />
after she defied the Taliban. Her remarkable story has<br />
multiple layers that speak to the interests of many social<br />
movements promoting women and children’s rights,<br />
educational opportunities, gender roles, and the peaceful<br />
resolution of conflicts in South Asia and the world. The<br />
issues that <strong>Malala</strong> represents suffer a “double invisibility”:<br />
They rank low among top priorities across countries, and<br />
they are generally ignored by the media. These are the<br />
twofold challenges for most social movements: How do<br />
they get attention from the public and policymakers and<br />
become important in political/policy debates How do they<br />
attract media attention to remedy the absence in the public<br />
sphere Since the attack, <strong>Malala</strong> triumphantly became a<br />
global spokesperson for these issues. She is a news icon—a<br />
news peg for the Western and the global media to cover<br />
various issues.<br />
Given her profile and the issues that <strong>Malala</strong> represents, it is<br />
worth considering arguments about how social movements<br />
are typically covered in the media. In contrast to political<br />
and economic elites, social movements generally lack<br />
institutional power to make news. What they say and<br />
do is less likely to make news compared with official<br />
and corporate sources who count on well-established<br />
newsmaking mechanisms to churn out information regularly<br />
and enjoy legitimacy as “legitimate” newsmakers in the<br />
media. Therefore, social movements need to rely on<br />
strategies to overcome their disadvantages and gain media<br />
attention. Put differently, unlike elites, movements are in<br />
asymmetrical relations vis-à-vis the media. They need the<br />
media more than the media need them.<br />
Framing works a little differently. Framing is about figuring<br />
out what aspects of the story were selected and prioritized<br />
in stories (e.g., by putting them in story leads, or headlines,<br />
or at the top of the newscast). It also often requires the<br />
researcher to categorize the frames. For instance, we may be<br />
interested in whether some media covered the story more<br />
substantively (or thematically, as it is sometimes referred<br />
to in communication research) or more superficially (or<br />
episodically). Perhaps even more important with a story like<br />
<strong>Malala</strong>’s, we may be interested in knowing whether media<br />
were more likely to frame her story in terms of conflict in<br />
Pakistan and the local or global gender-based violence and<br />
women’s equality, or in terms of terrorism.<br />
MALALA AND THE MEDIA 34
Whereas some movements refuse to engage with the<br />
rules of the mainstream media, and prefer to rely on their<br />
own media platforms, others pragmatically try to obtain<br />
coverage to publicize their causes. Aside from conventional<br />
newsmaking strategies (e.g., press releases, planned<br />
events), social movements resort to protest and other<br />
forms of public theater as steps to get media attention.<br />
In opting for these actions, they consistently confront<br />
well-documented challenges that are remarkably similar<br />
across movements and countries. They are more likely to<br />
attract news attention when their actions offer elements<br />
of drama, conflict, and media-appealing personalities.<br />
Therefore, social movements are caught in a bind: They<br />
may get news attention if they offer visible elements that<br />
fit the news media’s appetite for such content. If they lack<br />
those elements, they are less likely to get news attention.<br />
Coverage focuses on dramatic and conflictive elements<br />
and on leaders who have media charisma and other<br />
characteristics, thereby distorting the goals, practices,<br />
and organizations of social movements. Also, movements<br />
are more likely to get news attention when their actions<br />
fit typical news values such as geographical and cultural<br />
proximity, large size, and ongoing media narratives. These<br />
biases flatten the complexities of social movements and<br />
the issues they represent. Consequently, media coverage<br />
generally offers a simplistic view that reduces collective<br />
mobilization and social issues to a few images and stories.<br />
Given these well-documented biases, it is worth asking<br />
whether news coverage of <strong>Malala</strong> confirms such conclusions<br />
or, instead, suggests important differences.<br />
Background: Media Coverage of Foreign Affairs<br />
Over the years mass communication researchers have<br />
consistently found that mainstream media tend to<br />
reinforce dominant sociocultural norms and values, confer<br />
status upon that which is covered (and thus relegate to<br />
“nonevents” that which is not), and make decisions about<br />
coverage that are heavily routinized and source driven.<br />
These conclusions are, if anything, even truer when it comes<br />
to media coverage of foreign affairs. In addition, severe<br />
budget cutbacks in U.S. news divisions since the early 1980s<br />
have led to a drastic reduction in the amount of international<br />
news available to American and Western audiences via the<br />
mainstream media.<br />
In general, foreign policy coverage tends to be (a)<br />
ethnocentric, (b) elite driven, (c) uncritical of official and<br />
military claims, and (d) episodic (e.g., usually covering<br />
other countries when senior White House officials travel to<br />
or otherwise prioritize them). What does this tell us about<br />
media coverage of the <strong>Malala</strong> story First, it suggests that<br />
international media, especially in the U.S. and other Western<br />
countries, are likely to frame her story through the prism of<br />
the foreign policy priorities and perspectives of the country<br />
where the media originate. In this case, that means that<br />
<strong>Malala</strong>’s story becomes fused with the overarching story<br />
of the global war on terrorism. Second, it means that the<br />
broader social movement that has arisen around <strong>Malala</strong>,<br />
like other social movements before it, faces challenges<br />
in transmitting its agenda through the international<br />
mainstream media. That’s because the media are likely to<br />
reinterpret the story for an international audience through<br />
the lens of their own ethnocentrically driven frames and<br />
perspectives. The questions then become: How did<br />
the <strong>Malala</strong> movement frame itself How was the <strong>Malala</strong><br />
movement framed in the press And how did that framing<br />
differ based on the country’s media we’re studying<br />
Intersection: Framing the <strong>Malala</strong> Story<br />
Previous research suggests that social movements have<br />
difficulty transferring their frames to mainstream media<br />
coverage of them and their issues. The question is, did this<br />
happen with the <strong>Malala</strong> movement, too If so, in what way(s)<br />
and why If not, why the exception in this case<br />
Based on what we know about coverage of social<br />
movements, gender-related issues, and international affairs,<br />
we might venture some hypotheses about media attention<br />
to <strong>Malala</strong> that are worth testing. For instance, we might<br />
expect that in the international media, <strong>Malala</strong>’s story is<br />
likely to be only somewhat about gender-based violence<br />
and women’s empowerment and a lot more about fighting<br />
terrorism. Why Because those topics are the priorities of<br />
Western powers. Similarly, <strong>Malala</strong>’s attacker is likely to be<br />
mainly understood as Taliban—an enemy of the West—more<br />
than as part of a larger, globalized patriarchal culture—an<br />
enemy of women and, ultimately, everyone. This would not<br />
only change the way international audiences understand<br />
why <strong>Malala</strong>’s story is important and what lessons we can<br />
draw from it; it also has important implications for the<br />
movement itself. In particular, it creates an incentive to<br />
accept the war on terrorism framed as an entrée to the<br />
media coverage necessary to get one’s broader message<br />
out. The challenge for the <strong>Malala</strong> movement, as with other<br />
movements, is to find a way to educate the world about that<br />
larger message about conflict, peace, access to education,<br />
and gender equality given these obstacles.<br />
MALALA AND THE MEDIA 35
P A R T 2<br />
Individual and Group Activities<br />
These activities could be conducted as group projects or as<br />
individual research papers. Group projects make it easier<br />
to conduct cross-media and cross-cultural research, while<br />
individual papers develop skills necessary for academic/<br />
think tank writing and publishing.<br />
Students will refer to the narrative in order to address the<br />
following tasks and questions:<br />
• Develop research questions and hypotheses to test<br />
the agenda-setting and framing questions related to<br />
the <strong>Malala</strong> story.<br />
• Develop a research design to test these research<br />
questions and hypotheses.<br />
• Content analysis: Which media TV, radio, newspaper,<br />
or digital U.S., Western, Pakistani<br />
• Agenda-setting study: Count the number of stories<br />
about <strong>Malala</strong> that ran in the media.<br />
• Framing study: Framing is about figuring out what<br />
aspects of the story were selected and prioritized<br />
in stories (e.g., by putting them in story ledes, or<br />
headlines, or at the top of the newscast).<br />
• Did some media cover the story more substantively<br />
(or thematically, as it is sometimes referred to in<br />
communication research) or more superficially (or<br />
episodically)<br />
• Were some media more likely to frame her story in<br />
terms of gender-based violence and women’s equality,<br />
or in terms of terrorism And did this vary by the<br />
foreign policy priorities of the media organization’s<br />
home country<br />
P A R T 3<br />
Resources<br />
The following supplemental reading materials<br />
are suggested:<br />
Aday S., Livingston, S. & Hebert, M. (2005b). “Embedding<br />
the Truth: A Cross-Cultural Analysis of Objectivity and<br />
Television Coverage of the Iraq War.” Harvard International<br />
Journal of Press/Politics, 10 (1), 3-21.<br />
Baum, M.A., & Groeling, T. (2010). War Stories: How Strategic<br />
Journalists, Citizens, and Politicians Shape the News About<br />
War. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.<br />
Bennett, W.L. (1994). “The News About Foreign Policy.” In<br />
Bennett, W.L. and Paletz, D.L. (eds.). Taken by Storm: The<br />
Media, Public Opinion, and U.S. Foreign Policy in the Gulf<br />
War (12-42). Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.<br />
Carter, Cynthia; Steiner, Linda; & McLaughlin, Lisa (eds.). The<br />
Routledge Companion to Media & Gender.<br />
Gitlin, T. (1980). The Whole World Is Watching. Los Angeles:<br />
University of California Press.<br />
Iyengar and Simon. “News Coverage of the Gulf Crisis and<br />
Public Opinion” (in Bennett and Paletz), (167-185).<br />
Jacky Repila. The Politics of Our Lives: The Raising Her Voice<br />
in Pakistan Experience, OXFAM GB.<br />
Robinson, P. (1999). “The CNN Effect: Can the News Media<br />
Drive Foreign Policy” Political Communication (25), pp.<br />
301-309.<br />
Wolfsfeld, G. (2004). Media and the Path to Peace.<br />
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.<br />
Zaller, J. and Chiu, D. (1996). “Government’s Little Helper:<br />
U.S. Press Coverage of Foreign Policy Crises, 1945-1991.”<br />
Political Communication, 12, 385-405.<br />
Entman, R.M. (2004). Projections of Power: Framing News,<br />
Public Opinion, and U.S. Foreign Policy. Chicago: University<br />
of Chicago Press.<br />
For more information about the resource guide, visit malala.gwu.edu or www.malala.org.<br />
MALALA AND THE MEDIA 36
GLOBAL FEMINISMS:<br />
SPEAKING AND ACTING<br />
ABOUT WOMEN AND GIRLS<br />
BY RACHEL RIEDNER<br />
P A R T 1<br />
Introduction<br />
My discussion of <strong>Malala</strong> Yousafzai’s powerful book, I Am<br />
<strong>Malala</strong>: The Girl Who Stood Up for Education and Was Shot<br />
by the Taliban, begins with a simple question: Why and in<br />
what circumstances is it necessary for a young woman make<br />
a call for “peace in every home, every street, every village,<br />
every country… [and] education for every boy and every<br />
girl in the world” (313) The lack of peace, the inability of<br />
girls (and boys) to attend school, and the vulnerability of<br />
young women to gendered violence are not inevitable. As<br />
feminist scholar Cynthia Enloe suggests, the events that<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> describes are the result of choices that are made<br />
by communities, by nations, by individuals, by families,<br />
by supranational organizations, and by global political<br />
institutions.<br />
This essay will address the following points:<br />
• The role of global feminism in responding to<br />
acts of violence<br />
• Local and global gendered violence<br />
• The violence of representation<br />
• Generating a feminist response<br />
The Role of Feminism in Responding<br />
to Acts of Violence<br />
As feminists look at the world, we have learned to ask<br />
difficult questions about how choices are made. As Enloe<br />
says, we ask “whether anything that passes for inevitable,<br />
inherent, ‘traditional,’ or biological has in fact been made.”<br />
Asking how things are made or why events happen,<br />
suggests they are made by someone. By looking at <strong>Malala</strong>’s<br />
story as the shooting of a young girl who wanted to attend<br />
school, we can begin to examine the conditions under which<br />
gendered violence became visible and about the motives<br />
of those who give gendered violence attention. Global<br />
feminists ask questions and conduct research in order to<br />
find clues about how to create activist responses. Ultimately<br />
we ask, how can we create change in our own communities,<br />
and create alliances and collaborations with women and<br />
girls across global borders<br />
Local and Global Gendered Violence<br />
How do we understand violence against <strong>Malala</strong> and her<br />
two friends Kainat and Shazia by members of the Taliban<br />
through a global feminist framework The answer to this<br />
question is not simple: It involves both an understanding of<br />
the contemporary history of <strong>Malala</strong>’s community in the Swat<br />
Valley of Pakistan, with the emerging of radical religious<br />
views, and an understanding of international forces at work.<br />
As <strong>Malala</strong> details in her book, her childhood and education<br />
coincided with events that have global and local resonance.<br />
In the aftermath of 9/11, the Swat Valley, where <strong>Malala</strong> lived,<br />
was caught up in events closely tied to colonial histories<br />
and contemporary struggles over the reach and influence<br />
of U.S. and NATO power as well as the situation of the<br />
Pashtun people. Taliban insurgents entered the Swat Valley<br />
and were able to establish social and political influence.<br />
The Taliban introduced public violence against people who<br />
were perceived as not fitting into their version of Islamic<br />
social practice. As <strong>Malala</strong> recounts, the Taliban targeted<br />
women who danced in public, shopkeepers who sold items<br />
considered to represent vulgarity or obscenity (e.g., TV<br />
shows, CDs), and others who spoke or behaved in ways<br />
that opposed the Taliban’s authority. In this fraught context,<br />
struggle over social and political control coalesced around<br />
gendered behavior and girls’ school attendance. Girls<br />
were prohibited from attending school, and women were<br />
prohibited from appearing in public without a veil.<br />
GLOBAL FEMINISMS: SPEAKING AND ACTING ABOUT WOMEN AND GIRLS 37
The gendered violence that <strong>Malala</strong> describes is not unusual<br />
or out of the ordinary. In many local and global contexts,<br />
violence used to control women is a commonplace event.<br />
For example, anthropologist Patty Kelly documents how<br />
police target and harass women whose livelihoods have<br />
been destroyed and who, because they lack other economic<br />
opportunities, enter sex work to support their families and<br />
children. This gendered violence is normalized and built into<br />
the felt experiences of daily life. It is difficult to recognize as<br />
violence because restrictions on women’s lives and limited<br />
economic opportunities for women are not seen as out of<br />
the ordinary.<br />
Organizing against gendered violence requires<br />
understanding local conditions in which women and girls<br />
live, act, and speak, as well as understanding how gendered<br />
symbols and gendered ideologies operate and how they are<br />
tied to global practices and discourses. As <strong>Malala</strong> shows us,<br />
challenging gendered violence builds from understanding<br />
how and why it occurs. Just as important, challenging<br />
gendered violence entails speaking out, organizing, creating<br />
alliances, and changing normal, everyday behavior—as<br />
<strong>Malala</strong>, her father, and her friends did—when faced with<br />
efforts to control and restrict women and girl’s activities.<br />
This twofold focus—attention to real, material conditions<br />
of women and girl’s lives and, concurrently, acting and<br />
speaking—is at the core of the global feminist movement.<br />
When we approach gendered violence, we always ask, How<br />
do women and girls, “as historically situated actors, cop[e]<br />
with, and seek to transform the conditions of their lives”<br />
(Kabeer 54)<br />
Violence of Representation<br />
As we ask questions about gendered violence, global<br />
feminists are attentive to the ways in which gendered<br />
violence is understood by differently situated people and<br />
communities. Feminist scholars of language argue that<br />
ideas about gender are formed through political discourses:<br />
interpretations and particular ways of seeing that are tied to<br />
powerful ways of viewing women and girls (Dingo, Scott).<br />
For example, the violence against <strong>Malala</strong> is often discussed<br />
in the U.S. media and other Western institutions through<br />
pre-established ideas about Islam and gender. In this<br />
discourse, the violence that <strong>Malala</strong> faced is seen through<br />
an established view of Islam as inherently patriarchal and<br />
violent toward women.<br />
As feminists work to create political responses, we take into<br />
account how events are perceived, particularly events that<br />
are tied up in established beliefs about gender and religion.<br />
In a global feminist analysis, the worldwide attention that<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> received after she was shot by the Taliban is filtered<br />
through common-sense ideologies held by the Western<br />
world about Islam, Muslims, and women. Post 9/11, women<br />
and girls in Pakistan and Afghanistan are viewed through<br />
gendered rescue narratives, in which women and girls are<br />
considered to be victims of religious-based patriarchy who<br />
are in need of saving (Hesford). Rescue narratives have been<br />
promoted and circulated by prominent political figures<br />
such as Laura Bush, by global economic institutions such<br />
as the World Bank, and by NGOs and other prominent<br />
international actors. In gendered rescue narratives, Islam<br />
is seen as patriarchal, and, therefore, violence against<br />
women is seen as systemic to Islam. As global feminists<br />
have pointed out, Western discourse does not adequately<br />
acknowledge a nuanced understanding of the many<br />
practices of Islam. Like other major religions and in other<br />
communities, some of these religious and community<br />
practices are patriarchal and some are not.<br />
Building from a feminist analysis of discourses about Islam,<br />
global feminists are concerned with how <strong>Malala</strong>’s story is<br />
understood through pre-established ideas about women<br />
and Islam. In a context in which Islam is perceived as<br />
inherently patriarchal, global feminists ask what happens<br />
when <strong>Malala</strong>’s story circulates in contexts where people read<br />
it through preconceived notions of Muslim women. Our role<br />
in this situation is to ask provocative questions: When global<br />
institutions such as the U.N. invite <strong>Malala</strong> to speak, is a claim<br />
being made that gendered violence as a whole is being<br />
addressed Is there a danger that, by focusing on individual<br />
women’s experience, attention is diverted from the systemic<br />
gendered violence that exists in multiple locations, including<br />
Western nations Does recognizing violence by extremist<br />
and religious-based groups in Pakistan mean that violence<br />
experienced by women in other locations is not addressed<br />
Does drawing attention to violence experienced by one<br />
young woman, as <strong>Malala</strong> emphasizes, divert attention from<br />
other important political discussions, including the invasion<br />
of Afghanistan, drone strikes in Pakistan, or demonizing the<br />
Muslim world<br />
Generating Feminist Responses<br />
The public responses to the events of <strong>Malala</strong>’s life remind<br />
us to carefully navigate how the image of a young, brave<br />
Muslim woman may be complicated by a wider analysis<br />
of other forms of violence, i.e., U.S.-ordered drone strikes,<br />
poverty, war, social and political conflicts, and violence that<br />
takes place privately, often within families or communities.<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> herself suggests this nuanced approach to women’s<br />
and girls’ empowerment. As she points out in her discussion<br />
of drones and poverty, the conflict situation that women and<br />
girls face in Pakistan extends beyond a critique of extremist<br />
religious Islamic use of violence against women. She<br />
notes that imperial violence and gendered violence have<br />
a detrimental impact on women and girls and inhibit their<br />
capacities to live safe and fulfilling lives.<br />
In fact, <strong>Malala</strong>’s book does the important work of creating a<br />
complex, multifaceted analysis of and response to gendered<br />
violence and social and material conditions in which women<br />
and girls live. In addition to analyzing gendered violence,<br />
<strong>Malala</strong> asks us to pay attention to the social and material<br />
conditions in which women and girls live in Pakistan,<br />
GLOBAL FEMINISMS: SPEAKING AND ACTING ABOUT WOMEN AND GIRLS 38
Afghanistan, and elsewhere. <strong>Malala</strong> points to the economic<br />
constraints that factor into women’s and girls’ lack of agency.<br />
In a short passage in the book, <strong>Malala</strong> observes a young girl<br />
selling fruit by the side of the road. This young girl is not in<br />
school, and therefore, the possibilities for her advancement<br />
are limited. <strong>Malala</strong>’s analysis shows that poverty, as well as<br />
multiple forms of violence and conflicts, limits women’s<br />
freedom and voice. Her ambition to get an education that<br />
would enable her to be economically independent suggests<br />
women’s participation in formal economy can create context<br />
for autonomy and independence. Economic opportunities,<br />
as <strong>Malala</strong> shows, are an important aspect of women’s<br />
empowerment.<br />
In sum, <strong>Malala</strong>’s memoir shows us that the situation of<br />
women and girls must be informed by a multifaceted<br />
analysis of women in relation to local economic conditions,<br />
political situations, ideologies of gender (not to mention<br />
other social categories) as well as analysis of women in<br />
relation to global economic arrangements, political alliances<br />
and histories, and ideologies. It is within the recognition<br />
and analysis of how these local and global forces intersect<br />
that we, like <strong>Malala</strong>, are compelled to speak and act (Dingo).<br />
With a robust and responsive understanding of the world<br />
in which we live, gendered violence can be made visible,<br />
experiences that create social exclusions can be recognized,<br />
and the material conditions that prohibit individuals and<br />
communities from reaching their full capacities, such as<br />
poverty, can be addressed.<br />
WORKS CITED<br />
Dingo, Rebecca. Networking Arguments: Rhetoric, Transnational<br />
Feminism, and Public Policy Writing. Pittsburgh, PA: University of<br />
Pittsburgh Press, 2012. Print.<br />
Enloe, Cynthia. Bananas, Beaches, and Bases: Making Feminist<br />
Sense of International Politics. Berkeley: University of California Press,<br />
1990. Print.<br />
Hesford, Wendy. Spectacular Rhetorics: Human Rights Visions,<br />
Recognitions, Feminisms. Durham, NC: Duke University Press,<br />
2011. Print.<br />
Kabeer, Naila. Reversed Realities: Gender Hierarchies in<br />
Development Thought. London: Verso, 1995. Print.<br />
Scott, Joan. “Universalism and the History of Feminism.”<br />
Differences: A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies 7.1 (1995) 1-14.<br />
P A R T 2<br />
Individual and Group Activities<br />
1. Discuss the following points about global feminism.<br />
Why and how do global feminists (like <strong>Malala</strong>):<br />
• Ask questions and tell stories about gender and<br />
gendered violence, and the material conditions in<br />
which women and girls live<br />
• Advocate for realization of the full human potential<br />
of women and girls, including their political and<br />
economic enfranchisement<br />
• Emphasize education for women and girls as a<br />
means to create independence and social voice<br />
• Work for the economic participation and<br />
empowerment of women and girls as a means of<br />
securing independence<br />
• Work within their own communities, and with<br />
feminist organizations, to share information,<br />
strategies, and ideas that translate into action<br />
2. How might we need to understand multiple categories<br />
that work together to construct <strong>Malala</strong>’s experiences<br />
of gendered violence, including but not limited<br />
to gender, race, community, nation, state, religion,<br />
culture, tradition, ability, age, and sexuality What<br />
other categories might we need to consider<br />
3. What is the difference between <strong>Malala</strong> Yousafzai<br />
the singular example and historical figure who has<br />
spoken so eloquently and passionately about her own<br />
experience for education and <strong>Malala</strong> who is held up as<br />
a symbol of globalized political system that claims to<br />
offer recognition and support to women in the Global<br />
South Why, for feminists, is it important to distinguish<br />
between <strong>Malala</strong> Yousafzai the person and <strong>Malala</strong><br />
Yousafzai the symbol Is <strong>Malala</strong> including the global<br />
agenda or vice versa How is <strong>Malala</strong> influencing the<br />
global agenda for the rights of girls (and boys) to an<br />
education and the feminist movement<br />
4. How might we expand our analysis of gendered<br />
violence that women and girls face in local<br />
communities to consider wider systems of violence<br />
that <strong>Malala</strong> discusses For example, how do drone<br />
strikes by the U.S. military destabilize political, social,<br />
and community life, creating openings for extremist<br />
views and groups such as the Taliban How might<br />
poverty that is produced, in part, by global economic<br />
structures contribute to the restrictions placed on<br />
women’s lives<br />
GLOBAL FEMINISMS: SPEAKING AND ACTING ABOUT WOMEN AND GIRLS 39
5. Given differences among women and girls across<br />
global and local borders, how might these differences<br />
be negotiated to create networks of support, alliance,<br />
and activism Along these lines, what mutualities,<br />
tensions, and co-responsibilities do we have with and<br />
for each other How do the historical experiences<br />
of girls in the United States, for example, or in other<br />
locations, illuminate the historical experiences of girls<br />
in Pakistan, and vice versa How are our interests<br />
intertwined In terms of women’s and girls’ activism,<br />
how are movements in both countries connected or<br />
disconnected How might cross-cultural solidarities be<br />
imagined for women and girls globally Where do we<br />
find mutuality and common interests across borders<br />
6. How might you work with local communities and<br />
organizations to address violence against women and<br />
girls in your own community As you do this work, how<br />
might you connect with feminist organizations in other<br />
communities to share strategies, experiences, and<br />
information and to collaborate around issues that are<br />
both similar and different<br />
7. How might you conduct feminist research that could<br />
inform feminist activism What would this research<br />
look like Who would benefit from it<br />
For more information about the resource guide, visit malala.gwu.edu or www.malala.org.<br />
GLOBAL FEMINISMS: SPEAKING AND ACTING ABOUT WOMEN AND GIRLS 40
A Memoir by the Youngest Recipient<br />
of the Nobel Peace Prize.<br />
To learn how to purchase the<br />
book, visit malala.gwu.edu.