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National youth service training - Solidarity Peace Trust

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Despite Gezi’s claims in his October 2000 <strong>National</strong> Youth Policy document, at no point since the June<br />

2000 election was the issue of introducing national <strong>youth</strong> <strong>service</strong> ever publicly debated in a meaningful<br />

forum by civil society, existing educational institutions, or the churches. 47 Once the system was in<br />

place and the general public became aware of the real nature of the <strong>training</strong> and to feel the impact of<br />

the <strong>youth</strong> brigades in December 2001, protests began, but by then the system was operational.<br />

In the early stages, when the programme was being presented as “voluntary”, there was no need for<br />

legislation regarding participation. However, in July 2002, it was announced that the <strong>youth</strong> <strong>service</strong><br />

would be “compulsory”. There has been talk of a Bill to be presented to parliament for debate by Elliot<br />

Manyika, since August 2002, 48 but so far this has not in fact occurred. The compulsory nature of the<br />

national <strong>youth</strong> <strong>service</strong> is therefore legally dubious. 49 This notwithstanding, the Government is already<br />

enforcing its proclaimed policy that those who do not have a national <strong>service</strong> <strong>training</strong> certificate will be<br />

denied access to employment in the civil <strong>service</strong>, and to all post school <strong>training</strong> facilities funded by<br />

government, including vocational <strong>training</strong>, universities and colleges. Since the beginning of 2003,<br />

qualified candidates have had the experience of being initially accepted to nurse <strong>training</strong> or teacher<br />

<strong>training</strong>, only to be asked for their <strong>youth</strong> <strong>training</strong> certificates on arrival at the relevant institution.<br />

Failure to produce these has meant dismissal from <strong>training</strong>. 50<br />

F. July 2003: weapons <strong>training</strong> advocated in camps<br />

Early policy statements from government officials had consistently played down the militarisation<br />

aspect of the <strong>youth</strong> <strong>training</strong>, concentrating on its skill building potential and its patriotic elements. In<br />

January 2002, Elliot Manyika publicly denied that there was any military aspect to their <strong>training</strong>, and<br />

this position was publicly maintained throughout 2002, in spite of clear and mounting evidence to the<br />

contrary. 51<br />

As early as January 2002, army sources confirmed that while the director of the <strong>National</strong> Youth<br />

Service, David Munyoro, was a civilian, the unit was at that time run by a military man, retired<br />

Brigadier Boniface Hurungudu. At the same time, the Border Gezi Training Centre was run by colonel<br />

Josphat Shumba of the Zimbabwean army, who is a former director of Military Intelligence; out of the<br />

47<br />

A University of Zimbabwe lecturer, Dr Solomon Nkiwane is quoted in the Chronicle 26 April article as “urging<br />

Government to consult extensively with stakeholders in education before implementing the programme”, noting that at that<br />

stage this had not occurred. Earlier in the 90s such discussions may have taken place, but in the very different political<br />

climate of a one party state.<br />

48 The Zimbabwe Independent, Harare, 23 August 2002: “Manyika to table controversial bill in Parly”.<br />

49 One assumes that the <strong>National</strong> Service Act of 1976, which forced white school leavers to join the Rhodesian army, is not<br />

relevant, particularly considering the <strong>youth</strong> of the current trainees.<br />

50 Interviews by authors with affected school leavers in Midlands. This new requirement has given rise to a new black<br />

market product – forged national <strong>youth</strong> <strong>service</strong> certificates, for those families who do not want their children to do the<br />

<strong>training</strong> but want them to have the chance of tertiary <strong>training</strong>! The other option of avoiding <strong>youth</strong> <strong>training</strong> is to have highly<br />

placed parents. One nurse <strong>training</strong> hospital has reported that they received a directive in January 2003, that out of 24<br />

<strong>training</strong> placements, 12 had to be reserved for <strong>youth</strong> militia, who would be referred by head office directly, and 12 places<br />

could be chosen through normal selection procedure. In fact, out of the 12militia placements, 3 were militia and the other 9<br />

were allegedly relatives of influential people. Of the 3 militia, one has already dropped out of the <strong>training</strong>, as she had not<br />

wanted to be a nurse in the first place.<br />

51 The Herald, Harare, 8 January 2002: “Youth <strong>training</strong> is not military <strong>training</strong>”.<br />

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