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Lexical-Functional Grammar (LFG) Motivation for LFG LFG in a ...

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The result<strong>in</strong>g f-structure <strong>for</strong> the example sentence<br />

Part IV: A few notes<br />

2 2 3<br />

3<br />

spec a<br />

6 7<br />

subj f 2: 4num<br />

sg 5<br />

pred ’girl’<br />

tense past<br />

pred ‘hand ’<br />

2<br />

3<br />

f 1, f 3:<br />

spec the<br />

6<br />

7<br />

obj f 4: 4num<br />

sg 5<br />

pred ‘baby’<br />

2 3<br />

spec a<br />

6 6 7<br />

4obj2 f 5 : 4num<br />

sg<br />

7<br />

5<br />

5<br />

pred ‘toy’<br />

We’ll f<strong>in</strong>ish up the unit on <strong>LFG</strong> by look<strong>in</strong>g quickly at:<br />

• Extraction<br />

• The syntax-semantics <strong>in</strong>terface<br />

• Computational issues<br />

43/50<br />

44/50<br />

Extraction: <strong>Functional</strong> uncerta<strong>in</strong>ty<br />

Extraction example<br />

The way extraction is handled <strong>in</strong> <strong>LFG</strong> is by functional uncerta<strong>in</strong>ty: a functional<br />

equation sets up a relation between some <strong>in</strong>itial, extracted object with a<br />

grammatical function (GF) later <strong>in</strong> the sentence.<br />

Which GF is left unspecified, e.g.:<br />

(29) CP → XP<br />

(↑focus) = ↓<br />

(↑focus) = (↑comp* gf)<br />

C’<br />

↑ = ↓<br />

This says that the focus element is equated with some gf after a path of comp<br />

values<br />

(30) What do you th<strong>in</strong>k Chris bought?<br />

2 h<br />

i<br />

3<br />

focus pred ’what’<br />

pred ’th<strong>in</strong>k’<br />

h<br />

i<br />

subj pred ’pro’<br />

(31)<br />

2<br />

3<br />

pred ’buy’<br />

h<br />

i<br />

6comp<br />

6<br />

4 4<br />

subj pred ’Chris’<br />

7<br />

5<br />

obj<br />

The pr<strong>in</strong>ciple of completeness ensures that bought has a realized object, and the<br />

functional equation fills it <strong>in</strong>.<br />

45/50<br />

46/50<br />

Extraction example 2<br />

The syntax-semantics <strong>in</strong>terface<br />

(32) What do you th<strong>in</strong>k Chris hoped David bought?<br />

2 h<br />

i<br />

3<br />

focus pred ’what’<br />

pred ’th<strong>in</strong>k’<br />

h<br />

i<br />

subj pred ’pro’<br />

2<br />

3<br />

pred ’hope’<br />

(33)<br />

h<br />

i<br />

subj pred ’Chris’<br />

2<br />

3<br />

comp<br />

pred ’buy’<br />

h<br />

i<br />

6 6comp<br />

6<br />

4 4 4subj<br />

pred ’David’<br />

7<br />

5<br />

obj<br />

F-structures are fairly closely l<strong>in</strong>ked to the semantics of a sentence, but the<br />

details still have to be worked out:<br />

One theory of the syntax-semantics <strong>in</strong>terface is glue semantics<br />

• A compositional <strong>for</strong>m of semantics, which maps from the f-structure to a<br />

semantic <strong>for</strong>mula<br />

– The σ function per<strong>for</strong>ms the mapp<strong>in</strong>g<br />

• Employs l<strong>in</strong>ear logic<br />

– Each premise (i.e., word) must be used once and can only be used once<br />

– It is thus resource-driven, requir<strong>in</strong>g every word to contribute to the mean<strong>in</strong>g<br />

47/50<br />

48/50

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