Analysis of regional spatial planning and decision making ... - Plurel

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Policy response to growth and urban sprawl The German governments’ interest in tackling urban sprawl has recently grown. It committed itself to the aim of reducing the rate of conversion of land from natural or rural to urban land by around 75%, from a nationwide 100-120 ha per day today to 30 ha per day by 2020 (The federal government of Germany, 2002). Regarding the actual steps taken to support this idea, federal policy is only in its early stages and is meeting strong resistance from lobby groups and parts of the political system (Haase & Nuissl, 2007). Planning authorities at the sub-national level have attempted to contain sprawl in the study region with increasing success – with regional planning being particularly important. They undertake their efforts mainly for two reasons. Firstly, urban development has been particularly dispersed and thus – from a planner’s point of view – calls for intervention. Secondly, urban sprawl has proven itself to be a waste of economic resources, leading to an oversupply of developed land and housing. This is particularly salient because of a declining population in Eastern Germany (Haase & Nuissl, 2007). The city of Leipzig is struggling in the existing boards of regional strategy for a limitation of developments in the surrounding municipalities whilst it has recently developed new residential neighbourhoods and industrial areas on its own periphery. Both these activities are prompted by the (fear of) negative impacts of urban sprawl on the city in terms of population loss, declining tax base, and withdrawal of consumer purchasing power (Haase & Nuissl, 2007). Leipzig’s land preservation activities are largely focused on the city’s floodplain forests which contain only a small share of the region’s nondeveloped land. On the other hand, following the United Nations initiative for global sustainability started in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, Leipzig has launched a ”local agenda 21” in order to gear its local development to the regulative idea of sustainability. The city established an agency which takes care of the city’s compliance with this idea. However, this agency has only restricted financial and human resources at its disposal and has no legal and little political power. Moreover, its orientation to the sparing use of land does not tally with the city’s decision-makers preoccupation with the promotion of economic development and growth (Haase & Nuissl, 2007). This creates a latent conflict which most recently became obvious with the establishment of a large car manufacturing plant on a huge greenfield site which should have been preserved according to the regional development plan. Generally, the most prominent response of civil society to urban sprawl consists in suburban advocacy groups trying to prevent further growth in their locality. Several citizens’ initiatives for building new (bypass) roads exist around Leipzig. Furthermore, nature preservation associations and environmentalist groups organise various political and lobbying activities in favour of a limitation of land development. These groups, however, must be seen as part of the broader environmentalist movement. Their existence can at best be partly attributed to particular environmental disturbances in the region. Moreover, when it came to the ‘big’ decisions, such as the aforementioned establishing of a car-manufacturer or the enlargement of the airport, they were largely unable to influence local policy. Yet, their national umbrella organisations have played a major part in prompting the contemporary debate about urban sprawl in Germany, reflecting the recognition of the environmental impacts of sprawl on a broader, i.e. national, scale. 1.5 Beyond growth: urban shrinkage Leipzig is one of the cities in east Germany with the longest trajectories of “shrinkage“: From the late 1960s, the city has experienced a continuous loss of population which saw an acceleration with the beginning of post-socialist transition in 1989: In a few years (1989-1998), the city lost about 100,000 inhabitants due to out-migration to western Germany and (strongly subsidised and thus “artificially” enforced) suburbanisation. The population decreased from 530,000 (1989) to 437,000 persons (1998). Leipzig belongs to those eastern German cities with the highest population losses. Simultaneously, the Page 16 • PLUREL D 3.3.Leipzig • November 2008, Annette Sinn, Dagmar Haase, Anne Walde
industrial labour force decreased from 100,000 in 1989 to 15,000 persons in late 1994 (Doehler & Rink 1996, p. 267). Both westward migration (mainly of younger, well-educated people) and the shock of post-transition economic recession led to a sharp decrease of fertility (so-called “lowest of low” birth rates which culminated in 1994 with 0.77 children per woman). As a result and additionally related to rising longevity, the urban population is ageing; this process is presumed to accelerate within the next decades (City of Leipzig 2006, p. 29, 23). 10000 10000 Migration balance 5000 0 -5000 -10000 -15000 -20000 Migration balance Natural population growth Population saldo 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 5000 0 -5000 -10000 -15000 -20000 Natural population growth Figure 4. Changes of natural population growth, migration balance and total population balance 1990-2006 Population losses brought about increasing residential vacancies, a phenomenon which was set into the spotlight as a general eastern German challenge (Reference). In Leipzig, the maximum vacancy rate was reached in early 2000 with 62,500 vacant flats (20% of the total stock). In late 2005, vacancies could be reduced to 45,000 flats (14% of the total stock) – due to demolition, a further rise in households and a stabilisation of the population (City of Leipzig 2006, pp. 12-13). While housing vacancies were mostly concentrated in the old housing stock (pre-war or Wilhelminian style with 18% and 1919- 1945 housing stock with 19%; City of Leipzig 2006, p. 13), large housing estates from the socialist period are increasingly affected. Page 17 • PLUREL D 3.3.Leipzig • November 2008, Annette Sinn, Dagmar Haase, Anne Walde
Page 1: Governance and Planning Scenarios M
Page 4 and 5: Contents Contents 4 Introduction 6
Page 6 and 7: Classification of results/outputs:
Page 8 and 9: There are several dynamics, i.e. de
Page 10 and 11: Only few of these estates have been
Page 12 and 13: (14 km²) emerged and on the former
Page 14 and 15: After the German border opened, tho
Page 18 and 19: Figure 5. Residential vacancy in Le
Page 20 and 21: mainly by younger age groups includ
Page 22 and 23: 2. Government institutions and -str
Page 24 and 25: efer to guidelines such as the ‘p
Page 26 and 27: Interviewees were recruited among L
Page 28 and 29: 4. Land use in the Leipzig region:
Page 30 and 31: Civil servants region/ state - unre
Page 32 and 33: Leipzig planners and civil servants
Page 34 and 35: 4.3 Conclusions The interviewees’
Page 36 and 37: • improve living conditions, for
Page 38 and 39: 4. Leipziger Selbstnutzer Programm:
Page 40 and 41: With the programme, the city of Lei
Page 42 and 43: The regional plan of West Saxonia i
Page 44 and 45: The municipalities Leipzig, Taucha
Page 46 and 47: The most important formal strategie
Page 48 and 49: The three criteria to assess govern
Page 50 and 51: and development aims. Formal and in
Page 52 and 53: Impact on others The regional devel
Page 54 and 55: 7.3 Inter-municipal cooperation (
Page 56 and 57: eceive and prioritise bids. FR Regi
Page 58 and 59: 8. Summary and outlook Focusing on
Page 60 and 61: primarily for recreation, leisure,
Page 62 and 63: 9. Appendix References Aalbers, C.,
Page 64 and 65: Usbeck, H./Landmann, M. 2007, Regio
Page 66 and 67:
The preparatory land use plan cover
Page 68 and 69:
Page 68 • PLUREL D 3.3.Leipzig
Page 70 and 71:
Spatial Development Plan Saxony (LE
Page 72 and 73:
Regional Planning Procedure (ROV) l
Page 74 and 75:
Informal spatial planning strategie
Page 76 and 77:
Water City Leipzig (1999- ongoing)
Page 78 and 79:
Funding scale aims conception actor
Page 80 and 81:
scale aims conception actors stakeh
Page 82:
Other LEIPZIG CHARTER for sustainab
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