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On Centrism and Dualism - Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin

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CENTRISM AND DUALISM<br />

LÉVI-STRAUSS, still unsatisfied with these attempts at underst<strong>and</strong>ing social organization in<br />

cognatic societies, proposed that his characterization of the house should be applied to all<br />

those societies where anthropologists, following the premises of descent theory, encountered<br />

analytical problems. LÉVI-STRAUSS saw these problems resulting not only from an incomplete<br />

set of structural types but, more fundamentally, from a non-workable substantivist or<br />

essentialist orientation to social organization (GILLESPIE 2000b: 28-29).<br />

Part of this orientation was the concept of corporate group that was defined according to<br />

principles such as descent or residence. LÉVI-STRAUSS indicates that this concept derives from<br />

an English jural unit <strong>and</strong> its juridical application would not match the French equivalent<br />

‘personne moral’. Because of the Anglo-American anthropologists’ tendency to assign people<br />

to specific corporate groups, it had become axiomatic to ‘cut up social reality’ into groups<br />

with bounded <strong>and</strong> mutually exclusive membership <strong>and</strong> to classify various kinship practices<br />

into ‘types’ based on the specific principles followed in any single society to delimit such a<br />

group (ibid.: 29).<br />

These fundamental assumptions become an analytical problem in societies which trace their<br />

kinship relations ‘cognatically’ or ‘bilaterally’, as is the case in large parts of Southeast Asia.<br />

Here the people appeared to organize themselves into corporate groups despite the absence of<br />

consistently applied rules. Groupings often have vague or permeable boundaries <strong>and</strong><br />

recruitment to them often does not strictly follow genealogical or descent lines. Even<br />

‘kinship’ (in the sense of a belief in shared body substance) sometimes does not feature in<br />

either the formation of groups or the reference of what we call ‘kinship’ terminology (cf.<br />

ERRINGTON 1989: 235). The indefiniteness <strong>and</strong> porousness of the group boundaries<br />

questioned the groups’ function as jural entities as well as the presumed fixity of kin-based<br />

social identity (GILLESPIE 2000b: 29).<br />

Staying true to the premises of his structuralism, LÉVI-STRAUSS criticizes the overemphasis of<br />

principles used to delimit group membership <strong>and</strong> express group boundaries. This would<br />

undervalue the relationships established <strong>and</strong> maintained between groups. To him the houses<br />

of what he considers to be house societies become most visible in their interaction with one<br />

another (ibid.)<br />

It is thus a dynamic formation that cannot be defined in itself, but only in relation to others of the<br />

same kind, situated in their historical context (LÉVI-STRAUSS 1987: 178).<br />

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