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EUR/RC62/wd08 (Eng) - WHO/Europe - World Health Organization

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<strong>EUR</strong>/<strong>RC62</strong>/8<br />

page 22<br />

The evidence base<br />

103. The <strong>WHO</strong> Regional Office for <strong>Europe</strong> has promoted collaborative work aimed at<br />

presenting the economic case for public health action, particularly preventing chronic<br />

noncommunicable diseases. This work moves beyond what is known about the economic<br />

benefits of specific actions within health care systems, such as vaccinations and screening, to<br />

examine research endeavours to make the economic case for investing upstream – that is, before<br />

the onset of noncommunicable diseases and before health care services are required. The work<br />

highlights priority actions supported by sound cost–effectiveness or cost–benefit analyses,<br />

including actions to limit risky behaviour such as tobacco use and alcohol consumption, to<br />

promote physical and mental health through diet and exercise, to prevent mental disorders and<br />

to decrease preventable injuries, such as from road crashes, and exposure to environmental<br />

hazards. The full results of this work are forthcoming (36), but some of the early evidence is<br />

presented below.<br />

104. Strong evidence indicates the cost–effectiveness of tobacco control programmes, many of<br />

which are inexpensive to implement and have cost-saving effects. Such programmes include<br />

raising taxes in a coordinated way with a high minimum tax (the single most cost-effective<br />

action), encouraging smoke-free environments, banning advertising and promotion, and<br />

deploying media campaigns. Adequate implementation and monitoring, government policies<br />

independent of the tobacco industry and action against corruption are all needed to support<br />

effective policies.<br />

105. A substantive evidence base of systematic reviews and meta-analyses supports the cost–<br />

effectiveness of alcohol policies. Impressive cost-effective interventions include restricting<br />

access to retailed alcohol; enforcing bans on alcohol advertising, including in social media;<br />

raising taxes on alcohol; and instituting a minimum price per gram of alcohol. Less, but still<br />

cost-effective measures include enforcing drink–driving laws through breath-testing; delivering<br />

brief advice for higher-risk drinking; and providing treatment for alcohol-related disorders.<br />

106. Actions to promote healthy eating are especially cost-effective when carried out at the<br />

population level. Reformulating processed food to decrease salt, trans-fatty acids and saturated<br />

fat is a low-cost intervention that may be pursued through multistakeholder agreements, which<br />

may be voluntary or ultimately enforced through regulation. Fiscal measures (including taxes<br />

and subsidies) and regulating food advertising for children also have a low cost and a favourable<br />

cost–effectiveness. However, conflicting interests could hinder feasibility. Programmes to<br />

increase awareness and information, such as mass-media campaigns and food labelling<br />

schemes, are efficient investments but have poorer effectiveness, particularly in lower<br />

socioeconomic groups.<br />

107. Promoting physical activity through mass-media campaigns is a very cost-effective action<br />

and relatively inexpensive. However, returns in terms of health outcomes may be lower than<br />

those provided by more targeted interventions, for instance at the workplace. Changes in the<br />

transport system and the wider environment have the potential to increase physical activity, but<br />

they require careful evaluation to ascertain their affordability and feasibility, and whether the<br />

changes reach those with greater health and social needs. Actions targeting the adult population<br />

and individuals at higher risk tend to produce larger effects in a shorter time frame.<br />

108. Robust evidence indicates that preventing depression, the single leading cause of<br />

disability worldwide, is feasible and cost-effective. Depression is associated with premature<br />

death and reduced family functioning, it directly affects people’s individual behaviour and it<br />

entails extremely high economic costs due to health care and productivity losses, which can be<br />

partly avoided through appropriate forms of prevention and early detection. Evidence supports<br />

actions across the life-course, starting with early action in childhood to strengthen social and

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