Concrete walls coming down in Erbil - Kurdish Globe

From the Heart of Kurdistan Region 

The only English paper in Iraq - No: 341 Sat. February 18, 2012 

Concrete walls coming down in Erbil 

P 8 

GLOBE PHOTO 

While Erbil has decided to remove all security concrete walls in the city, Baghdad sees removing these walls as a distant dream. 

National 

P 6 

Shahristani’s 

“hostility” against 

Kurds continues 

Dr. Hussein al-Shahristani, Iraq’s 

deputy prime minister for energy isst 

sues and former minister of oil, has 

warned French oil giant Total not 

to sign contracts with the Kurdist 

tan Regional Government without 

acquiring approval from the central 

government, otherwise, it would 

bear the “full consequences,” like 

other oil companies. 

National 

P 7 

A current portrait 

of Nasiriya 

National 

A new Kurdish 

era in sight 

Masrour Barzani says 

“great prospects” await 

Kurdish aspirations 

National 

P 4 

P 5 

PUK official 

supports alliance 

with KDP 

A leading politburo member of the 

Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, Mala 

Bakhtiyar, says his party's influence 

was affected locally as a result of ent 

tering an alliance with the Kurdistan 

Democratic Party. The alliance has 

brought about significant achievements 

for Kurdistan Region, he insisted.

The Kurdish Globe No. 341, Saturday, February 18, 2012 2 

End game for Assad; just the 

beginning for Kurds 

Globe Editorial 

Fast approaching a year of uprt 

rising and turmoil, the struggle 

against Bashar al-Assad’s regime 

in Syria is now by far the longest 

of all in the Arab Spring. The 

opposition movement in Syriat 

aclearly lacked the same national 

and military clout as in Egypt and 

particularly Libya, with an oppost 

sition that is still relatively localit 

ized and maturing as a force. But 

ultimatelyit is theindecisiveness 

and inconsistencies of regional 

and global powers that has been 

its Achilles’ heel. 

On a regional front, the Syrit 

ian issue is complicated by a 

group of countries that continue 

to staunchly support Bashar al- 

Assad’s crumbling regime. 

Syria is in many ways different 

to the countries that have succt 

cumbed to the tides of the Arab 

revolution. Syria finds itself at 

the heart of the Middle East and 

its numerous hotspots. It is a fulct 

crum for activities and tensions 

in Israel, Lebanon and Palestine, 

a proxy for Iran’s regional ambit 

tions and power mongering, and 

with an inadvertent hand in the 

PKK conflict. 

This is underpinned by the 

fact that Syria is a Sunni majorit 

ity ruled by an Alawite minority. 

Such are thehighstakes in Syria 

that almost no country in the regt 

gion has remained silent one way 

or another as each aims to prest 

serve their sectarian, economic or 

strategic interests. The predomint 

nantly Sunni-based Arab League 

has been at the forefront of rhetort 

ric against Assad and the galvanizt 

zation of the resistance in Syria. 

Where now for the struggle? 

After 11 months of a humanitarit 

ian crisis and protests in Syria, 

those who oppose Assad need to 

match words with more determt 

mined actions. A common UN 

Security Council resolution is 

looking as unlikely as ever, and 

sooner or later,the powers that are 

in favor of strong action must dect 

AFP PHOTO / NIKOLAY DOYCHINOV 

A Syrian immigrant waves a Kurdish flag for the Kurd minority living in northeastern Syria during a protest on Janua 

ary 8, 2012 in Sofia against the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. 

cide their next move. 

Rhetoric and sanctions only 

have a limited affect, and regionat 

alpowers cannot remain content 

on indirect actions indefinitely. 

The growing humanitarian crisis 

as Assad continues to pound rebel 

cities is something that even Russt 

sia and China, who staunchly oppt 

pose military intervention, cannot 

ignore. 

Assad’s regime has reached a 

point of no return, and in spite 

of empty gestures such as the 

upcoming referendum on a new 

constitution, the Syrian opposit 

tion and regional countries oppt 

posed to Assad have come too far 

in the conflict to let the uprising 

subside and allow Assad to cont 

tinue in power. 

At the current time, the antigovernment 

forces lack the firept 

power or territorialadvantages 

that Libyan rebels were able to 

enjoy. It is commonly overlooked 

that even though the Libyan oppt 

position had far greater strength 

than the one in Syria today, only 

an Allied intervention prevented a 

mass slaughter in Benghazi as the 

government forces blew the gates 

down. 

Even then, only weeks of fierce 

bombardment of Gaddafi forces 

finally broke the back of the govet 

ernment. 

The probable way forward in 

Syria is now a full blown civil 

war. Foreignmilitaryintervention 

endorsed by a UN resolution may 

not happen, but nor will a passive 

observation of Syria. As the Arab 

League and supporters of the 

Syrian uprising continue to appt 

ply pressure at the UN, the Arab 

forces in the region may well find 

themselves in a position of havit 

ing to directly thwart Assad in 

Syria. They may well arrive undt 

der the pretext of a peacekeeping 

force, but their end game is obviot 

ous. Some countries are already 

involved in supplying of arms to 

rebel forces, and in the short term 

this will increase. 

A “human corridor” that is being 

seriously discussed as a compromt 

mise at the UN may have a twofold 

benefit. It provides relieffor 

the besieged population and also 

affords breathing space for the 

rebels,allowing them to regroup 

and consolidate power. 

An intensification of the military 

conflict threatens to deepen the 

regional divide, as Iraq, Iran and 

even Russia may up their support 

in preserving Assad’s regime. 

The Kurdish card in Syria 

If the Arabs in Syria thought 

they had it bad, one must spare 

a thought for the much repressed 

Kurdish population. Arabs may 

have lacked some rights and 

privileges, but in the case of thoust 

sands of Kurds there were literat 

ally no rights and condemnation 

to a state of non-existence. 

The Kurdish plight under the 

hands of Damascus has been 

largely ignored over the years 

while Arab nationalism assumed 

its course. Now regional count 

tries flock to protect a besieged 

population in Syria under humanit 

itarian grounds. 

Ironically, the Kurds have largelt 

ly taken a backroom role in the 

conflict owed to a deep mistrust 

of the Arab opposition groups 

and Turkey’s long-term plans for 

Syria. Damascus has attempted to 

manipulate Arab fears of Kurdish 

separatism and at the same time 

Kurdish fears of Arab nationalit 

ism. 

Turkey has been at the forefront 

of regional attempts to isolate and 

punish the Syrian regime while 

Assad has in return increased 

support of the PKK to preserve 

his regional leverage. 

The Kurdish opposition groups 

themselves are divided between 

various loyalties, and without a 

united front they may well miss 

the revolutionary tide and with 

it an opportunity to play a strong 

part in the reshaping of Syria. 

In this regard, the Kurdistan 

Regional Government needs to 

play a strong part in uniting and 

supporting the Kurdish groups 

in Syria while at the same time 

becoming a significant actor in 

the overall regional quest to oust 

Assad. 

Baghdad may support Syria, but 

Kurdistan is no Iraq. The Kurdit 

istan Region cannot stay idle to 

any regional upheaval, and with 

its growing power in the greater 

region it can successfully play a 

strong,strategic role in the new 

Middle East. 

Gone are the days when the 

Kurds were bystanders as other 

powers decided their destiny. As 

one of the largest ethnic groups in 

the Middle East, the Kurds can be 

at the forefront of the new destiny 

of the Middle East. 

As for Syrian Kurds numbering 

over 2 million people, they are 

hardly a small pawn on the post- 

Assad negotiating table. They 

must be unequivocal in their demt 

mand for federalism and equal 

rights or threaten to go their own 

way. Kurds must no longer accept 

second best, due to threat of regt 

gional powers working to dilute 

Kurdish nationalism. 

It would be most ironicif Arab 

powers and Turkey liberatedSyrit 

ia, and then launched a crackdown 

on Kurdish nationalism in a new 

Syria only because Kurds wanted 

to enjoy their legal entitlement to 

autonomy. 

The leaders of Kurdistan must 

work side by side to guide the 

Syrian Kurds. The majority of 

Syrian Kurds look to the Kurdit 

istan Region as a big brother and 

their guardians. 

The Kurdish opposition conft 

ference in Erbil last month was 

a largely welcome step. It dispt 

played national solidarity and 

demonstrated that Kurds are no 

longer oblivious to cross-border 

struggles of their brothers. Such 

manoeuvres must intensify for the 

good of all Kurdistan. The Kurds 

may have been divided against 

their will by force, but no one can 

prevent unity in heart and spirit. 

Bashdar Pusho Ismaeel 

Weekly paper printed in Erbil 

First published in 2005 

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Parliament changes speaker 

Governing parties reverse posts, PUK's Bayiz leads Parliament; KDP's Barzani leads government 

Kurdistan 

Parliament assigned 

a prime minister 

and deputy prime 

minister to form a 

government after 

the Kurdistan 

Region President 

approved the 

resignation of the 

current outgoing 

Council of 

Ministers, fulfilling 

the post rotation 

between the two 

ruling parties 

in the Region. 

During an extraordinary 

session on Feb. 16, Parliamt 

ment unanimously voted 

for Nechirvan Barzani as 

prime minister and Imad 

Ahmed as deputy prime 

minister. Opposition part 

ties boycotted the session. 

Governing parties, 

Kurdistan Democratic 

Party and Patriotic Union 

of Kurdistan, switch key 

posts in Parliament and in 

the government based on a 

power-sharing agreement. 

PUK's Barham Salih led 

the government until his 

resignation was approved 

by President Massoud 

Barzani on Feb. 2; KDP's 

Nechirvan Barzani will 

take over as prime minit 

ister and will form a new 

cabinet to serve until the 

elections in mid-2013. 

The post of deputy prime 

minister changed from 

KDP's Azad Barwari to 

PUK's Ahmed. 

Barzani and Ahmed still 

have to be officially appt 

pointed by the Region’s 

president, after which 

they have 30 days to form 

a new cabinet. They will 

take office after Parliamt 

ment grants immunity to 

the new cabinet. 

Forming the cabinet will 

take less than the 30-day 

period stipulated by law, 

announced Mohammad 

Qaradaghi, secretary of 

the Council of Ministers' 

office. 

A day earlier, Parliament 

held another session to 

elect the new parliament 

tary presidency council, 

which is also part of the 

power-sharing deal. Parlt 

liament appointed former 

Deputy Speaker Arsalt 

lan Bayiz, from PUK, as 

new speaker after former 

Speaker Kamal Kirkuki, 

KDP, resigned from his 

post and withdrew from 

Parliament. MP Hassan 

Mohammad Soor, KDP, 

was appointed as deputy 

speaker. 

Meanwhile, President 

Barzani approved PUK's 

nominee, Kosrat Rasul 

Ali, as Kurdistan Region 

vice president. This post 

had remained vacant since 

the July 2009 elections. 

Ali, who is the second 

person in the PUK leaderst 

ship after Iraqi President 

Jalal Talabani, has held 

the post of Kurdistan vice 

president in the past. Ali 

will attend a swearing-in 

session in Parliament. 

New Speaker 

Immediately after his appt 

pointment, Speaker Bayiz 

addressed Parliament with 

a statement in which he 

referred to his aim of act 

tivating the role of Parliamt 

ment. 

"The new presidency 

of the Parliament will att 

tempt to create more balat 

ance among the [Parliamt 

ment's] different blocs and 

will listen to everyone," 

he said, noting that this 

balance will be achieved 

when committee meetit 

ings are more active. The 

speaker and his deputy 

will attend the committee 

meetings, aiming to bring 

together different viewpt 

points on bills. 

He also promised to push 

forward bills that were 

suspended, such as a bill 

for amending Parliament's 

internal system. 

The new speaker also 

announced his intention to 

reform Parliament's media 

department. Programs will 

be arranged for Parliamt 

ment's TV channel to help 

create a bridge between 

Parliament and the people, 

he said. He said the channt 

nel must broadcast commt 

mittee meetings, published 

bills and sessions. 

Opposition boycott 

The opposition parties, 

Outgoing Speaker, Kamal Kirkuki takes farewell of the incoming Speaker, Arsalan Bayiz. 

Gorran Movement, Kurdit 

istan Islamic Union and 

Islamic Group in Kurdist 

tan, boycotted both sesst 

sions, protesting the post 

changes. 

Omer Abdul-Aziz, head 

of the KIU bloc in Parlt 

liament, dismissed the 

importance the post rotat 

tions and described them 

as mere political changes. 

The opposition parties are 

not concerned about these 

issues, he told reporters in 

a joint press conference 

with head of Gorran bloc, 

Kardo Mohammad, after 

the Parliamentary session 

on Feb. 15. 

"Swapping the presidenct 

cies of Parliament and 

government came as a rest 

sult of the two governing 

parties. But this is not the 

Parliament's demand and 

it is not because of solvit 

ing suspended problems," 

Muhammad explained the 

opposition parties’ stance. 

However, head of the 

governing Kurdistani 

bloc, Sozan Shihab critict 

cized the opposition boyct 

cott and described as a 

"political maneuver." A 

boycott must be for a cert 

tain reason, she told Erbt 

bil-based Kurdistan news 

agency, AKnews. They 

could have stayed during 

the sessions and vote no, 

said Shihab adding, "as 

far as they are the people's 

representative, they should 

have been present not just 

leave the session." 

Ako Muhammed 

Erbil 

ako.kurdishglobe 

@gmail.com 

GLOBE PHOTO/ Safin Hamed 

Kurds concerned about final budget draft 

No more comments 

on draft will be 

accepted as final 

deadline passes. 

The deadline for submitting 

comments and suggestions 

concerning Iraq’s 2012 

budget draft by Parliament 

membersexpired on Thursdt 

day, February 16, 2012, 

and Kurds are concerned 

whether their comments 

have been taken into acct 

count. 

Shlair Aziz, a Kurdish 

member of the Iraqi Counct 

cil of Representativesfrom 

the Kurdistani Alliance 

Bloc, stated that until the 

updated draft is put to vote, 

they wouldn’t be able to 

Budget draft sparks fear of centralization in the country 

discern whether their reqt 

quested amendments have 

been made. 

The Kurdistani Alliance 

Bloc, the Al Iraqia Bloc 

and a number of MPs of the 

National Alliance List share 

similar observations about 

major issues in the draft 

budget submitted to Parlt 

liament by the Council of 

Ministers. They argue that 

the way the budget is dist 

tributed in the draft would 

promote centralization in 

the country and reduce the 

financial power of provit 

inces. 

The provincial budget for 

the year is US$1.7 billion, 

out of which each province 

would receive US$100 millt 

lion. 

The majority of provinces 

view this as a very small 

share of a budget totaling 

more than US$100 billion, 

most of which is distributed 

over central government 

ministries. This means that 

the largest portion of the 

budget would be centralit 

ized in the capital city of 

Baghdad. 

This has elevated concerns 

among provincial authorit 

ties to such a degree that 

Parliament members from 

the province of Muthanna, 

which has both Shiite and 

Sunni populations, have 

threatened that they would 

announce their own fedet 

eral region if the province’s 

budget is not increased. 

Comments are no longer 

being accepted on the draft, 

and the budget should be 

approved during the current 

month.But MPAzizbelieves 

that the budget would not 

be approved without a polt 

litical agreement. “Even 

some members of the Nat 

tional Alliance Bloc would 

not vote for the draft withot 

out such an agreement,”she 

stated. 

The draft led to disputes 

among different blocks, and 

Kurdish MPs boycotted a 

number of sessions on the 

issue as a sign of disagreemt 

ment until a delegation 

from the National Alliat 

ance Bloc, which belongs 

to Prime Minister Nuri al 

Maliki, visited the MPs and 

promised them to consider 

all their remarks on the 

draft. The consequence of 

the promise was adding an 

annex to the draft with the 

comments of the Kurdish 

members. 

But Kurdish MPs are not 

yet confident in how the 

issue has been handled 

and whether all the recommt 

mended changes would be 

included in the final draft, 

which is expected to be 

submitted by the financial 

committee of Parliament to 

its presidency next week for 

final voting and approval. 

Najiba Najib, Kurdish 

member of Parliament’s fint 

nancial committee, stated in 

an interview with The Kurdit 

ish Globe that the committ 

tee met for the fourth time 

on Wednesday, February 

15, on the issue, and they 

are expected to submit the 

final draft for approval next 

week. “It would be put to 

avote and approved this 

month,” he added. 

“The majority of the commt 

ments by the Kurdistani 

Alliance Bloc have been 

considered, and it is also 

expected that the budget for 

Article 140 implementation 

would be increased; all part 

ties might agree with that,” 

said Najib. 

The Kurdish MPs’ commt 

ments include remarks 

about Peshmarga Forces 

andArticle 140 implement 

tationbudgets; other commt 

ments concernBaghdad’s 

Finance Ministry powers 

to hold oil-producing provit 

inces’ budgets.


A new Kurdish era in sight 

Masrour Barzani says “great prospects” await Kurdish aspirations 

A leading Kurdish 

politician says further 

regional transformat 

tions will likely to alter 

the political landscape 

for the Kurdish nation. 

Addressing a graduat 

tion ceremony for the 

Kurdish security forces 

(Asayish), Masrour 

Barzani said Kurds 

would do “their outmt 

most” to achieve what 

he called “the undisputet 

ed rights of the Kurdish 

nation.” 

“The changes that 

started last year,” Barzt 

zani said, “are still 

ongoing. We see both 

opportunities and perit 

ils for our nation. Our 

action towards these 

(regional changes) will 

decide our destiny and 

future.” 

The recent statement 

by Masrour Barzani, 

who is the head of the 

Kurdish intelligence 

agency (A.P.A.H.K), 

was widely interpreted 

as a hint towards immint 

nent political makeover 

in neighboring Syria 

with a sizable Kurdish 

population of 2 millt 

lion, mostly inhabitit 

ing in the eastern parts 

of the country, known 

to Kurds as the Syrian 

Kurdistan. 

Late in January this 

year, Masrour Barzani 

met with Francis Gaya, 

who is in charge of the 

Syrian opposition desk 

in the British Foreign 

Office, saying "Damasct 

cus should share power 

with other entities of 

the Syrian society." 

Last month, a broad 

based conference was 

arranged in Erbil for 

the Kurdish opposition 

groups in Syria. Kurdit 

ish President, Massoud 

Barzani has said Kurds 

will not stand by and 

watch the events in 

Syria, warning of any 

sidelining of Kurds in 

the new Syria. 

The Globe 

Masrour Barzani says Kurds should embrace the new regional changes. 

GLOBE PHOTO


PUK official supports alliance with KDP 


A leading 

politburo member 

of the Patriotic 

Union of Kurdistan, 

Mala Bakhtiyar, 

says his party's 

influence was 

affected locally as a 

result of entering 

an alliance with 

the Kurdistan 

Democratic Party. 

The alliance has 

brought about 

significant 

achievements for 

Kurdistan Region, 

he insisted. 

The PUK and KDP share 

a tight strategic agreemt 

ment in which they share 

power and deal with the 

Iraqi central government 

in united delegations. The 

two parties signed the 

agreement out of necessit 

ty, said Mala Bakhtiyar in 

an interview with KNN, 

a Suleimaniya-based TV 

channel associated with 

Gorran Movement. Withot 

out the agreement, the 

two parties would differ 

on every issue, something 

that would have created 

a "negative impact" on 

Kurdistan’s people, he 

noted. 

He assured that the nect 

cessity for this alliance is 

still present despite the 

fact that PUK leaders are 

critical of the unbalanced 

distribution of governmt 

ment posts. A larger part 

of governmental posts 

goes to KDP, he insisted. 

Mala Bakhtiyar earlt 

lier explained his party's 

complaints in a statemt 

ment addressed to KDP 

Vice President Nechirvt 

van Barzani, who was 

nominated by the PUK 

to lead the KRG as prime 

minister for the next two 

years in accordance with 

the agreement. "He [Barzt 

zani] told me that if we 

couldn’t satisfy the PUK 

in creating balance, how 

could we satisfy the oppt 

position," said Mala 

Bakhtiyar during the int 

terview. 

Concerning the PUK's 

relations with opposition 

parties, the leader said relt 

lations are "neither good 

nor bad." It is not good 

because the five-side 

meetings between two 

governing parties and 

three opposition parties 

failed to reach a result; 

and it is not bad because 

hope remains for underst 

standing and resumpt 

tion of talks, said Mala 

Mala Bakhtyar, a senior member of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), the Kurdish political party of Iraq's President Jalal 

Talabani speaks at his home in the northeastern town of Khanaqin on September 24, 2008. 

Bakhtiyar. 

"We maintain that we 

will keep peaceful relat 

tions and continue talks. 

I think we can reach a rest 

sult if we show true will 

for solution and agreemt 

ment," he said, directing 

his statement to opposit 

tion parties, which have 

been requesting fundamt 

mental reforms in the regt 

gion. 

The PUK assured their 

readiness for change, 

Islamic leader calls for reconciliation 

on demonstration anniversary 

KIU’s Baha’addin still wants changes in government 

but noted that reforms 

need time and cannot be 

rushed. 

AFP PHOTO / ALI YUSSEF 

Salahaddin Mohammad Baha'adin 

Authorities in Kurdistan 

Region "failed" to contain 

last year’s spontaneous 

demonstrations which latet 

er led to violence and these 

gatherings shouldn’t be 

repeated, said Salahaddin 

Mohammad Baha'addin, 

secretary general of Kurdit 

istan Islamic Union. He 

also called for reconciliat 

tion with those injured and 

for reorganization of the 

Kurdistan government. 

The statement, published 

on Feb. 15, came two days 

before the first anniversary 

of the start of the 62-day 

demonstrations. The demot 

onstrations occurred in 

various Kurdistan cities, 

but were most problematic 

in Suleimaniya. 

Baha'addin, who leads 

one of Kurdistan’s opposit 

tion parties, didn’t call for 

a new round of demonst 

strations on the anniverst 

sary, but instead advised 

the government to adhere 

deep changes. 

"We think demonstrat 

tions or gatherings are not 

the only way to remembt 

ber [the events of] Februat 

ary and March 2011," he 

warned. "Considering the 

current situation of Kurdit 

istan Region, Iraq and of 

the whole area, we don’t 

want to mark the anniverst 

sary in the form of demonst 

strations." 

He described the Feb. 17 

demonstrations as a movemt 

ment that "unveiled the 

level of people's awarent 

ness and the impact of 

youth actions." And it also 

"unveiled the level of the 

authorities' credibility, pat 

tience and their resistance 

to the voice of unsatisfied 

people." 

The leader of the Islamic 

party blames the Region’s 

authorities for pushing last 

year’s demonstrations towt 

ward violence and bloodst 

shed. He says the protests 

were first arranged to suppt 

port the revolutions in Tunt 

nisia and Egypt, but they 

took another route and led 

to stonings and attacks; the 

response was also incorrect 

and resulted in shooting 

protesters and shedding 

blood. "Thus, this became 

a start for blasting unsatisft 

fied people's anger," notes 

Baha'addin on how the 

demonstrations developed 

in Kurdistan and not how 

it tested the mood of the 

Kurdish authorities. 

"Unfortunately, at first 

they first didn’t pass the 

test… protests expanded, 

reached every town, accust 

sations were exchanged, 

the events didn’t go succt 

cessfully and blood was 

unjustly shed in several 

places," says the KIU 

leader in his statement, 

adding that in later days 

the demonstrations were 

"controlled" as specific loct 

cations were managed in 

every town where people 

protested. 

He praised local adminit 

istrators in towns where 

demonstrations were allt 

lowed to continue: "This 

makes a shining example 

for those administrations 

and it is appreciated." He 

discussed the differences 

in managing the events in 

each town but didn't name 

any of the towns. 

To avoid a repeat of the 

demonstrations, and to 

avoid outbursts of public 

anger, Baha'addin warned, 

"the Kurdistan Region 

authorities should not be 

frightened and must look 

for a democratic solution 

instead of a military one." 

He asked the new cabint 

net of Kurdistan Regionat 

al Government, which 

Nechirvan Barzani is expt 

pected to form in the next 

few weeks to "not escape 

from [facing] problems, 

but to implement suspendet 

ed decrees and to fulfill 

national reconciliation," 

for the sake of protectit 

ing the Region's achievemt 

ments.


Shahristani’s 

“hostility” against 


Kurds continues 

Janan says there’s no legal issue 

Dr. Hussein al-Shahrt 

ristani, Iraq’s deputy 

prime minister for energy 

issues and former minister 

of oil, has warned French 

oil giant Total not to sign 

contracts with the Kurdit 

istan Regional Governmt 

ment without acquiring 

approval from the central 

government, otherwise, it 

would bear the “full const 

sequences,” like other oil 

companies. 

Shahristani said this on 

Feb. 12 in the oil-rich city 

of Basra, only two days 

after Chairman and Chief 

Executive Officer of Total 

Christophe de Margerie 

announced that his compt 

pany was considering posst 

sible investments in the 

Kurdistan Region. 

"The position of the Iraqi 

government will be the 

same as with the other oil 

companies: That no compt 

pany has the right to sign 

a contract without the appt 

proval of the central govet 

ernment of Iraq," Shahrt 

ristani said when asked 

about a possible Total deal 

with Kurdistan. “Any such 

contract has no standing 

with the Iraqi government, 

and the companies have no 

right to work on the Iraqi 

territories and they bear 

the full consequences." 

Shahristani had already 

addressed similar threats 

to ExxonMobil, which has 

already signed production 

sharing contracts with the 

KRG’s Ministry of Naturt 

ral Resources for explorat 

tion and production rights 

for six oil fields in the Regt 

gion. 

KRG officials, who have 

been trying to developing 

their Region into a global 

energy source and self-dept 

pendent region, see Exxot 

onMobil’s investment in 

the Region with the highet 

est level of importance. 

KRG President Massoud 

Barzani noted this import 

tance during a recent visit 

to Duhok Governorate. 

Barzani stated during the 

visit that he has not met 

with any oil companies 

operating in the Region 

before, “except ExxonMt 

Mobil, and that is because 

I know the importance 

of its investment in the 

Kurdistan Region.” Presidt 

dent Barzani added that 

he supports the company 

to come and invest in the 

oil and gas industry in the 

Region. 

While Shahristani has dent 

nounced all KRG oil deals 

and described them as illegt 

gal, including the most rect 

cent one with ExxonMobt 

bil, KRG officials seem 

quite confident about the 

legality and validity of evet 

ery deal they have signed 

with more than 45 internat 

tional oil companies. 

Kurdistan President’s 

Chief of Staff Dr. Fuad 

Hussein said in an intervt 

view with a Kurdish news 

agency that they had a 

hard time convincing Exxot 

onMobil and U.S. governmt 

ment officials to ink the 

deal with the oil giant. 

“Some Iraqi officials, and 

some in the U.S. as well, 

tried to have the agreement 

It is rumored that the 

KRG is also pursuing 

talks with other majt 

jors such as Chevron 

for similar explorat 

tion agreements. 

We have a $93 price 

estimate for Exxon 

Mobil, which is at a 

10% premium to its 

current market price. 

Government threat 

Exxon’s move to 

sign contracts with 

the KRG has resulted 

revoked and pressured 

ExxonMobil for that reast 

son,” Hussein stated in the 

interview. “Our talks with 

the [U.S.] State Departmt 

ment and ExxonMobil’s 

officials convinced everyot 

one that the deal was legal 

and constitutional and that 

it would be in the interest 

of Iraq and the Kurdistan 

Region.” 

“The Kurdistan Region’s 

contract with ExxonMobil 

is a sound contract and 

doesn’t have problems,” 

said Ashti Hawrami, KRG 

Minister of Natural Rest 

sources, emphasizing that 

his government has decidet 

ed to sign more such cont 

tracts in the near future, a 

statement which is argued 

to be a reference to a posst 

sible contract with Total. 

However, Shahristani, 

who has clearly opposed 

all oil activities of Kurdit 

istan Region since the dect 

cree of the Regional Oil 

and Gas Law in 2007 and 

the subsequent oil deals, 

has threatened to blacklt 

list ExxonMobil and any 

other company that has a 

contract with KRG. 

In a recent move in this 

direction, Shahristani has 

excluded ExxonMobil’s 

name from the list of compt 

panies for the next round 

of bidding in Iraq. This 

was stated by his official 

spokesman, Faisal Abdullt 

lah, in an interview with 

Dow Jones. 

The disputes between 

Baghdad and Erbil over 

oil have become more polt 

litical due to central govet 

in a severe backlash 

from Iraqi Deputy 

Prime Minister for 

Energy Hussain al- 

Shahristani, who has 

suggested that the 

company might be 

barred from competit 

ing for new contracts 

in the country unless 

it rescinds the Kurdit 

ish contracts. [1] 

Desperate to attract 

foreign players, the 

KRG is offering luct 

Dr. Hussein al-Shahristani, Iraq’s deputy prime minister for energy issues and former minister of oil 

ernment officials’ reservt 

vations about the issue as 

they think the oil and gas 

developments would in 

the end lead to a demand 

for independence by the 

Kurds. 

Adnan al-Janabi, chairmt 

man of the nation’s Oil 

and Energy Committee, 

argues that Kurdistan’s oil 

deals, including the one 

with ExxonMobil, are not 

against an legislation in 

the country. 

“With or without the 

law, I don’t think there is 

anything to constrain any 

company from operating 

anywhere in Iraq,” Janabi 

told reporters in London 

on Jan. 31. “I don’t see 

any legality in announcing 

anyone as being blacklt 

listed.” 

Iraq’s Deputy Prime 

crative production 

sharing agreements 

to major oil players 

in comparison to servt 

vice contracts offered 

by the Iraq Governmt 

ment on its massive 

south fields. Exxon 

has refused to commt 

ment on the matter to 

date. Shahristani had 

earlier threatened to 

cancel Exxon’s cont 

tract to work on the 

massive West Qurna 

field after the Kurdish 

deal was announced. 

Support from the 

minister of Economic 

Affairs could come 

as a relief for Exxon 

as it looks to cont 

tinue business with 

both the central govet 

ernment as well as 

the KRG. Mr. Rosh 

Shaways asked govet 

ernment officials to 

refrain from threatenit 

ing oil companies as 

Minister Dr. Roj Nuri 

Shawais asked the central 

government to stop the 

threats against the internt 

national companies workit 

ing in Kurdistan and said 

this would discourage the 

world’s largest companies 

and investors from coming 

to the country as a whole 

and would create a negat 

tive image of the country 

in the international commt 

munity. 

Energy insiders believe 

major oil companies are 

being distracted from 

working with the central 

government due to its reft 

fusal to share revenues 

with the production compt 

panies, and only granting 

them $2 per barrel prodt 

duced, regardless of the 

market prices; while KRG 

offers oil companies a 

it would dampen the 

investment scenario 

in the country. 

Iraq is looking to 

attract hundreds of 

billions of dollars 

of investments over 

the next few years to 

ramp up oil product 

tion to the target of 

12 million barrels/ 

day by 2017. Infrast 

structure bottlenecks 

and the delicate polt 

litical climate of the 

more attractive package. 

"Nobody is making monet 

ey there [in Iraq]," said 

Fadel Gheit, oil analyst 

with Oppenheimer. "They 

all hope to make a lot of 

money, but so far they 

have seen only the appet 

tizer, not the full meal." 

Other companies might 

follow ExxonMobil’s lead, 

he told CNNMoney. Gheit 

argues that ExxonMobil’s 

deal with KRG, which 

essentially means walkit 

ing away from bidding on 

new Iraqi contracts, could 

be seen as a message convt 

veying that Iraq is taking a 

hard line with Exxon. 

Aiyob Mawloodi 


aiyob.kurdishglobe 

@gmail.com 

Exxon finds support from Iraqi government despite threats 

country make the 

target look overly opt 

timistic to analysts. 

The oil industry in 

the country has sufft 

fered from years of 

sanctions and war. 

Exxon’s role in Iraq’s 

push to boost oil 

output will help the 

company increase its 

global output. 

Forbes


A current portrait of Nasiriya 

The city 

is no 

longer 

the 

liberal 

bastion 

of yore 

GLOBE PHOTO/ Qassim Khidhir 

Qassim Khidhir 

Nasiriya 

qassim. 

kurdishglobe@gmail.com 

The main street in the city centre. 

A city that once 

suffered under 

Saddam Hussein is 

now encircled by 

Islamic extremists. 

Nasiriya evokes visions of 

an ancient city filled with 

artifacts and surrounded by 

ancient towns such as Ur 

and Larsa. Many Iraqi poets 

were born in Nasiriya, and 

almost all Iraqi political 

parties were first established 

in Nasiriya, including Saddt 

dam Hussein’s Baath Party 

and the Iraqi Communist 

Party. But Nasiriya today is 

very different. The city rest 

sembles a large village, and 

the majority of original Nast 

siriya residents left the city 

over the decades and were 

replaced by farmers. 

Arab Shiites mainly inht 

habit Nasiriya, which is 370 

km southeast of Baghdad; 

it is the capital city of Thi 

Qar province. Few reliable 

statistics means the populat 

tion is unknown, but some 

unofficial statics reveal Thi 

Qar to be the fourth largestpopulated 

Iraqi province. 

Nasiriya is safe compared 

to other Iraqi cities under 

the control of the Baghdad 

government. Only a few 

explosions have occurred 

there since 2003, the last 

in 2009 on the outskirts of 

the city in which the suicide 

bomber was the only one 

killed. 

Nasiriya suffered tremendt 

dously during Saddam Husst 

sein’s reign because of its 

Shiite majority; Saddam’s 

army massacred people 

during the 1991 uprising 

against his regime. And 

Nasiriya residents are now 

encircled by the Shiite religt 

gious political parties. 

The city is covered in 

posters of Shiite religious 

leaders and religious slogt 

gans. Women barely take 

to the streets; when they do, 

they are escorted by men 

and fully covered. "They 

think it is not appropriat 

ate for women to go out 

without a man escorting 

her," said Fatima Ahmed, 

who requested anonymit 

ity due to the sensitivity of 

the subject. Ahmed, highly 

educated with studies in 

civil engineering, said one 

brother must accompany 

her when she goes out with 

her female friends. "They 

say it is good for you," she 

said sarcastically. 

Before 2003 when Saddam 

was in power, Ahmed wore 

jeans and no scarf. "Now it 

is impossible to wear jeans; 

the religious extremists will 

stone me if I do." 

Abu Rwayda, 68, an artist, 

said a plethora of cultural 

activities were available 

in the ‘70s and ‘80s. Most 

young people at the time 

were busy with cinema and 

theater, writing poetry and 

novels. Extremists closed 

down the cinema, and most 

educated people have left 

the city to live abroad, said 

Rwayda. 

He pointed to the Eupt 

phrates canal, which goes 

through the city, and said in 

the ‘80s they were “sitting 

on the canals where there 

were open bars, drinking 

beer and listening to must 

sic." Rwayda added: "Now 

if you drink a beer on this 

canal, you will be shot." 

Not a single liquor store 

remains in Nasiriya, and 

extremists would be quick 

to destroy any attempts at 

opening one. Some residt 

dents tried to sell liquor sect 

cretly at home, but extremit 

ists found out and warned 

them that they would be 

killed if they continued. 

Nasiriya residents now buy 

their liquor in Baghdad. 

Laith Muhammad, 26, 

said young people in the 

city are thirsty for cultural 

and social activities. And 

he added that some Nasiriyt 

ya residents want to fight 

extremists through cult 

tural activities, but they are 

weak. "Now the power is in 

the hand of extremists," she 

lamented. 

Regardless of the current 

state of affairs in Nasiriya, 

Ahmed, Rwayda and Muht 

hammad say the situation 

is much better than during 

Saddam's era and at least 

they now have “jobs and 

food.” 

Kurdistan hotels and restaurants 

threaten work stoppage 

Tourist organizations have 

informed the KRG that the 

government must reduce 

taxes and electricity charget 

es before March or they will 

shut down the hotels and 

restaurants for the Newroz 

holidays. 

Eight hotels have shut 

down because they were 

not able to pay bills and 

taxes, announced Herish 

Ahmed, chairman of Kurdit 

istan Association of Hotels 

and Restaurants, during a 

press conference in Erbil on 

Thursday. 

The association has delivet 

ered 11 letters to Kurdistan 

Parliament and relevant 

ministries since 2007, all 

to no avail, stated Ahmed, 

adding that electricity prices 

are «very high.» As one exat 

ample, he said a single hot 

tel had to pay US$120,000 

(140m IQD) for only four 

months' supply. 

Some tourist attractions 

are only summer resorts, 

but the government still 

collects taxes from hotels 

and restaurants in the area- 

-even in the winter. 

The association demands 

the Retirement and Social 

Access and Labor Law of 

1959 be amended so that 

restaurant and hotel empt 

ployees can also benefit 

from government privileget 

es. The association, through 

its presence of hotel and 

restaurants in Kurdistan, 

has been able to reduce unet 

employment in the region 

by 40 percent. 

Newroz, March 21, marks 

the first day of spring and 

is a national occasion in 

Kurdistan that attracts a 

great number of visitors and 

tourists. 

Aknews 

Dutch companies to invest in Kurdistan 

Netherlands ambassador 

to Iraq Gurion Rodnberk 

announced Wednesday 

that Dutch authorities 

would encourage Dutch 

companies invest in 

Kurdistan Region. The 

announcement came 

during a meeting with 

the governor of Duhok, 

Tamar Ramazan. 

“Dutch companies have 

good experience in the 

fields of sports, buildings 

stadiums, water systems 

and industry,” said the 

Dutch ambassador. “We 

will try to get Dutch 

companies to come here 

and conduct business” 

Kurdistan Region has 

been the hot spot for invt 

vestment in Iraq since 

2003 and is regarded as 

one of the Middle East's 

best growth prospects 

in 2012. According to 

statistics released by 

the Investment Board, 

the region has attracted 

some US$16.2 billion 

(19 trillion IQD) in foret 

eign investment over the 

past five years. 

Kurdistan Region’s 

boom in foreign investmt 

ment has been accredited 

to its accommodating Invt 

vestment Law, passed in 

2007. The law provides 

incentives for foreign 

investors including the 

possibility of owning 

land, up to 10-year tax 

holidays, easy repatriat 

tion of profits, and remt 

moval of tariffs on expt 

ports and imports related 

to the project. 

Figures obtained from 

the Kurdistan Regional 

Government’s Ministry 

of Trade in December 

2011 showed a 30 perct 

cent increase in the numbt 

ber of foreign companies 

registering in Kurdistan 

Region in 2011, up from 

331 companies in 2010 

to 433 companies this 

year. 

Aknews


Residents pleased with the decision 

Concrete walls coming down in Erbil 

PRESS PHOTO 

A man watches on as a security wall is removed in Erbil. 

While Erbil has 

decided to remove 

all security concrete 

walls in the city, 

Baghdad sees 

removing these walls 

as a distant dream. 

People in Erbil watched 

the cranes removing sect 

curity walls with delight. 

They were pleased with 

the decision to remove 

these "ugly" concrete walls 

in the capital city of Iraqi 


Erbil Governorate’s sect 

curity committee believes 

security is good enough to 

remove concrete walls in 

front of governmental and 

political party buildings. 

"The operation of removit 

ing all the concrete walls in 

Erbil city has started," said 

Erbil Mayor, Nihad Qoja. 

Qoja said the concrete walls 

were coming down in front 

of Patriot Union Kurdistan 

Party headquarters, a party 

led by Iraqi President Jalal 

Talabani, and Xabat newspt 

paper, a daily paper which 

is the mouthpiece of Kurdit 

istan Democratic Party, 

which is led by Kurdistan 

Region President Massoud 

Barzani. 

Qoja noted that all the 

concrete walls in the city 

will be removed gradually. 

The last explosion in Erbt 

bil was in May 2007. A 

suicide truck bomb, which 

exploded in front of the 

Ministry of Interior, killed 

19 people and wounded 

70. However, it was a 

rare attack because Erbil 

was considered as one of 

the safest cities in Iraq. In 

2010, Erbil security (Asayit 

ish) seized a car bomb, 

loaded with 100 kilograms 

of explosives on the outst 

skirts of Erbil. The driver 

had tried to enter the city, 

but was killed by security 

forces at a checkpoint. 

"I see them [the concrete 

walls] as a psychological 

unrest," said Saahdi Must 

tafa, lecturer at Salahaddt 

din University in Erbil. 

"Whenever you see them, 

they give you the feeling 

that situation is not OK in 

your city." 

Mustafa is pleased the 

concrete walls are going 

to be removed in the city. 

However, he admitted 

there is still a slight fear inst 

side him about car bombs 

in his city. "Mosul is only 

one hour away from us and 

it is a very dangerous city. 

It is very hard to provide 

Erbil city with 100 percent 

security." 

Marwan Abdullah, 23, a 

guard in front of the Xebat 

newspaper building, who 

is a member of Peshmerga 

forces (Kurdish army) told 

The Kurdish Globe that he 

is not concerned at all that 

the concrete walls are beit 

ing removed in front the 

newspaper office. "On the 

contrary, I am happy; it 

makes the building nicer." 

In Baghdad, removing 

concrete walls is not an 

option. In December and 

January, Baghdad witnt 

nessed a wave of attacks, 

mainly car bombs. Ali 

Kathim, 58, works for an 

NGO in Baghdad and said: 

"What is happening is a 

conflict among political 

parties. Few of the attacks 

actually are related to terrt 

rorism." Kathim remarked 

that some security officials 

have made millions of dollt 

lars from concrete walls. 

"They have deals with 

companies who build the 

concrete walls; they don't 

want the concrete walls to 

be removed. Actually, they 

hope there will be more 

need for concrete walls, so 

that they can make more 

money." 

Since 2003, concrete 

walls have become part of 

Iraqi architecture. "It will 

be amazing to see Baghdad 

without them one day," 

said Kathim. 

Ministry of Health gets tough on smoking in public 

The Ministry of Health isst 

sued new regulations in 

which the owners of public 

places are responsible for 

preventing smokers from 

lighting up. If the owners 

do not enforce the regulat 

tions, they will be fined. 

“The owners of shoppt 

ping malls, hotels, restaurt 

rants and inns will be fined 

500,000 Iraqi dinars if they 

allow people to smoke,” 

said the Speaker of the 

Ministry of Health Dr. Qadt 

dir Khalis. 

Khalis said that the ownet 

ers of public areas will face 

a heavy fine 1,000,000 

ID for repeat offenses. If 

someone is caught smoking 

for a third time, the busint 

ness will be shut down for 

a week. Those selling tobt 

bacco products face prosect 

cution if they sell cigarettes 

to people under 18. 

Smoking causes a numbt 

ber of effects, including 

constricting the airways 

and raising blood pressure. 

The carbon monoxide also 

deprives the body of oxygt 

gen. Smoking can lead to a 

number of serious diseases, 

including lung cancer, empt 

physema and respiratory 

diseases. 

Khalis explained the 

public smoking ban also 

applies to colleges, univt 

versities, airplanes and 

all government buildings. 

Government employees 

will not be fined, but their 

administrative heads will 

take measures against 

them. 

Khalis said more than 100 

million people died in the 

20th century and the toll 

could reach 1 billion this 

century, worldwide. He 

said it will take some time 

to get everyone to comply 

with the regulations, but 

that the ministry will take 

it step by step. 

By Hangaw Rashaddadin 

The owners of shopping malls, hotels, restaurants and inns will be fined 500,000 Iraqi dinars if they allow 

people to smoke. 

GLOBE PHOTO/ Safin Hamed


Despite expectations, Kurdistan 

mostly calm on Friday 

“This is not Arab Spring. This is political Islam’s uprising" 

On the first 

anniversary of the 

2011 protests in 

Kurdistan Region’s 

Suleimaniya 

province, only a 

small gathering 

took place in 

Halabja. Elsewhere 

in the Region, a few 

people were 

reportedly arrested 

in several cities, 

most of whom rela 

leased later in the 

day. 

Despite calls from various 

groups for major gatherit 

ings across Kurdistan, 

Halabja, a town near the 

Iranian border, was the 

only town that witnessed a 

small gathering of several 

dozen people. 

Security forces maint 

tained a heavy presence 

in several towns and cities 

in Kurdistan, especially in 

Suleimaniya, which was 

the scene of large protests 

last year. Police and other 

security services were on 

alert across the Kurdistan 

Region in anticipation of 

possible protests. Kurdist 

tan Police General Director 

Maj. Gen. Abdullah Khailt 

lani told the Globe that polt 

lice were on a state of alert 

from Feb. 15 to 18. 

According to Kurdish 

media outlets, security 

forces arrested two people 

who were trying to take 

photos with their cellpt 

phones in Sara Square in 

Suleimaniya. 

An eyewitness in Suleimt 

maniya told The Kurdish 

Globe that a foreign phot 

tographer was arrested by 

security forces near the 

square. 

Sara Square was the main 

site of protests in Suleimt 

maniya last year. 

The three major Kurdit 

ish opposition groups isst 

sued a statement yesterday 

calling for fundamental 

reforms in Kurdistan but 

stopped short of calling for 

renewed protests. 

“Taking into account the 

sensitive circumstances 

of Kurdistan, Iraq and the 

region, we have no plans 

at the moment for prot 

Protestors are seen in this file photo during last year's anti-government riots in Sara Square in Sulaimaniya. 

tests and street activities,” 

a statement from the oppt 

position parties read. “We 

reject any kind of milit 

tary or security solution if 

peaceful and civil protests 

occur.” 

Khailani said any party 

or person who wants to 

hold a protest should get 

official permission from 

the local administration of 

their province. “If people 

get permission to hold a 

protest, then it is our [polt 

lice] responsibility to prot 

tect protestors’ lives,” he 

added. 

“We issued new instruct 

tions and asked police 

members to deal with 

protestors in a good mannt 

ner,” said Khailani. He 

said opening fire is not allt 

lowed. 

Anonymous groups have 

been using social media 

websites, especially Facebt 

book, in recent weeks to 

organize protests in Kurdit 

istan Region’s cities. But 

the presence of security 

forces seems to have, at 

least for now, succeeded in 

deterring protestors from 

taking to the streets. 

But while many wonder 

if there will be major prot 

tests this year, there is a 

widespread conviction the 

factors for renewed prot 

tests are still there. 

The ruling parties have 

accused opposition parties 

of being behind last year’s 

protests. 

Adnan Osman, a lawmt 

maker in Kurdistan Parliamt 

ment from the opposition 

Gorran Movement, denies 

the accusations. 

“The accusations are 

baseless. Every political 

party has the right to expt 

press its views through 

peaceful protests,” said Osmt 

man. “It is a kind of honor 

for a political party to perst 

suade people and bring 

them out on the streets. If 

the opposition was behind 

the protests, then we would 

not be afraid to publicize 

it.” 

Different opinions 

Patriotic Union of Kurdit 

istan, one of Kurdistan’s 

two ruling parties, would 

be the most affected by 

emerging protests, as areas 

under its control were expt 

pected to be the main site 

of protests. 

Kurdish media has rept 

ported that if protests occt 

cur in other areas not under 

PUK’s control, then it will 

support protesters. 

The PUK, in alliance with 

the Kurdistan Democratic 

Party, run the Kurdish Regt 

gional Government. PUK 

controls the local adminit 

istration in Suleimaniya 

province, Kurdistan’s larget 

est province, while KDP 

controls Erbil and Duhok 

provinces. 

Arez Abdullah, a membt 

ber of PUK’s leadership 

council, told the Globe 

his party always supports 

nonviolent demonstrations 

because “it is an absolute 

right of people to express 

their views.” 

Abdullah pointed fingers 

at some opposition parties, 

accusing them of standing 

behind protests. 

“They encourage people 

to take to the streets and 

their aim is to expand their 

political influence through 

people,” he said. 

Abdulwahab Ali, KDP’s 

spokesman in Suleimaniya 

province, told the Globe 

that the opposition parties 

should have separated their 

political demands from the 

people’s demands. 

“The PUK and other polt 

litical parties have the abst 

solute right to hold protests 

and take to the streets and 

make specific demands.” 

Protest causes 

Many believe corruption, 

social injustice and a lack 

of basic services were the 

reason behind last year’s 

protests. Leaders of ruling 

parties agree those problt 

lems still exist. 

Abdullah believes the 

government should funct 

tion better and there are 

still shortcomings that 

need to be solved soon. 

But he also believes KRG 

has tried to solve the problt 

lems. “The government has 

made steps toward institut 

tionalizing its apparatuses 

and making them function 

actively,” he said. 

He gave the example 

of the government hirit 

ing around 25,000 people 

without discriminating 

based on political affiliat 

tion. 

Abdullah still wants those 

responsible for violence 

during last year’s protests 

brought to justice. 

“I am sure the judiciary 

system in Kurdistan is undt 

der political parties’ influet 

ence that’s why no one has 

so far brought to justice,” 

Abdullah said. 

Abdullah said social 

and economic changes in 

Kurdistan, and the Middle 

East in general, have been 

rapid and have added to 

the unrest. 

Arab Spring 

After Mohammed Bu 

Aziz, a young Tunisian 

man, set himself on fire, 

protests swept the Middle 

East, bringing Islamist part 

ties to power in the North 

African nations of Egypt 

and Tunisia. 

Some in Kurdistan say 

Islamist parties want to 

gain control of the governmt 

ment through the protests. 

Kurdish media reported 

the Kurdistan Islamic 

Union and Kurdistan Islt 

lamic Group (Komal), the 

two main Islamic parties, 

want to join forces to form 

a powerful Islamic movemt 

ment in the autonomous 


Ali of the KDP believes 

they would not join bect 

cause each is from differet 

ent school and has different 

views. “This is not Arab 

Spring. This is political Islt 

lam’s uprising. People can, 

with no doubt, notice Islt 

lamic political parties’ succt 

cess in the countries where 

uprisings took place. This 

would not happen in Kurdit 

istan,” said Ali. 

But Gorran’s Osman belt 

lieves Islamic parties have 

a presence in Kurdistan 

and have the right to expt 

press their concerns. 

“Gorran will continue, to 

some extent, to cooperate 

with Islamist opposition 

parties. This doesn’t mean 

we all have the same views 

on everything,” said Osmt 

man. He disagrees with the 

claim some Islamists made 

that they were the major 

winner of last year’s prot 

tests. 

Profile of the 2011 

protests 

Several civil society orgt 

ganizations prepared a 

protest on Feb. 17, 2011, 

in Suleimaniya’s Sara 

Square to show solidarity 

with protestors in Tunisia 

and Egypt. Protesters later 

renamed the square Tahrir 

Square, after Cairo’s cent 

tral square. 

Around 10 people were 

killed, including members 

of security forces, and hundt 

dreds were injured. 

The 62-day protests did 

not spread to Erbil and 

Duhok provinces, KDP 

strongholds. 

Salih Waladbagi 


salihas2006 

@gmail.com 

PRESS PHOTO


Statement by the office of the 

Deputy Prime Minister of Iraq 

krg 

Dr. Rowsch Nuri Shaways 

Office of the Deputy Prime 

Minister Federal Republic 

of Iraq 

Statement by the office 

of the Deputy Prime Minit 

ister of Iraq 

In the last few days, 

some media outlets have 

reported statements by 

federal Iraqi government 

officials related to the oil 

contract with Exxon Mobt 

bil and a potential contract 

with Total. These statemt 

ments have drawn the att 

tention of many local and 

foreign media, which have 

contacted us for an explant 

nation. 

In light of this, we would 

like to clarify the followit 

ing points: 

According to the Iraqi 

constitution, the oil and 

all the natural resources 

that exist in Iraq are nat 

tional wealth that belongs 

to all Iraqi people, living 

in all of the regions and 

provinces of Iraq. This 

wealth should be used to 

increase the well-being 

and prosperity of all the 

people of Iraq. Therefore, 

such agreements should 

be a joint effort between 

everyone in Iraq and no 

individual group should 

single-handedly decide on 

how these resources are 

used. 

In our view, these statemt 

ments, especially those 

that threaten renowned 

international investment 

companies working in the 

Kurdistan Region, could 

lead to companies being 

reluctant to work in all of 

Iraq, and they will portray 

a negative image to invt 

vestors across all sectors. 

This contradicts the genet 

eral policies of economic 

openness, the promotion 

of trade and attracting 

foreign direct investment 

in order to provide better 

services to the people of 

Iraq, who have suffered 

for decades from closed 

centralized economic polit 

icies that have led to widest 

spread poverty, destitution 

and deprivation. 

In addition, such statemt 

ments lead to increased 

disputes between the polt 

litical parties and to the 

accumulation of new 

problems at a time when 

we need to think and work 

together in order to solve 

the problems that already 

exist—especially as we 

are building up a new demt 

mocracy, which is what all 

the political and national 

components of Iraq want. 

As it is in democratic 

and developed countries 

throughout the world, 

such problems are best 

Dr. Rowsch Nuri Shaways Deputy Prime Minister of Iraq 

solved through working 

together, and through dialt 

logue and communication. 

This mutual effort would 

lead to the development 

of all the various sectors, 

including the oil industry, 

and to increasing product 

tion through the use of 

reputable international 

companies who already 

have significant experiet 

ence in this field. And, this 

would benefit all of Iraq’s 

people. 

We call for the swift passt 

sage of the hydrocarbons 

law, as soon as possible, in 

a manner consistent with 

the constitution, which 

was ratified by the majorit 

ity of Iraq’s people. This 

law will pave the way for 

overcoming the problems 

and disputes in this import 

tant sector. 

This is a translation of the 

statement that was released in 

Arabic on 14 February 2012 

Range Rover Evoque released in Kurdistan 

Sardar Group opens new dealership 

With increasing car sales, 

Range Rover’s entry into 

the Kurdistan market helps 

feed the Region’s booming 

auto trade. Sardar Trading 

Agencies Ltd, distributor 

for the Range Rover brand 

in Kurdistan Region, held a 

ceremony to debut the latet 

est models to the media and 

business community. 

Due to economic growth 

over the last decade, Kurdit 

istan Region has become 

a booming market for car 

sales. Distributors compete 

to bring the top brands and 

latest models to the Region. 

Sardar Group’s new 2,400- 

square-foot showroom was 

the backdrop for releasing 

the Range Rover Evoque. 

The facility, on Erbil’s Golt 

lan Street, is fully equipped 

with an after-sales center. 

"We are extremely honot 

ored to represent Range 

Rover exclusively in Kurdit 

istan Region. Given Range 

Rover's proud heritage and 

excellent vehicle portfolio, 

combined with our strong 

market presence, infrast 

structure and investment in 

our facilities and our highly 

dedicated staff, we look forwt 

ward to showing the brand 

in other cities of the Regt 

gion," said Sardar Hussein, 

chairman of Sardar Group. 

In a market with a wide 

range of car makes and 

models, Hussein says Range 

Rover seems to be at the top 

Sardar Group’s new 2,400-square-foot showroom was the backdrop for releasing the Range Rover Evoque. 

and stand out due to its dist 

tinguished name and qualit 

ity. The car has many safety 

features and its price is more 

reasonable than it is in othet 

er countries. "We brought 

Range Rover Evoque to the 

Kurdistan market; and as 

we expected, the vehicles 

are well received by const 

sumers here, just as they 

have been across the globe 

and the Middle East region. 

That means that people 

who like the Range Rover 

already know about its a," 

noted Hassan. 

Sardar Group formed in 

1980 and expanded in 2005 

to diversify. It had previouslt 

ly run operation in vehicle 

sales and leasing; servicing 

vehicles, equipment; and 

machinery and real estate. 

After 29 years of experience 

in the automotive trade, Sardt 

dar Group is well known in 

Iraq and the region. Sardar 

Group is particularly strong 

in the central and northern 

areas of Iraq. Sardar Group 

has 10 companies in Iraq, 

two branches in Jordan, a 

branch in the Syria-Jordan 

free trade zone, a head offt 

fice in Jordan, one location 

in United Arab Emirates, as 

well as satellite offices in 

Germany and the Far East. 


The Globe No. 341, Saturday, February 18, 2012 11 

“The Emigrated Birds” coming soon 

Shahram Qadir to release film after final edits 

GLOBE PHOTO 

filmmaker and art photographer Shahram Qadir 

The movie 

portrays solitude 

and isolation 

of Iranian 

immigrants 

in Europe, 

lifting the veil 

off of life in exile. 

"The Emigrated Birds" is 

a 2012 Persian film writt 

ten and directed by filmmt 

maker and art photograpt 

pher Shahram Qadir. The 

90- minute movie tells 

the intriguing story of exit 

iles in Europe in general 

and Sweden in particular, 

where the clash of cultures 

compels immigrants to inht 

habit a new form of life, 

Qadir explained to The 

Globe. 

“The essential reason for 

producing the film was to 

portray what immigrants 

witness in exile and how 

they have to come face to 

face with a different cult 

ture that eventually obliget 

es them to dwell in a new 

form of life,” Qadir said. 

The film follows the tale 

of young Iranians from 

different walks of life who 

leave their homelands for 

Sweden. The character 

Makan is a musician who 

used to play the daff (a 

traditional musical instrumt 

ment) in Iran, but after he 

moves to Sweden, solitude 

and isolation encourages 

him to be a painter; he 

draws portraits that reflect 

his loneliness. 

Nadja, another charact 

ter, is a dance instructor 

who works desperately to 

maintain her career and 

promote it by engaging 

Eastern musical instrumt 

ments in her classes; she 

hopes to seduce Makan 

into playing the daff once 

again. 

Qadir says the film not 

only focuses on the social 

issues that immigrants 

face, but it also addresses 

their artistic lives. 

The process of shooting 

the film began in mid 2011 

in Sweden and wrapped 

up early in 2012. Some 

50percent of the movie 

has already been edited.“I 

hope we can finish editit 

ing soon so we can get it 

into theaters quickly,” said 

Qadir. 

Stockholm, Sweden, will 

see the film first; later, 

audiences in Erbil will 

get to view it. Qadir, who 

has already produced five 

short movies and two docut 

umentaries in his career, 

stated that making a film 

in Europe is not that easy 

in comparison to Kurdist 

tan or Iran.“Gathering a 

crew for such a project in 

Europe is complicated; for 

this film, some of the act 

tors had to come from difft 

ferent countries.” 

He quipped that solitude 

further complicates the 

efforts of making films 

in Europe: “Inexile, immt 

migrants get used to beit 

ing alone due to isolation; 

therefore, it takes a lot to 

overcome this loneliness 

and gather a crew to prodt 

duce a movie.” 

Rawaz Koyee 


shano_koye 

@yahoo.com 

Coming soon: films by Yilmaz Güney 

Of all the screenings to be 

excited about this weekend 

(such as Block Cinema’s 

invaluable revival of Love 

Streams), the one I’m anticit 

ipating most is the double 

feature that kicks off Doc 

Films’s Yilmaz Güney sert 

ries on Saturday afternoon. 

One of the key figures in 

the history of Turkish cinet 

ema, Güney was a successft 

ful movie star (he acted in 

over 100 films), one of the 

first Turkish directors to 

be celebrated abroad (his 

penultimate work, Yol— 

which plays in Doc’s series 

on February 23—shared 

the top prize at Cannes in 

1982), and his far-left polit 

tics made him a polarizing 

cultural figure. He was 

jailed three times—the secot 

ond for harboring guerilla 

fighters, the last for murderit 

ing a judge—but continued 

to write movies in prison 

and direct them by proxy. J. 

Hoberman once described 

him as a combination of 

Clint Eastwood, James 

Dean, and Che Guevara. 

With a biography like 

that, do the movies even 

need to be good? I can’t 

comment on their qualit 

ity: I haven’t seen any of 

Güney’s many, many films 

(not out of disinterest so 

much as intimidation—I 

mean, where do you start?) 

and nearly everything I’ve 

read about him devotes 

more space to his life story 

than to his work. Regardlt 

less, I’m looking forward 

to the series as a history 

lesson about a country of 

which I know embarrassit 

ingly little and a political 

movement of which I know 

even less. The eight films 

in this series were made 

between 1968 and 1982, a 

period marked by the Turkit 

ish military’s repeated “int 

terventions” into state govet 

ernment. Güney used his 

celebrity to criticize milit 

tary might—as well as the 

injustices regularly suffered 

by Turkey’s underclass and 

Kurdish population. His 

decision even to identify 

his characters as Kurds (as 

he did throughout Yol, evidt 

dently) was a radical one. 

Kurds had been forbidden 

by law from acknowledgit 

ing their ethnic identity 

from the beginning of the 

modern Turkish state—the 

ban wasn’t lifted until the 

mid-80s, after Güney’s 

death. 

Ben Sachs


Crisis point for Syrian Kurds 

Repressed for decades, 

the Syrian Kurds have 

been divided, marginalit 

ized and doubtful with 

respect to Syria crisis. 

Trusting neither Syria’s 

regime nor its opposition, 

the Kurds have declined 

to take an active role 

in anti-Assad protests. 

From its part, the regime 

has tried its best to woo 

them with promises of reft 

forms. Dominated by the 

Muslim Brotherhood and 

Arab nationalists, the Syrit 

ian opposition, influenced 

by Turkey, has been unst 

sympathetic towards the 

Kurds. 

Despite being the larget 

est minority group in 

the country Kurds have 

for decades been subject 

to government oppresst 

sion as a paranoid Syria 

sought to maintain firm 

control by denying them 

basic rights; at times uprt 

rooting its Kurdish popult 

lation in order to establish 

an “Arab belt” to distance 

them from Kurds in neighbt 

boring countries, denying 

citizenship to hundreds of 

thousands of Kurds, classt 

sifying as “foreigners” 

who could not vote, own 

property or work in the 

public sector, prohibiting 

Kurds from registering 

their children with Kurdit 

ish names, and banning 

their cultural activities. 

Moreover, Syrian Kurds 

have been repeatedly disct 

couraged from addressing 

the Kurdish question inst 

side Syria. Syrian governmt 

ments, particularly those 

of Hafez Assad, pursued 

a double-tracked policy 

in this regard, engaging 

Syrian Kurds in the polit 

tics of Iraq and Turkey 

on the one hand, while on 

the other, involving with 

Iraqi Kurds and assistit 

ing Turkey’s Kurds in the 

struggle against their own 

states. 

Syrian state policy has 

been a success insofar as 

its own Kurdish issue is 

concerned. Successive 

governments have succt 

cessfully hindered the 

emergence of an effective 

Kurdish movement, and 

thus, a viable opposition. 

The involvement with the 

Kurds in Iraq and assist 

tance given to the Kurds 

in Turkey have been 

aimed at both gaining 

their support in relation 

to its own Kurdish issue, 

and to establish a trump 

card against the Turkish 

and Iraqi governments. 

Regrettably, the current 

disorganization and divist 

sion among Syria’s Kurds 

are largely due to both 

Demonstrators hold Syrian and Kurdish flags as they march through the streets during a protest against Syria's President Bashar al-Assad after Friday prayers in 

Amude. 

this policy and the state’s 

overall repression. 

In recent years, regional 

geopolitical changes such 

as the 2003 invasion of 

Iraq, the ascendancy of 

Iraqi Kurdistan and the 

assassination of Lebant 

nese former Prime Minit 

ister Rafiq Hariri with its 

ramifications, have both 

further increased Bashar 

Assad’s wariness with 

regard to internal affairs 

and served to give fresh 

impetus to Syria’s Kurds 

and the Syrian opposit 

tion. 

Bearing in mind the 

Kurds’ decades-long 

grievances and the chilly 

atmosphere sparked 

by riots in Qamishli in 

2004 and later in Aleppo, 

Syria’s government has 

watched developments 

in Kurdish areas closely, 

and acted cautiously with 

the Kurds since the Arab 

Spring reached Syria. 

Kurdish participation in 

protests strengthens the 

anti-government chorus 

of opposition, lessens the 

government’s legitimacy, 

and requires it to dispatch 

additional security forces 

to the area, thereby inct 

creasing the pressure on 

itself. 

From this perspective, 

Syria’s government has 

perceived the neutralizat 

tion of its Kurdish voices 

as extremely important 

and to that end it has made 

several tactical approachet 

es, including expressions 

of good intent to resolve 

the Kurdish question. In a 

rare move, it took a psyct 

chological step, agreeing 

not only to allow Nawruz, 

(the Kurdish New Year) 

with its fluttering Kurdish 

flags, to be celebrated, but 

also sent an official delet 

egation to the festivities. 

Moreover, the Kurds were 

offered several opportunt 

nities to participate in disct 

cussions be arranged to 

supposedly look into their 

grievances, including the 

issue of those deprived of 

identification documents. 

While the Kurds have 

not rejected all such oppt 

portunities, there have 

been no concrete outct 

comes. Aware of the 

government’s opaque 

position and unsure of 

its intentions, its calls to 

hold dialogues with part 

ties were seen by many as 

a sort of “ploy” aimed at 

manipulating the Kurds, 

dividing the Syrian commt 

munity and deepening 

divisions within the antigovernment 

opposition. 

The Kurds have encourat 

aged for a dialogue in 

which all Syrians participt 

pate, not merely specific 

groups, in order to forest 

stall any suspicion that 

they were attempting to 

strike a deal with the govet 

ernment purely for the 

benefit of Kurds alone. 

Hoping meanwhile, that 

non-Syrian Kurds might 

be persuaded to exert 

pressure on Syrian Kurds, 

the Syrian President invitet 

ed Masoud Barzani, Presit 

ident of Iraqi Kurdistan to 

talks. President Barzani 

declined the invitation. 

Holding talks with Syrit 

ian regime projects legitimt 

macy onto the increasinglt 

ly pressured and isolated 

regime. It would consolidt 

date the unfounded allegt 

gations that Syria’s Kurds 

tend to seize the crisis for 

separation and put the 

Kurds in jeopardy. 

With respect to the Syrit 

ian opposition as reprt 

resented by the Syrian 

National Council (SNC) 

the Kurds have, at least 

until recently, been unwt 

welcome partners in an 

organization dominated 

by Arab nationalists and 

the Muslim Brotherhood. 

Often complaining of int 

tentional marginalization, 

their rights ignored by the 

Turkish influenced oppost 

sition which hopes that 

the Kurds would have 

very limited influence, if 

any, on the road map to a 

post-Assad Syria. 

Since not inviting the 

Kurds to opposition summt 

mits and conferences 

would undoubtedly have 

intensified the outrage of 

the Kurdish population, 

the SNC took this into 

consideration and did call 

the Kurds to a conference 

held in Antalya, but only 

as independent delegates, 

not as political represent 

tatives. On another occast 

sion the Kurds pulled out 

of Istanbul conference, 

due to the Arab opposit 

tion’s insistence on the 

“Arab” character of the 

state when it confirmed 

that Syria’s official title 

would stay as the Syrian 

Arab Republic, implying 

that recognition of the 

Kurds as an ethnic group 

- a principle Kurdish demt 

mand - was rejected. 

Turkey’s complex problt 

lems with regard to its 

own Kurdish question 

- which it has spectacult 

larly failed to resolve 

- have, for decades, led 

it to keep a close eye on 

developments relating to 

the Kurds of neighboring 

states. Turkey has now 

become the venue for the 

offices and activities of 

Syrian opposition figures 

and has been tightening its 

grip on the Syrian Nationat 

al Council in order to gain 

leverage over its agenda 

and events pertaining to 

the Syrian crisis in an efft 

fort to contain Kurdish 

ascendancy there. 

Should the Syrian Kurds 

ever achieve their aims 

Turkey will have a new 

headache. Iraqi Kurdist 

tan, which already enjoys 

de facto independence, is 

considered by the Kurdit 

ish nation to be a source 

of inspiration and politict 

cal savvy, an important 

advocate of their aims 

and a reliable safe haven. 

The Syrian Kurdish oppt 

position held a conference 

in Iraqi Kurdistan recentlt 

ly at which its president 

clearly expressed support 

for the Kurdish stance in 

Syria. Even allowing for 

the fact that the situation 

of Iraqi Kurds is unlikely 

to be duplicated, should 

Syria’s Kurds to be 

granted rights this would 

undoubtedly cement the 

power of the Kurdish 

nation and consolidate 

Kurdish influence. This 

scenario would then be 

both a powerful driving 

force for Turkey’s rest 

tive Kurds to pursue their 

struggle for greater rights 

from the state, while 

ratcheting up Turkey’s 

security concerns with regt 

gard to the PKK. 

The Syrian Kurds do 

not seek separation. They 

will, however, try hard 

not to lose the current oppt 

portunity to gain ethnic 

recognition, political and 

cultural rights and, very 

importantly, achieve fedet 

eralism - an unusual polt 

litical arrangement in the 

region. Meanwhile, Kurdit 

ish internal affairs, and 

the strategies of the SNC, 

Turkey and the regional 

powerhouse countries 

towards their demands, 

will involve huge challt 

lenges for the Kurds. To 

counteract the intentions 

of others, Kurds need to 

organize their affairs bett 

ter and try to weaken the 

opposition to their demt 

mands. Forming alliances 

would be strategic in this 

regard. 

Idrees Mohammed is 

an observer of Turkey’s 

foreign policy; primarily 

towards Iraqi Kurdistan. 

He is also interested in 

Kurdish experience. 

Middle East Online 

REUTERS/Handout


Emboldened Syrian regime steps up violence 

By William Shaw 

A newly emboldened 

Damascus intends to esct 

calate its violent crackdt 

down in the belief it is 

safe from western intervt 

vention, experts warn. 

Opposition activists 

warn that events since 

Russia and China vetoed 

an already watered-down 

United Nations Securt 

rity Council resolution 

on February 4 indicate 

that President Bashar al- 

Assad is determined to 

seek a military solution 

to the ten-month-old uprt 

rising. 

Violence has increased 

since the UN vote, part 

ticularly in the western 

city of Homs which has 

been hammered by artillt 

lery and machine gun fire 

for nearly two weeks. As 

of February 9, more than 

300 people had been 

killed in Homs, accordit 

ing to Human Rights 

Watch, and troops have 

also attacked the southet 

ern city of Deraa, where 

the uprising began last 

March. 

“Assad has indicated 

to Russia that [his govet 

ernment ] can crush the 

rebellion, and Russia is 

giving it time to do so,” 

Malik al-Abdeh, the Londt 

don-based editor-in-chief 

of the opposition satellite 

channel Barada TV, told 

IWPR. “It’s quite obviot 

ous [Assad] believes he 

can crush this rebellion. 

He’s tough enough and 

thick-skinned enough to 

survive.” 

Ausama Monajed, advt 

visor to the secretary 

general of the Syrian Nat 

tional Council, the main 

opposition coalition 

based abroad, added, 

“Russia further alienat 

ated the Syrian people 

for the sake of a relat 

tionship with Assad and 

the regime. Syrians will 

always remember who 

supported the people and 

who supported the regt 

gime.” 

The UN resolution 

would have endorsed an 

Arab League plan for 

Assad to stand down 

ahead of elections, but a 

second attempt at a largescale 

diplomatic move 

now seems unlikely. 

Speaking at the Internt 

national Institute for 

Strategic Studies, IISS, 

last week, Emile Hokt 

kayem, senior fellow for 

regional security at the 

British think tank, said 

Demonstrators hold up Kurdish and the Syrian independence flag during a protest against Syria's President Bashar al-Assad after Friday prayers in Qamishli city Janua 

ary 27, 2012. 

UN members believed 

the resolution had been 

toned down enough to 

win approval 

“The reality is, the 

West, Turkey and the 

Gulf states did not have 

a back-up plan in case of 

a veto,” 

Hokayem predicted that 

the Arab League’s influet 

ence would also likely 

wane in the coming 

months, as Qatar – which 

has been energetic and 

outspoken on the Syria 

crisis – gives up the rot 

tating presidency. 

Although the US dismt 

missed as “laughable” 

Assad’s announcement 

this week of a referendum 

on a new constitution and 

the promise of multiparty 

elections, it too seems 

likely to remain at arms’ 

length from the deteriort 

rating situation. 

Speaking at the same 

IISS event, Dana Allin, 

the institute’s senior fellt 

low for US foreign policy 

and Transatlantic affairs, 

said that while President 

Barack Obama believes 

in humanitarian intervent 

tion, he generally wants 

to end wars rather than 

engage in new ones. Syrit 

ia is unlikely to feature 

large in the Republican 

presidential primaries. 

“I’ve not seen a big 

drumbeat for intervent 

tion in Syria,” Allin 

said, although he noted 

that this could change if 

the situation got rapidly 

worse. 

International attention 

is now focusing on est 

tablishing an informal 

diplomatic alliance of 

“friends of Syria” that 

would continue to push 

for UN action at the Genet 

eral Assembly and Humt 

man Rights Council. 

Some expect Turkey to 

play an important role, 

though it is likely to want 

major backing before it 

takes a strong stand with 

Syria and its supporters 

in Tehran. The Turkish 

response has so far been 

muted, Barada TV editor 

Abdeh said. 

In the meantime, with 

Assad’s assault on prot 

testors continuing, parts 

of the opposition are 

becoming more insist 

tent that citizens need to 

resort to violence themst 

selves. 

“We all know that the 

international community 

fails to protect civilians 

in Syria. The only way is 

for civilians to embrace 

arms,” one opposition 

activist told IWRR on 

condition of anonymity. 

The opposition activit 

ists said that aside from 

senior figures who belt 

long to Assad’s Alawite 

community, much of the 

army could defect if the 

safety of family membt 

bers was guaranteed. 

“Most of the army peopt 

ple are against Assad,” 

he said. “If the army 

cracks, it will crack reat 

ally quickly.” 

Government forces 

have been clashing with 

the Free Syria Army, 

FSA, a grouping largely 

made up of defecting regt 

gime soldiers. The FSA 

troops are lightly armed 

with Kalashnikovs and 

some rocket-propelled 

grenades, in contrast to 

the government’s heavy 

armour and artillery. Acct 

cording to Abdeh, they 

are only organised at a loct 

cal level, and lack handheld 

radios with a range 

of over 50 kilometres. 

They also lack a safe 

zone from which to 

broadcast an FM radio 

station like Radio Free 

Libya, which transmitted 

from Misrata. 

“[The FSA] is organit 

ised on a village-by-villt 

lage, neighbourhood-byneighbourhood 

basis,” 

Abdeh said. “Trying to 

connect these dots togt 

gether is a huge task, 

something the FSA hasn’t 

been capable of doing.” 

Abdeh said the conflict 

had created a burgeoning 

black market for weapot 

ons. One sign of this was 

that prices in neighbourit 

ing states had risen steeplt 

ly, with Kalashnikovs 

retailing for 3,000 US 

dollars in Lebanon and 

1,600 dollars in Jordan. 

“The prices keep goit 

ing up because there’s so 

much demand,” he said. 

According to Abdeh, 

Qatar and Saudi Arabia 

have already pledged 

millions of dollars, monet 

ey that is likely to be 

channelled through tribal 

leaders and Muslim clerit 

ics outside Syria and 

spent on weapons for the 

rebels. 

“You can call it a war 

by proxy but it’s a naturt 

ral outcome,” he said, reft 

ferring to the failed UN 

resolution. 

Analysts predict that 

secure communications 

systems, bulletproof vests 

and night-vision goggles 

may also be channelled 

to the rebels. 

Defenders of the Assad 

regime continue to play 

down the crisis. 

Ammar Waqqaf, a 

member of the UK-based 

Syrian Social Club, maint 

tained that the onslaught 

was less brutal it looked, 

adding that Russia and 

China could have saved 

tens of thousands of lives 

in Libya if they had used 

a similar veto to protect 

Muammar Gaddafi. 

Waqqaf said that many 

Syrians grudgingly suppt 

ported Assad, and feared 

that the uprising could 

lead to herald foreign 

meddling, sectarian violt 

lence and an Islamic 

government. 

“They may not like him, 

but they want him still in 

place because that’s their 

insurance policy against 

the unknown,” he said. 

“If [Assad] stands firm... 

he will be perceived to 

have held the country togt 

gether.” 

William Shaw is an IWPR 

editor in London. 

REUTERS/Handout


Secret agent crisis in Turkish politics 

The MIT, police and AKP occupy the Turkish political agenda 

By Mehmed Sabri Akgönül 

The most delicate 

units of the 

Turkish State 

find themselves 

embroiled in 

a widespread crisis. 

Istanbul’s specially authort 

rized prosecutor, Sadrettin 

Sarikaya, summoned five 

top officersfromTurkey's 

National Intelligence Organt 

nization (MIT) to testify in 

the ongoing investigation 

into the Kurdistan Commt 

munitiesUnion (KCK). 

The summoning of the 

MIT staff has occupied the 

Turkish political agenda 

entirely. 

Officials, who were summt 

moned within the scope of 

KCK probe as suspects, 

includeMIT undersecretary 

Hakan Fidan, his predect 

cessor, Emre Taner, MIT 

deputy undersecretary Afet 

Gunes, and two MIT offt 

ficials, Yasar Yildirim and 

Huseyin Kuzuoglu. Acct 

cording to a 2009 indictmt 

ment, KCK was foundedby 

the PKK in 2005 with the 

purpose of designing its 

own Kurdish political syst 

tem. 

Immediatelyafter Sarikt 

kaya issued the summons, 

the Istanbul police departmt 

ment’s counterterrorism 

unithead, Yurt Atayun, and 

the Istanbul police departmt 

ment’s intelligence unit 

head, Erol Demirhan, who 

conducted the KCK invt 

vestigation, were removed 

from their posts. The summt 

moned MIT officers objt 

jected to the decision to 

remove the men and didn't 

testify, arguing that the dect 

cision was not authorized 

and the prosecutor's office 

should have asked permisst 

sion from the prime minist 

ter. Upon this, the prosecut 

tor wrote a letter rogatory 

to the Ankara prosecutor's 

office for the testimony of 

Hakan Fidan, who is close 

to Prime Minister Recep 

Tayyip Erdogan and was 

personally appointed by 

him as head of the MIT. 

The prosecutor also reqt 

quested a warrant for the 

arrest of four other officers 

from Istanbul’s 14th high 

criminal court. The court 

accepted the prosecutor's 

request. 

But the ruling Justice and 

Development Party (AKP) 

finally interefered. Turkish 

AFP PHOTO/ADEM ALTAN 

This picture taken on August 27, 2012 shows Turkey's former Chief of Staff Gen. Ilker Basbug (L) and Turkish army's former Land 

Forces Commander Gen. Isik Kosaner attending a ceremony in Ankara. Turkey's former army chief Ilker Basbug was arrested Friday 

over an alleged bid to topple the Islamist-rooted government, the Anatolia news agency reported on January 12, 2012. 

President Abdullah Gul and 

Prime Minister Erdogan 

took a stancewith MIT offt 

ficials. Prosecutor Sarıkaya 

was removed from the case 

and two new prosecutors 

were assigned. Nine police 

officers, including a police 

chief, dismissedthe KCK 

investigation by the Istanbt 

bul governor's office. 

Furthermore, the AKP 

presented a law amendment 

to Turkish Parliamentgivit 

ing special authorization to 

prosecutors to obtain spect 

cial permission from the 

prime minister when quest 

tioning MIT officials or 

taking legal action against 

them. While the AKP govet 

ernment wants to solve the 

MIT crisis with a proposed 

law,opposition parties are 

completely against the 

amendment. 

The KCK was organized 

as a mechanism inthe proct 

cess to bring the Kurdist 

tan Workers' Party (PKK) 

down from Kurdistan's 

mountains; it is known as 

the urban formation of the 

PKK. KCK operations begt 

gan on April 14, 2009, and 

currently, more than 5,000 

Kurds, including many 

members, several mayors 

and five MPs of the pro- 

Kurdish Peace and Democrt 

racy Party (BDP), are jailed 

in KCK cases. 

Opposition parties heavit 

ily criticized the AKP for 

its proposed bill because of 

the idea that it is prepared 

to protect particular people 

from investigation. Kemal 

Kılıçdaroğlu, leader of the 

main opposition Republict 

can People's Party (CHP), 

described the bill as a "murdt 

der of the law," adding that 

CHP will try to do its best 

to stop it. "The approval 

of the bill is as foolish as 

proposing to remove red 

lights from traffic lights. It 

is something terrible. How 

can such a disgrace be disct 

cussed in Parliament? Parlt 

liament members should 

not support this shame," 

said Kılıçdaroğlu. He 

claimed that Prime Minit 

ister Erdogan desires to 

create a "gang within the 

state," and he asked: "Will 

the prime minister be givet 

en the power to establish 

a gang?". He stated that a 

law cannot be enacted for 

the benefit of one person, 

referring to Fidan, claimit 

ing that this proposed law 

will render the Turkish 

state system illegal and illt 

legitimate. Muharrem Ince, 

the deputy group chair of 

the CHP, likened Erdogan 

to now-fallen Arab dictat 

tors. "With this proposed 

law, Erdogan tries to prot 

tect the deep state that he 

has founded for himself. 

[Moammar] Gadhafi, Saddt 

dam [Hussein] and [Hosni] 

Mubarak also had similt 

lar powers, [but] all of us 

saw how they have fallen 

down," he said. 

The leader of the Nat 

tionalist Movement Party 

(MHP), Devlet Bahceli, 

said he will also oppose the 

bill, arguing that the AKP 

government has taken act 

tion to intervene in the judt 

diciary with its proposed 

law, which he said aims to 

benefit particular ones. He 

insisted that Fidan and othet 

er officers should testify as 

soon as possible. "If Turkey 

is considered to be a state 

of law, it should be kept 

in mind that laws set the 

limits of the government's 

duties. Neither the prime 

minister nor a government 

member can impose an unlt 

lawful special task to anyot 

one. Thus, in this respect, 

this law draft should immt 

mediately be withdrawn," 

said Bahceli. 

The BDP MPs also spoke 

on the issue and directed 

criticism at the bill. BDP 

co-chair Selahattin Demirt 

tas said that the current 

crisis is the reflection of 

a power struggle within 

the AKP itself, not the 

state."The AKP must give 

up on any arrangement that 

is tailor-made for a certain 

one. It should focus on 

measures that would serve 

democracy such as the revt 

vocation of the specially 

authorized courts and the 

anti-terror law," he stated. 

BDP MP Hasip Kaplan also 

criticized the proposed law, 

saying that the investigat 

tion could bring about links 

that reach as far asErdogan. 

He claimed that this bill 

will make even murders legt 

gal with the permission of 

the prime minister. "I am 

not saying that the prime 

minister will certainly give 

the orders for a murder, but 

he will have the authority 

to do that. When this bill 

becomes law, all eyes will 

be on these protected indivt 

viduals behind the shadowy 

murders that take place," 

he added. 

For the last five years in 

Turkey, the reconstruction 

of the state agencies was 

in question. In this push 

for reconstruction, many 

authorities of the Turkish 

Armed Forces (TSK) have 

been restricted and the inct 

contestable leadership of 

the Turkish army has fallet 

enbehind. The military inst 

stitutions aren't influential 

now as they were before, 

and instead are dependent 

directly on the government. 

Moreover, in the process of 

reconstruction, the compet 

tition among several instit 

tutions arose, and the powet 

er struggle between MIT 

and the police/judiciary 

was especially prevalent. 

Recently, researcher and 

writer Avni Ozgurel talked 

to the Turkish newspaper 

"Taraf" about this compet 

tition. He said: "MIT is in 

conflict with the police. 

They are in conflict about 

who will inform the govet 

ernment.” 

The MİT crisis has another 

important relationship with 

the Kurdish issue. Summt 

moned MIT officialsare the 

same group that met with 

PKK last year in Oslo, Norwt 

way. The prosecutor shared 

the most striking facts with 

the Turkish media: "There 

are MIT staff in the KCK 

mechanism. They direct 

KCK." The dimensions of 

the MIT-KCK relations are 

not known precisely. Howet 

ever, the information infilt 

trating the Turkish media 

claims that MIT is in touch 

with the KCK (and accordit 

ingly with the PKK), and 

overthe last few years this 

increased. 

It seems that this incidt 

dent--coded in the Turkish 

political agenda as the MİT 

crisis--will be discussed 

for many more weeks. The 

last situation shows that a 

crisis, which includes the 

most delicate units of the 

Turkish state, has arisen. 

How this crisis is solved 

and directed will be a signt 

nificant indicator for the 

embodiment of Turkish 

state hereafter.

The Kurdish Globe 

No. 341, Saturday, February 18, 2012 15 

Lack of stadiums causes shortage of footballers 

Six-a-side soccer doesn’t produce club players 

After the fall of 

the former Iraqi 

regime and the 

economic boom 

that followed, 

many of the 

stadiums 

neighborhood 

football teams used 

were torn down 

replaced with other 

buildings. Because 

of this, many 

neighborhood 

teams dissolved 

and players 

quit the game. 

The neighborhood teams 

were not clubs, but more 

commonly teams where 

players could improve 

their skills and perhaps 

have a chance to be rect 

cruited by a club. 

Until 2003, Kurdish 

clubs depended on local 

players to improve their 

lineup, and they often 

chose players from neighbt 

borhood teams. 

Over last decade, hundt 

PRESS PHOTO 

Erbil needs bigger stadiums, experts say. 

dreds of teams formed 

after the government and 

private companies built 

small stadiums in new 

neighborhoods. But the 

teams that play in small 

stadiums don't help devt 

velop new players because 

they don't play standard 

football. 

After 1991, Kurdistan 

Youth Democratic Union 

played a significant role 

in gathering neighborhood 

soccer teams under its umbt 

brella. It organized tournt 

naments and provided the 

teams with uniforms and 

equipment. The union has 

five sports centers in Erbil 

province, and each center 

is responsible for organizit 

ing competitions for the 

teams within its area. 

Rozhgar Qadir, head of 

Erbil Sports Department at 

the KYDU, said, “Due to 

a lack of large stadiums in 

Erbil's neighborhoods, we 

mostly organize tournamt 

ments for six-a-side teams. 

The game is not futsal, but 

it is similar to futsal. We 

have 24 small stadiums 

where competitions usuat 

ally run in Erbil.” 

Despite admitting the 

six-a-side game is not int 

ternationally recognized, 

Qadir thinks the game and 

the tournaments his union 

organized have produced 

many excellent players 

who are good enough to 

play for football clubs. 

To organize football 

tournaments, Qadir said 

KYDU has already submt 

mitted a request to some 

sports-related agencies, 

asking them to build larget 

er stadiums. He says many 

players have shown an int 

terest in forming football 

teams. 

Concerning the condit 

tion of current neighborht 

hood teams, Salam Husst 

sein, Kurdistan Football 

Federation secretary said: 

“Nowadays, we have very 

few neighborhood footbt 

ball teams. What youngst 

sters mostly play is a game 

played by six players in 

each team, in a small stadt 

dium. It is neither football 

nor futsal. The dissolution 

of neighborhood football 

teams and formation of 

six-a-side teams as an alt 

ternative have put Kurdish 

football in crisis.” 

When asked why clubs 

can't benefit from players 

from small stadiums, Husst 

sein answered, “Because 

there are many differences 

between real football and 

the game played, nowadt 

days, by the six-player 

teams. In football, each 

team has 11 players and 

plays in a large stadium. 

But six-a-side games are 

held in small stadiums. 

The movements and technt 

niques of the players, and 

even rules of the games, 

are different.” 

From Hussein’s perspect 

tive, Kurdistan Olympic 

Committee and KYDU, 

along with other sports 

agencies, need to work 

on turning the six-player 

teams to futsal teams and 

the players need to be int 

troduced to fustal rules. 

"We, as KFF, are always 

ready to start training 

courses aimed at getting 

coaches and players acqt 

quainted with the technt 

niques and rules of futsal. 

But that should not be at 

the expense of football. 

We should remember futst 

sal produces futsal players 

and if we want to have as 

many as footballers in the 

clubs, the neighborhood 

teams need to be reshuffled 

and large stadiums need to 

be built for that purpose," 

noted Hussein. 

Zakaria Muhammed 


zakaria.kurdishglobe 

@gmail.com 

Real Madrid to open academies in Kurdistan 

Club will also train 

Kurdish referees 

Real Madrid will open 

four soccer schools in 

Kurdistan, announced a 

press conference in Erbt 

bil on Feb. 14. Attendees 

at the press conference 

included Kurdistan Regt 

gional Government Minit 

ister of Youth and Culture 

Kawa Mahmud, KRG 

representative to Spain 

Daban Shadala and represt 

sentative of Real Madrid 

Miguel Liton. 

A few months ago, a 

group of Kurdish sports 

journalists visited Madrid 

at the invitation of the 

Spanish Journalists Union. 

The aim of the visit was to 

strengthen the relationst 

ship between Kurdish and 

Spanish sports journalists. 

The representatives of 

KRG reached an agreemt 

ment with Real Madrid 

Club’s management to 

open sports schools Kurdit 

istan. 

As club officials promit 

ised, they visited Erbil last 

week and singed a contract 

to open schools in Kurdit 

istan Region. According 

to the contract, the club 

will open schools in Erbt 

bil, Suleimaniya, Duhok 

and Kalar to train young 

Kurdish soccer players. 

Kurdish officials consider 

the schools as a significant 

opportunity to brighten the 

future of Kurdish soccer. 

Each school will have a 

capacity of 100 students. 

"Sports infrastructure 

doesn't only comprise tall 

buildings and stadiums 

but it also includes trainit 

ing athletes. This is really 

a very important project. I 

am sure it will have great 

impact on improving socct 

cer in our Region and will 

be a good start for training 

young footballers academit 

ically," said Mahmud. 

Although no date has 

been set, the minister said 

the foundation stones will 

be laid soon. 

The contract also inct 

cludes a section on trainit 

ing Kurdish referees, both 

in Kurdistan and Spain. 

To open more soccer 

Real Madrid Miguel Liton speaks to reporters as KRG Minister of Youth and Culture Kawa Mahmud listens. 

academies, Shadala said, 

"We also communicated 

with Barcelona Club as 

well, but we haven't rect 

ceived official answers 

from them yet. Barcelona 

is working on opening an 

academy in Basra, a city 

in southern Iraq.” 

Although many count 

tries have requested Real 

Madrid academies, Shadalt 

la said the club's response 

for Kurdistan Region was 

fast. 

Real Madrid currently 

has 62 soccer schools 

around the world and acct 

cording to Liton, there 

are bids from 136 count 

tries worldwide for these 

schools. 

Liton said the opening 

of the schools in Kurdist 

tan will be beneficial for 

Real Madrid as well, as it 

will train footballers who 

might play for the club. 

Real Madrid is one of the 

world’s top football clubs 

and has had many star 

players on its squad. 


M 

e 

m 

o 

i 

r 

s 

Last page 

By Sazan M. Mandalawi 

Valentine’s Day was almost over. 

It was late at night, right before 

the clock struck 12. Here, in the 

student accommodation, with 

knock after knock at my door 

the girls entered. First came my 

Kurdish friend. "He sent me 

a song," she said, still talking 

about which song when I heard 

thesecond knock. This friend 

wasfrom the UAE. "Stupid time 

difference," she began. The couple 

did not speak enough on Skype 

and poor guy had to work the next 

day. However, they did manage 

to have a "romantic" dinner 

together—via Skype, of course. 

We were still engaged in this 

discussion when the Greek girl 

a few rooms down the corridor 

walked in. 

Typically,we ask about her 

loverbefore she can even find a 

placeto sit down. "We had a fight," 

she replied.But let me point out 

she had received jewelry in the 

mail three days in advance of the 

“special” day. As we laughedover 

how a couplecouldfightduring 

Valentine's Day, the Indian girl 

next door entered. She had alarge 

smile on her face; it was no secret 

she had received a large box with 

even larger balloons with cheesy 

comments written on them like 

"Love you lots." 

That was my room minutes 

before the end of Valentine's Day. 

Very international and proof of 

the extent to which this day has 

crossed borders and become 

Love 

can 

cross 

borders 

Loves me, 

international. I listened to the talk 

with a tub of ice cream next to me 

and offeredFerrero Rochers for 

the happy and not-so-happy girls. 

It’s allis a joke tome, as I feellike 

I have grown too old for all this, 

though I am the youngest of them 

all. 

Looking at statuses and Twitter 

updaters from back home,it seems 

like it was no different there 

either. In Kurdistan, there were 

actual Valentine's Day parties, 

and restaurants and hotels had 

special offers for the day and 

some malls put together events. 

Along with laughter and 

tears, everybody understands 

the language of love, even if it 

remains unspoken. However, 

it is always interesting to read 

debates among Kurds of whether 

or not Valentine's Day should be 

celebrated. One of the comments 

made on someone's status who 

disapproved of the celebration of 

a lover's day read: "I know one 

day you will buy your future wife 

a gift on Valentine's Day," and the 

response was: "I will buy my wife 

a gift on ANY DAY of the year!" 

On a personal level, I am not 

against occasions that bring 

people together and spread 

feelings of contentment, even if for 

a day. Buta day for lovers makes 

No. 341, Saturday, February 18, 2012 

Loves me not 

me question the extent towhich 

society—in fact, the world—is 

importing new ideas and cultures 

through globalization. By the 

way, there is no problem with 

that. It reveals that it is not just 

terrorism and violence that can 

cross borders, but so can love. But 

at the end of the day,Valentine’s 

Day is a commercial scam and 

“lovers” are falling for it. 

Valentine’s Day, unfortunately, 

is not all love, balloons and 

candles. Just imagine the number 

of girls who year after year wish 

that next year they have a Prince 

Charming in their lives that will 

make the effort to send a flower, 

write a love letter or surprise her 

with anything special. Year after 

year those girls sleep on the night 

of February 14 and mark it in their 

diaries asthe most depressing day 

of the year. 

In the context of 

Kurdistan,Valentine’s Dayis 

widely celebrated among the 

youth, but within a few years 

time it is going to be a national 

occasion and may even blend and 

become part of our culture. ButI 

still think if we have a day for 

loversthenit should be celebrated 

on Wali Diwana's birthday or other 

famous lovers who have their own 

Romeo and Juliet stories.

Concrete walls coming down in Erbil - Kurdish Globe

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