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Job insecurity, gender and work orientation: an exploratory ... - GeNet

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mentioned earlier, this was a combination of time with family rather th<strong>an</strong> becoming<br />

involved in the day to day org<strong>an</strong>ization of domestic <strong>work</strong> <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> childcare). During the<br />

second round of coding, the role of <strong>gender</strong> ideology <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> labour market opportunity were<br />

once again fore-grounded in each group’s account of the experience of job <strong>insecurity</strong>.<br />

Table 6 Variation in family form, occupation <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> division of labour for men<br />

Work-to-Live<br />

Ambitious<br />

n=14 n=2<br />

Family form<br />

Married with children 11 1<br />

Long term partner no children 3 1<br />

Occupation<br />

Part-time professional 2 -<br />

Full-time professional 5 2<br />

Full-time associate professional/technical 5 -<br />

Full-time pl<strong>an</strong>t operator 2 -<br />

Gender-role attitude<br />

Strong identification with 5 1<br />

Traditional role<br />

Moderate identification with<br />

Traditional role 9 1<br />

_____________________________________________________________________________<br />

Men’s experiences of job <strong>insecurity</strong><br />

‘Work to live’<br />

As with the female ‘Bal<strong>an</strong>cers’, the male ‘Work-to-Live’ group were very<br />

diverse. Overall, while most were concerned with the fin<strong>an</strong>cial difficulties they would<br />

face should they lose their jobs, only some saw this as a threat to their ‘breadwinning’<br />

identity. For others, the exposure to job <strong>insecurity</strong> initiated <strong>an</strong> ‘epiph<strong>an</strong>y-like’ experience<br />

<strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> was seen as <strong>an</strong> opportunity to become more involved with their families.<br />

18

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