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<strong>Online</strong> <strong>Activism</strong> <strong>as</strong> Persu<strong>as</strong>ive <strong>Communication</strong><br />

Ella Kyllönen, M.A.<br />

University of Jyväskylä<br />

Department of <strong>Communication</strong><br />

P.O. Box 35<br />

40014 University of Jyväskylä<br />

FINLAND<br />

ella.kyllonen@jyu.fi<br />

1


Abstract<br />

This paper focuses on persu<strong>as</strong>ion in the context of online activism. Theoretically, persu<strong>as</strong>ion is<br />

considered to be a communication process designed to influence another person’s attitudes, values,<br />

or behaviour. Most theoretical perspectives agree that there are at le<strong>as</strong>t two essential elements in<br />

persu<strong>as</strong>ion: intentionality and success. The goal here is to discuss the ways in which activism,<br />

particularly in online settings, may challenge these traditional approaches to persu<strong>as</strong>ion. The<br />

purpose is to analyze persu<strong>as</strong>ion theoretically, and to give examples from the individual activists’<br />

point of view. This paper is part of the author’s ongoing doctoral research that focuses on<br />

persu<strong>as</strong>ion in the context of activism.<br />

Persu<strong>as</strong>ion<br />

Persu<strong>as</strong>ion is one of the oldest and the most studied phenomena in the field of speech<br />

communication. It h<strong>as</strong> often been defined <strong>as</strong> a communication process with the aim of having an<br />

influence on other people’s thoughts, attitudes or actions (see, e.g. Reardon 1991: 3; Simons,<br />

Morreale & Gronbeck 2001: 7). Persu<strong>as</strong>ion includes both the sending and receiving of persu<strong>as</strong>ive<br />

messages.<br />

In a very comprehensive literature review, G<strong>as</strong>s and Seiter (2004) collected numerous definitions of<br />

persu<strong>as</strong>ion from the p<strong>as</strong>t few decades and found certain elements or criteria that are common to<br />

most of them. Here, I will look at two of these more closely: intentionality and effectiveness. This is<br />

what G<strong>as</strong>s and Seiter (2004) call “pure” persu<strong>as</strong>ion. According to G<strong>as</strong>s and Seiter, intentionality is<br />

an element almost all definitions of persu<strong>as</strong>ion agree on. A communication process with no<br />

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persu<strong>as</strong>ive intent cannot thus be labelled persu<strong>as</strong>ion. A second key element is the effectiveness or<br />

success of persu<strong>as</strong>ion. Persu<strong>as</strong>ion h<strong>as</strong> thus had the form of actually evoking change, making a<br />

difference.<br />

According to Griffin (2003: 183), persu<strong>as</strong>ion is an intentional communication process. Several<br />

others have also separated persu<strong>as</strong>ion from other types of influence on the b<strong>as</strong>is of intentionality.<br />

For example, Simons, Morreale and Gronbeck (2001: 7) state that persu<strong>as</strong>ion, being a form of<br />

attempted influence, differs from other kinds of influence. Other kinds of influence would, then,<br />

include attitude change processes with no persu<strong>as</strong>ive intent.<br />

Theoretically, intentional influence h<strong>as</strong> often been divided into two processes: compliance-gaining<br />

and persu<strong>as</strong>ion (e.g. Griffin 2003). In gaining compliance, the main emph<strong>as</strong>is is on communication<br />

situations and the verbal strategies used in trying to influence the communication partner. Studies<br />

focus on the kinds of strategies people use or might use in various situations to influence others’<br />

opinions. Very often, research on compliance-gaining focuses on close relationships. This line of<br />

theory h<strong>as</strong> been criticized for using almost exclusively experimental research methods and not<br />

necessarily reflecting people’s actual choices of strategy in actual communication situations.<br />

(Griffin 2003.)<br />

Persu<strong>as</strong>ion, on the other hand, focuses on attitude change and how that desired change might be<br />

achieved in the other person. Persu<strong>as</strong>ion h<strong>as</strong> been studied in numerous contexts, ranging from<br />

communication in close relationships (Hsiung & Bagozzi 2003) to political election behaviour<br />

(Gordon & Miller 2004). In practice, however, separating the processes of persu<strong>as</strong>ion and<br />

compliance-gaining would be somewhat artificial since they often overlap.<br />

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Considering effectiveness in persu<strong>as</strong>ion, one h<strong>as</strong> to keep in mind that although persu<strong>as</strong>ion can be<br />

simplified into sending and receiving persu<strong>as</strong>ive messages, it cannot be viewed <strong>as</strong> a one-way<br />

process, at le<strong>as</strong>t in all contexts. Persu<strong>as</strong>ion is created through the interaction of two or more people,<br />

so the outcome may well turn out quite different from what w<strong>as</strong> intended (Reardon 1991: 3).<br />

<strong>Online</strong> <strong>Activism</strong><br />

In recent years, communication technology h<strong>as</strong> become more and more perv<strong>as</strong>ive. It h<strong>as</strong> already<br />

been the primary, if not the only, mode of communication for activists for several years. Almost<br />

every NGO h<strong>as</strong> at le<strong>as</strong>t a webpage and a listserv, but several activist groups and organizations also<br />

have discussion forums, instant messaging systems, webc<strong>as</strong>ting applications and other means of<br />

technology in use. Individual activists have started blogging about important events and actions.<br />

The mobilization of supporters and the organization of events and demonstrations are done<br />

nowadays largely by means of various communication technologies, such <strong>as</strong> e-mail or group text<br />

messaging. As communication technology h<strong>as</strong> spread into people’s daily lives, it h<strong>as</strong> incre<strong>as</strong>ingly<br />

been adopted <strong>as</strong> a tool for activism. Some have argued that many contemporary social movements<br />

would be less active or effective without e-mail and the Internet (Bullert 2000). According to Walch<br />

(1999), communication technology is important for activists today in several ways. It provides a<br />

channel creating and enhancing communication inside an activist organization; it promotes equality<br />

by challenging existing hierarchies; it facilitates the distribution of information and it helps to<br />

promote the activists’ cause.<br />

An activist is an active individual who works to change something in the present social situation.<br />

<strong>Activism</strong> also involves some sort of marginalized status within a particular society, and the aim of<br />

the activist of a certain ideology is to challenge the public’s prevailing conceptions of certain things<br />

(Dempsey 2002). <strong>Activism</strong> thus calls for an opponent, or at le<strong>as</strong>t having a target for one’s demands<br />

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(S<strong>as</strong>si 2000: 79). <strong>Activism</strong> or advocating social and political issues is not in itself a new<br />

phenomenon, but communication technology h<strong>as</strong> provided activists with new communication<br />

channels and new ways to promote a cause or an ideology. New communication technology and its<br />

use h<strong>as</strong> thus brought changes to the ways people communicate in various activist organizations.<br />

<strong>Online</strong> activism h<strong>as</strong> been defined <strong>as</strong> a politically oriented movement that functions using the<br />

Internet (Vegh 2003: 71). According to this definition, activists may use the Internet either <strong>as</strong> an<br />

additional communication channel to enhance communication or <strong>as</strong> the only mode of action, taking<br />

the form of a virtual sit-in or online direct action. In the latter c<strong>as</strong>e the actions are aimed at the<br />

technology itself, e.g. websites and e-mail lists. <strong>Online</strong> activism can be said to cover everything<br />

from cyberterrorist attacks to sending an e-mail to the city council. These activities do not<br />

necessarily need an organization to support them, but they can be the work of individual activists.<br />

(Dyer-Witheford 2002: 150–152).<br />

Persu<strong>as</strong>ion in the Context of <strong>Online</strong> <strong>Activism</strong><br />

The relationship between online activism and persu<strong>as</strong>ion is two-fold: on the one hand, online<br />

activism can be seen <strong>as</strong> a context in which persu<strong>as</strong>ion occurs, and on the other hand persu<strong>as</strong>ion is<br />

one of the communication processes taking place in the context of online activism. As mentioned<br />

earlier, activism is oriented towards social change. A central component in activism is thus a desire<br />

to influence or change the present situation. Influence is usually carried out intentionally through<br />

various campaigns and protests. Change is also one of the key components of persu<strong>as</strong>ion, which can<br />

be achieved through various kinds of communication.<br />

<strong>Online</strong> activism can be seen <strong>as</strong> involving intentional influence processes. Even at the stage of<br />

choosing to be involved in activism, individuals usually take an ideological stand. They perhaps<br />

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choose to support an activist organization’s goals or methods by taking part in demonstrations, sitins<br />

or virtual marches. It h<strong>as</strong> been argued that the willingness to participate in such activities may<br />

arise from a variety of personal re<strong>as</strong>ons, such <strong>as</strong> perceiving the need to protect social or cultural<br />

values, feelings of responsibility or altruism, or learning about a particular situation from the media<br />

or from other people (McLeod, Scheufele & Moy 1999: 320). In any c<strong>as</strong>e, there is some level of<br />

intentionality in activism in general.<br />

However, intentional influence is not necessarily present in all the communication situations of the<br />

activists. A goal h<strong>as</strong> been seen <strong>as</strong> something that a person desires to achieve in a certain situation<br />

(Miller, Cody & McLaughlin 1994). Sometimes in activism, however, the goal of a particular<br />

communication situation might not involve influence but, for example, entertainment, and certainly<br />

an individual’s actions on behalf of an activist organization involve more than just single persu<strong>as</strong>ive<br />

events or persu<strong>as</strong>ive communication strategies. For example, participating in an activist<br />

organization may arise from wanting to be able to feel the sense of community among other<br />

activists. People participate in activist organizations in order to work together with others who share<br />

their ide<strong>as</strong> or values (Dempsey 2002). On the other hand, some people merely want to spend time<br />

with others without paying too much attention to the organization’s goals or how these goals are<br />

pursued (Collins-Jarvis 1997).<br />

The main question in examining communication in technologically mediated contexts is whether<br />

communication processes are similar to or completely different from face-to-face contexts. It is also<br />

worth considering whether traditional theories of communication, most of which were formed when<br />

computer-mediated communication w<strong>as</strong> not <strong>as</strong> widely used <strong>as</strong> it is today, are applicable to<br />

computer-mediated environments.<br />

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<strong>Communication</strong> through various technologies h<strong>as</strong> been perceived <strong>as</strong> different from face-to-face<br />

communication. Early theories on computer-mediated communication (or CMC) stated, for<br />

example, that technology cannot convey all the information needed for successful interaction; in<br />

particular, the lack of nonverbal communication and social context cues w<strong>as</strong> considered to<br />

undermine the quality of communication and further, the quality of the relationship. According to<br />

these perspectives, text-b<strong>as</strong>ed, <strong>as</strong>ynchronous technologically mediated communication w<strong>as</strong> seen <strong>as</strong><br />

impersonal, t<strong>as</strong>k-oriented and low in social presence. However, <strong>as</strong> communication technology<br />

started to become more common in people’s everyday communication, these perspectives became<br />

incre<strong>as</strong>ingly criticized for exaggerating the effects technology h<strong>as</strong> on communication. For example,<br />

Walther (1996) h<strong>as</strong> found that the problems reported in early CMC-studies may be overcome when<br />

people communicate through technology over a period of time. Indeed, it h<strong>as</strong> been noticed in<br />

several studies that people can form close interpersonal relationships and are able to work together<br />

online. People develop appropriate ways to communicate socially and effectively in a variety of<br />

situations via communication technologies. (See, e.g. Baym 1995; Walther 1996.)<br />

Studies have shown that even though the differences between face-to-face and computer-mediated<br />

communication are not <strong>as</strong> remarkable <strong>as</strong> one might <strong>as</strong>sume, some differences in the communication<br />

processes still do exist. Influence h<strong>as</strong> not yet been widely studied in computer-mediated contexts,<br />

but there are already some examples. For instance, compliance-gaining message strategies have<br />

found to vary between face-to-face and computer-mediated communication contexts, especially in<br />

terms of strategy selection and quantity (Moore 2002). Furthermore, in one study the results imply<br />

that persu<strong>as</strong>ion is perceived <strong>as</strong> less effective in computer-mediated than in face-to-face contexts<br />

(Wilson 2003).<br />

7


Discussion<br />

Considering the two criteria for persu<strong>as</strong>ion discussed earlier in this article, several issues seem to<br />

emerge from the perspective of online activism. Firstly, in the light of previous theoretical<br />

approaches persu<strong>as</strong>ion is considered to be intentional influence. This seems to fit well for online<br />

activism too, since activism can be viewed <strong>as</strong> intentional action including persu<strong>as</strong>ive<br />

communication situations. However, online activism involves other kinds of influence <strong>as</strong> well, <strong>as</strong><br />

the preliminary results of the author’s ongoing research also seem to imply. This sets a challenge to<br />

online activism research not to focus on persu<strong>as</strong>ion alone, but to approach influence from other<br />

perspectives <strong>as</strong> well.<br />

Secondly, persu<strong>as</strong>ion perspectives have regarded it <strong>as</strong> a successful or effective communication<br />

process in which the other person’s attitude is actually changed. This is challenging for research,<br />

since it is difficult to prove whether attitudes actually do change in a single-shot persu<strong>as</strong>ive<br />

situation. Furthermore, in online activism the audience or the target of persu<strong>as</strong>ive messages may be<br />

very separated in time and space, possibly spread all over the world, which means that me<strong>as</strong>uring<br />

the success of persu<strong>as</strong>ion becomes difficult.<br />

Thirdly, the characteristics of communication technology seem to make some difference in<br />

persu<strong>as</strong>ion processes. Some studies have found that people use different persu<strong>as</strong>ive strategies when<br />

using technology to communicate (Moore 2002) and others state that persu<strong>as</strong>ion might not be<br />

perceived <strong>as</strong> effective in CMC contexts <strong>as</strong> in face-to-face communication (Wilson 2003). This<br />

obviously needs more research to determine whether it is the qualities of the communication media,<br />

the qualities of the communication relationship, or the context that affect the persu<strong>as</strong>ive process.<br />

8


References<br />

Baym, N. K. (1995) ‘The Emergence of Community in Computer-Mediated <strong>Communication</strong>’ pp.<br />

138–163 in S. G. Jones (ed) Cybersociety: Computer-Mediated <strong>Communication</strong> and<br />

Community. Thousand Oaks: Sage.<br />

Bullert, B. J. (2000) ‘Progressive Public Relations, Sweatshops, and the Net’. Political<br />

<strong>Communication</strong>, 17: 403–407.<br />

Collins-Jarvis, L. (1997) ‘Participation and consensus in collective action organizations: The<br />

influence of interpersonal versus m<strong>as</strong>s-mediated channels’. Journal of Applied<br />

<strong>Communication</strong> research, 25: 1–16.<br />

Dempsey, S. E. (2002) ‘Discourse of College Activists: Creating a Space for Political Involvement’.<br />

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