Kimberly Zarate - Undergraduate Research, Scholarship and ...

Spiritual Sustenance: The History, Ritual and Significance 

of the Bulol Figures of the Philippine Ifugao People 

Kimberly Zarate 1 , Jennifer Hughes 2 

1 

Department of Media and Cultural Studies, 2 Department of Religious Studies 

University of California, Riverside 

A B S T R A C T 

This paper examines the ritual uses and history of the bulol rice god figures of the Ifugao 

people in northern Luzon, Philippines. Anthropological and ethnographic studies of the 

Ifugao stress the traditional cultural and economic gravity of rice as sustenance but 

neglect to explicitly acknowledge how external, non-indigenous forces impact the 

religious significance of rice – particularly the use of bulol figures in agricultural religious 

rituals. By examining the colonial history of and recent economics and tourism in the 

Ifugao province, as described in anthropological, historical and conservationist sources, 

I clarify how foreign cultures and religions influence those of the Ifugao. I argue that the 

increasing prevalence of Christianity and contemporary economic pressures have driven 

a decrease in the religious potency of the bulol figures by allowing the tourism market to 

prioritize the figures’ commercial value as cultural curios rather than their religious value 

as representations of an agriculturally efficacious deity. 

F A C U L T Y 

M E N T O R 

Jennifer Hughes 

Department of Religious Studies 

The UCR CHASS Connect program gives our incoming first year students 

a liberal arts college experience within a large, public university setting. 

Here they learn not only broad interdisciplinary content and methods but 

also garner skills to succeed throughout their undergraduate career. 

Freshman Kimberly Zarate enrolled in the CHASS first year sequence “Manifestations 

of Spirituality.” Her major project for my class on religious images (Winter 09) represented 

original research on the Philippine Ifugao images called bulol. Ms. Zarate 

adopted key analytical categories and questions from course lecture and reading and 

applied these to formulate a religious studies interpretation of the figures. Already an 

exceptional writer and careful thinker, she consistently sought to test and explore her 

ideas and theses with me over the course of the quarter. The result is this impressive 

piece on the changing significance of these traditional objects of material religion from 

a student only just beginning her undergraduate studies. 

A U T H O R 

Kimberly Zarate 

Film and Visual Culture 

Kimberly Zarate is a first year 

student with a double major in 

Anthropology and Film and Visual 

Culture. Her main areas of research 

interest include twentieth-century 

and contemporary visual media, 

visual anthropology/ethnography, 

journalistic documentation, religion 

in media and popular culture and 

popular culture trends. In particular, 

Kimberly is interested photographic 

representation and propaganda of 

social conflict/revolutions as well as 

the material culture of religion. She 

hopes to further pursue her interests 

in graduate school. She also 

expresses great gratitude to her 

faculty mentor for her encouragement, 

support, patience and 

guidance. 

U C R U N D E R G R A D U A T E R E S E A R C H J O U R N A L 

57

SPIRITUAL SUSTENANCE: THE HISTORY, RITUAL AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE BULOL FIGURES OF THE PHILIPPINE IFUGAO PEOPLE 


INTRODUCTION 

Designated a World Heritage Site by the United 

Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization 

(UNESCO) in 1995, the rice terraces in the 

Philippines have also been unofficially dubbed the 

Eighth Wonder of the World. 1 Carved into the steep 

faces of the Cordillera Mountains in northern Luzon, 

Philippines, the rice terraces exhibit agricultural 

ingenuity unaided by the use of modern technology. 

Also constructed into these highland terraces, however, 

is the identity of the Ifugao – a people rich with 

indigenous and colonial history, an elaborately 

ritualized religion and a way of life trademarked by the 

ancestral tradition of rice cultivation. Evidenced by a 

deeply rooted spiritual and physical connection to the 

earth, the religious ritual aspects of the Ifugao culture 

are as complex and diverse as the terraces are 

numerous. The bulol images have figured prominently 

in this religious and agricultural landscape; the carved, 

wooden statues representing the rice deity Bulol have 

acted as domestic and shamanic ritual objects essential 

to Ifugao collective religion for at least several 

centuries. 2 However, the growing prevalence of Christianity 

and contemporary economic pressures have 

beckoned the Ifugao away from their maintenance of 

the rice terraces and belief in the power of the bulol 

figures. In 2001 – just six years following its UNESCO 

designation as a World Heritage Site – the rice terraces 

in the Ifugao province have been placed on the 

UNESCO List of World Heritage in Danger. 3 Subsequently, 

the bulol rice god figures face an equal endangerment 

as their religious and cultural significance 

deteriorates. 

In this paper, I argue that while the bulol figures 

maintain some of their historical significance through 

the ongoing practice of nearly twenty distinct rice 

rituals, the religious significance of the bulol figures to 

the Ifugao ultimately continues to erode as participation 

in these (now erratic and “optional”) rituals no 

longer possesses the agricultural urgency it once held 

and as the figures themselves acquire a new commercial 

value in the tourism market driven by contemporary 

economic pressures. This phenomenon was first 

suggested to me in Fruto Corre’s Mountains of Water: 

The Terraces and Traditions of the Ifugao (1998), an 

ethnographic film briefly discussing the bulol figures as 

part of a general study of the cultural deterioration of 

Ifugao rice rituals. This paper provides more a detailed 

examination than Corre’s film by taking the figures 

themselves and the rituals in which they are involved 

as the central focus. I have therefore accumulated 

disparate sources to assemble an understanding of the 

changing religious and ritual significance of the bulol 

figures in Ifugao culture. My investigation revealed that 

the bulol figures have been commonly discussed as part 

of ethnographic or cultural conservationist studies but 

are infrequently studied in their own right and even 

more rarely analyzed within a specifically religious or 

devotional framework. Bringing together early and 

mid-twentieth century ethnographic works on the 

Ifugao, recent scholarly literature on the spiritual significance 

of rice in Asia and ecological writings on cultural 

and environmental erosion among the Ifugao, my 

additional research confirms Corre’s hypothesis of 

cultural degradation but highlights the issue of religious 

belief and practice with respect to the bulol figures. I 

will first review the mythology and physical qualities 

of the bulol figures, discuss their use in rice rituals, 

examine the general impact of Spanish and American 

influence on Ifugao religion and finally, explore the 

impact of economics and tourism on the bulol figures’ 

religious significance. 

The Imagery and Mythology of the Bulol 

Ifugao mythology explains the origin and ubiquity of 

the figures in Ifugao culture. The origin myth of the 

bulol figures involves the Ifugao deity Humidhid. 4 As 

Humidhid walked upon the earth, he heard the loud 

moans of a large narra tree and cut the tree down. In an 

attempt to assuage the tree, Humidhid asked if it 

desired to be carved in to a human figure; at this 

suggestion, the tree fell silent. Humidhid carved four 

human figures from the tree and placed the figures into 

a river to flow to the Downstream Region and 

multiply. 5 These were the first bulol. Traditionally, the 

figures are typically involved in annual rice rituals 

invoking the rice deity, Bulol, but they are also placed 

inside household granaries in the belief that their 

presence will multiply harvested rice. 6 The abundant 

58 U C R U N D E R G R A D U A T E R E S E A R C H J O U R N A L



presence of these figures among the Ifugao is thus 

accounted for in their religious mythology and the care, 

maintenance, and ritual celebration of the bulol were 

traditionally understood to be essential for the sustenance 

and survival of the Ifugao themselves. 

In contrast to the progressive change in the figures’ 

significance, the physical characteristics of the bulol 

figures have remained largely consistent. Bulol figures 

may only be carved from narra tree wood obtained 

from the Downstream Region. 7 Ranging from 20 to 60 

centimeters in height, the figures are typically carved in 

pairs – one each in male and female human likeness. 

The carvings commonly depict the nude human figure 

standing with arms crossed over the chest or sitting 

with arms hugging bent knees. While clearly anthropomorphic 

in nature, some bulol exhibit basic human 

features (such as a head, arms and legs) but more 

specific anatomical characteristics (such as facial 

features, fingers and toes) can be distinguished in other 

figures. The wooden figures will gradually acquire a 

smooth surface and black color akin to rich loam – 

which is believed to represent a relationship between 

rice and human fertility – as rice cakes and blood from 

sacrificed animals are rubbed on the figures to appease 

Bulol. 8 The figures undergo a six-week long series of 

rites performed by shamans in order to activate the 

figures for use in rice rituals. 9 

Today, the bulol figures retain their ubiquity in Ifugao 

culture; largely owning to their recently attained 

commercial value as souvenirs. At the same time, the 

ritual celebrations that reinforced the religious potency 

of the bulol figures have lost a sense of agricultural 

urgency (to ensure bountiful harvest and therefore 

physical sustenance) as Christianity has become the 

most prevalent religion. 

Ritual Uses of the Bulol 

The rice rituals performed by the Ifugao are numerous 

and elaborate: there are at least seventeen rice rituals 

throughout eleven of the twelve months (October to 

August) of the Gregorian calendar. 10 However, these 

rituals now suffer from infrequent performance as the 

shamanic ritual infrastructure weakens to the point of 

potential obsolescence. I will discuss particular rituals 


– as described by Barton (1946), Hamilton (2003) and 

Nozawa (2008) – such as the first and last rituals of the 

rice cycle and rituals directly invoking Bulol and/or the 

granary idols. 

In October, shamans perform the first ritual, Lukat, and 

ask deities to resist consuming the rice crop and permit 

the women to repair and weed fields so fresh water will 

flood the terraces. 11 Kulpi is performed after rice is 

transplanted from December to January and shamans 

request that the bulol figures repel pests and cause rice 

stalks to sprout. 12 In April or May, the Ifugao perform 

Paad and ask Bulol to prevent rice from “dying in 

sympathy” with pulled weeds so rice wine can be 

produced for future rituals. 13 On the day of the harvest 

in May or June, the four- to seven-hour long ritual 

Ingngilin is executed by every field owner, who must 

implore Bulol to spare people from illness, debt and evil 

spirits and foster the growth of rice, children, and sacrificial 

animals. 14 The final ritual, Kahiw occurs during 

August and households are ceremoniously swept clean 

to mark the end of the rice agriculture period and the 

Ifugao calendar. 15 

Although physical use of the bulol rice god figures is 

primarily confined to rituals of rice cultivation stages, 

the far-reaching significance of the bulol figures is seen 

in ritual charges invoking the rice deity, Bulol. Shamans 

request that Bulol safeguard fields and encourage crop 

growth, yet shamans also implore Bulol for the growth 

and health of the Ifugao people in Ingngilin, one of 

lengthiest and most intricately involving rituals. The 

bulol figures act as physical manifestations representative 

of an intangible, supernatural being who not only 

oversees the protection and growth of the annual single 

rice crop, but the well-being of the people who cultivate 

the rice for physical sustenance. The extensive spiritual 

and economic involvement resulting from the acutely 

intertwined Ifugao culture and religion has compelled 

an increasing number of Ifugao to pursue alternative, 

less demanding religious and cultural paths. 

The Impact of Spanish and American Presence 

in the Ifugao Province 

The eroding impact of foreigners on the significance of 

the bulol figures in religious practice began during the 

59



colonial period with Spanish arrival in the Ifugao 

province during the 1750s. However, Spanish attempts 

to command and catechize the Ifugao during the next 

century and a half are generally considered unsuccessful, 

“never more than a tenuous military occupation 

of the highlands by lowland-based soldiers.” 16 The first 

American-Ifugao encounter occurred in 1899, during 

the Philippine-American War. 17 The Ifugao developed a 

more relatively positive relationship with the 

Americans, who were perceived to have a less 

aggressive and more tolerant attitude toward Ifugao 

cultural and religious practices; this is evidenced in the 

Americans’ adoption of bulol figures “to win 

acceptance of or reinforce American authority.” 18 

Initial attempts at religious and cultural conversions 

ultimately floundered because the Ifugao culture 

seemed to be “wholly ruled by the tribal religion and 

the supreme ‘law of [ancestral] custom.’” 19 However, 

contemporary Ifugao increasingly embrace Christianity 

and the influences of the Western world. Some Ifugao 

have chosen Christianity because of the perception that 

its practice is less burdensome: Christianity requires 

devotion to a single deity, omits the Ifugao 

memorization (for purposes of ritual recitation) of 

mythology, pantheon, and genealogy, and eliminates 

frequent and costly animal sacrifice. 20 Consequently, 

today few Ifugao males undergo shaman training and 

the frequency of rituals coordinated by shamans 

progressively wanes. Additionally, some Ifugao have 

come to see shamans as beneficial only for the sake of 

tracing Ifugao ancestry. 21 Gambuk Ballogan, a former 

shaman, now attests that a plentiful rice harvest 

depends more on farming methods than on religious 

rituals that “[protect] the crop from envious spirits by 

sacrificing a chicken.” 22 However, in a few instances 

Ifugao resist exclusive devotion to Christianity and 

instead integrate the new faith with indigenous 

religious practices; in what may be a sentimental 

attempt to maintain some aspects of traditional Ifugao 

rituals, the Ifugao have not synchronized the two 

religions and have rather persisted in celebrating 

distinct ritual aspects of each religion. 23 In one example, 

Christian prayers are recited during a traditional 

animal sacrifice. 24 Yet, even Ifugao who insist the sole 

practice of their indigenous religion are not immune to 

Western influence; audio and video recordings of ritual 

chants and oral literature are sometimes used during 

religious rituals due to the shortage of trained 

shamans. 25 A decrease in the potency and influence of 

Ifugao religion has included a decline in attributing 

agricultural authority to the bulol figures. 

The Influence of Economics and Tourism on the 

Significance of the Bulol Figures 

In addition to Christian conversion, economics have 

unintentionally contributed to a growing rift between 

some Ifugao and their intensely agricultural and 

religious culture. As part of this process, the bulol have 

lost much of their religious meaning and have obtained 

a commercial significance as local cultural curios 

offered for sale to tourists and art collectors. 

Furthermore, the seventeen rice rituals involved during 

the harvest cycle account for a single crop of rice cultivated 

during the entire Ifugao year. Within the new 

economic system, this single rice crop is no longer sufficient 

to sustain the community. The Ifugao have begun 

to sell surplus rice (if any), purchase imported rice, and 

grow alternative crops with greater yield from each 

harvest cycle. 26 As a result of harvesting crops multiple 

times during the year, the rice rituals lose attunement 

with the traditional harvest cycle, further eroding the 

religious meanings of the bulol figures. The contemporary 

significance of the bulol figures as marketed 

curios has principally superseded the figures’ religious 

instrumental ability to mediate with the rice god Bulol, 

who provides and maintains physical sustenance for the 

Ifugao. 

Commonly, Ifugao men seek temporary odd jobs to 

supplement family income and women prepare for the 

summer wave of tourists visiting the province by 

producing and selling crafts. 27 Other Ifugao either leave 

the province to marry, seek further education at universities 

or pursue careers in urbanized areas of the Philippines. 

28 While these actions may increase income for 

the Ifugao, the rice terraces are largely ignored: the 

walls of unmaintained terraces crack and drain water 

from the fields, which must be kept constantly flooded 

even out of the cultivation season. Many Ifugao cannot 




afford to maintain their terraces and often leave them 

to deteriorate to a point where they can no longer be 

salvaged for suitable farming conditions. 29 

Furthermore, tourism does not directly mitigate the 

economic issues of the farmers, but instead benefits 

those hungry for a portion of the lucrative tourism 

market. Tourists marvel at the grand sight of the 

expansive rice terraces blanketing the sides of the 

Cordillera mountains, but fundamentally fail to appreciate 

the endeavors to preserve these agricultural 

wonders and their cultural magnitude. It is not 

uncommon for the Ifugao to auction family heirlooms 

such as the bulol figures to art collectors and tourists. 30 

Merchandise orders for souvenirs result in the 

production of woven blankets and carved bulol figures 

stripped of their original religious and cultural contexts 

and significance. These souvenirs are purchased 

without realizing the item’s genuine cultural meaning; 

woven cloths would normally be used to swaddle 

infants or wrap the deceased and wooden bulol figures 

would be used to worship deities that the Ifugao believe 

contributed to the history and creation of their culture 

and are directly responsible for the very sustenance of 

their people. 31 

What may have most impacted the yield of the rice 

terraces are the dying ritual traditions, including, 

importantly, the ritual use of the bulol figures. Although 

programs such as the Highland Agricultural Development 

Program focus on the ecological welfare of the 

rice fields, little is being done to preserve the culture 

responsible for the creation and maintenance of the 

terraces. 32 Advocates for Ifugao cultural preservation 

support programs aiming to foster tourist appreciation 

of the farmers’ endeavors in terrace maintenance as 

well as instill cultural pride in Ifugao drawn to Western 

urban lifestyles. 33 With these efforts, cultural and 

environmental conservationists – Ifugao and non- 

Ifugao alike – hope to preserve all aspects of a culture 

based on the mutual interdependence of the bulol 

figures and these agricultural masterpieces. 

CONCLUSION 

In this paper, I have aimed to explain the transforming 

significance of the bulol figures in the Ifugao culture 

that has historically valued religious rituals corresponding 

to rice cultivation and harvest. In addition to 

detailing the bulol figures’ physical qualities and ritual 

purposes, I have attempted to underscore the impact of 

Christianity and contemporary economics in Ifugao 

culture, which have shifted the meaning of the bulol 

figures from firm religious belief in their agricultural 

efficacy to a new association with commercial value. 

Of the several ethnic groups that reside in the 

Cordillera mountain/highland region in northern 

Luzon, Philippines, scholars have most frequently 

written on the culture of the Ifugao people. However, 

ethnocentrism is evident in the dated works of scholars 

– particularly Roy F. Barton and Francis Lambrecht – 

that discuss Ifugao resistance to acculturation and 

Christianity; attempts to detail these areas of Ifugao 

history with the highest objectivity are comparatively 

scarce. Much of the recent literature on the contemporary 

Ifugao stems from outsiders’ ecological and 

cultural conservationist points-of-view rather than 

from the perspectives of Ifugao experiencing these 

issues firsthand. Moreover, most scholars have not 

written on the bulol figures in their own right, nor have 

they sought to explain how and why the Ifugao are 

moved to interact with the figures. Another remaining 

question is whether Ifugao rituals to Bulol have lost 

their devotional gravity and sense of efficacy, and are 

solely continued due to a sentimental attachment to 

ancestral tradition (as opposed to an obligatory 

urgency to maintain agricultural order). Furthermore, 

scholars have not taken the religious/devotional context 

as the primary point of reference. Thus, this paper has 

represented an initial effort to grapple with some of 

these shortcomings in the existing scholarly literature. 


61



REFERENCES 

Barton, Roy F. The Mythology of the Ifugaos. 

Philadelphia: American Folklore Society, 1955. 

Barton, Roy F. The Religion of the Ifugaos. Menasha: 

American Anthropological Association, 1946. 

Bingham, Annette. “New Rice for Old?.” 

History Today. July 1990, 2-3. 

Dumia, Mariano A. The Ifugao World. Quezon City, 

Philippines: New Day Publishers, 1979. 

Peralta, Jesus T. “Local to Global Dimension of the 

Sacred.” Museum International. September 2003, 

18-24. 

Roth, Dennis. “Notes on the Ethnohistory of Northern 

Luzon.” Ethnohistory, no. 21 (1947): 371-378. 

Yuson, Alfred A. “Dancing Anew on the Stairways 

to Heaven.” UNESCO Courier. December 2000, 

31-33. 

Goda, Toh. Cordillera: Diversity in Culture Change: 

Social Anthropology of Hill People in Northern 

Luzon, Philippines. Quezon City, Philippines: 

New Day Publishers, 2001. 

Hamilton, Roy W. The Art of Rice: Spirit and Suste 

nance in Asia. Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler 

Museum of Cultural History, 2003. 

Hamilton, Roy W. “Using Art to Teach Culture: Rice 

in Asia.” Education about Asia, no. 9 (2004): 21-26. 

Jenista, Frank L. The White Apos: American Governors 

on the Cordillera Central. Quezon City, Philippines: 

New Day Publishers, 1987. 

Johansson, Philip. “Stairway to Sustainability.” 

Earthwatch: The Journal of Earthwatch Institute, 

no. 18 (1998): 28-37. 

Lambrecht, Francis. “The Main Factors of Resistance 

to Culture Change in Ifugaoland.” Acculturation 

in the Philippines; Essays on Changing Societies. 

A Selection of Papers Presented at the Baguio 

Religious Acculturation Conferences from 1958 

to 1968, (1971): 83-89. 

Mountains of Water: The Terraces and Traditions of the 

Ifugao. VHS. Directed by Fruto Corre. 1998; 

Manila: Bookmark Video, 1998. 

Nozawa, Cristi, Melissa Malingan, Anabelle Plantilla, 

and Je-el Ong. “Evolving Culture, Evolving 

Landscapes: The Philippine Rice Terraces.” Values 

of Protected Landscapes and Seascapes, no. 1 

(2008): 71-93. 

ENDNOTES 

1 

Alfred A. Yuson, “Dancing Anew on the Stairways to 

Heaven.” UNESCO Courier, December 2000, 31. 

2 

Mountains of Water: The Terraces and Traditions of 

the Ifugao. VHS. Directed by Fruto Corre. 1998; 

Manila: Bookmark Video, 1998. 

3 

Roy W. Hamilton, The Art of Rice: Spirit and Sustenance 

in Asia (Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum 

of Cultural History, 2003), 456. 

4 

The following origin myth of the bulol figures accords 

with the myth as told by Corre (1998). Humidhid is 

the deity of covering in the sense that something 

expands and covers, as irrigated water floods a rice 

terrace. Corre, VHS. 

5 

The Ifugao cosmology generally divides the universe 

into five regions: the Skyworld, the Upstream Region, 

the human-inhabited earth, the Downstream Region 

and the Underworld (including its sub-level). The 

Upstream and Downstream Regions are remote areas 

believed to be accessed by traveling up or down the 

geographic river running through the Ifugao province. 

Corre, VHS. 




6 

Corre, VHS. 

7 

Roy F. Barton, The Religion of the Ifugao (Menasha: 

American Anthropological Association, 1946), 80. 

8 

Roy W. Hamilton, “Using Art to Teach Culture: Rice 

in Asia.” Education about Asia, no. 9 (2004): 24. 

Barton, 81. 

9 

The series of rituals to activate the bulol begin with 

the journey to obtain narra wood from the 

Downstream Region and conclude with a two- to 

three-day long feast in which the shamans are believed 

to be possessed by the rice god Bulol. Barton, 80. 

Corre, VHS. 

10 

Most rice rituals invoke a combination of Ifugao 

ancestors and deities, who then possess shamans 

performing rituals. The shamans sit on reed mats 

with rice stalks and betel nuts, chant myths, drink rice 

wine, dance and kill animals raised for sacrificial 

purposes during the ritual. Hamilton, 2003, 453-454. 

Barton, 110-126. 

11 

Hamilton, 2003, 453. Barton, 110. 

12 

Cristi Nozawa, Melissa Malingan, Anabelle Plantilla, 

Je-el Ong, “Evolving Culture, Evolving Landscapes: 

The Philippine Rice Terraces.” Values of Protected 

Landscapes and Seascapes, no. 1 (2008): 88. 

13 

Barton, 112-113. 

14 

Barton, 117-122. 

15 

Hamilton, 2003, 454. 

16 

Frank L. Jenista, The White Apos: American 

Governors on the Cordillera Central (Quezon City, 

Philippines: New Day Publishers, 1987), 4, 12. 

Mariano A. Dumia, The Ifugao World (Quezon City, 

Philippines: New Day Publishers, 1979), 28. Francis 

Lambrecht, “The Main Factors of Resistance to 

Culture Change in Ifugaoland.” Acculturation in the 

Philippines: Essays on Changing Societies. A Selection 

of Papers Presented at the Baguio Religious Acculturation 

Conferences from 1958 to 1968, (1971): 83. 

17 

American military troops drove the Filipino General 

Emilio Aguinaldo into the Cordillera mountains and 

then settled in the Banaue region of the Ifugao 

province. Jenista, 14. 

18 

Jenista, 161. 

19 

The issue for the Ifugao lay not in unwanted presence of 

foreign cultures; they instead struggled with comprehending 

which of their cultural/spiritual practices fit 

missionaries’ definition of ethics. Also, the Ifugao 

experienced difficulty accepting a supreme, singular god. 

Francis Lambrecht, “The Main Factors of Resistance 

to Culture Change in Ifugaoland.” Acculturation in the 

Philippines: Essays on Changing Societies. A Selection 

of Papers Presented at the Baguio Religious Acculturation 

Conferences from 1958 to 1968, (1971): 83. 

20 

The Ifugao raise animals purely for sacrificial 

purposes and only consume them in a ritual context. 

They are rarely, if ever, solely used for non-ritual 

sustenance or even physical labor. Corre, VHS. 

21 

Hamilton, 2003, 463. 

22 

Hamilton, 2003, 462. 

23 

Nozawa, et. al., 75. 

24 

Hamilton, 2003, 465. 

2 

Hamilton, 2003, 465. Corre, VHS. 

26 

Philip Johansson, “Stairway to Sustainability.” Earthwatch: 

The Journal of Earthwatch Institute, no. 18 

(1998): 29. 

27 

Corre, VHS. 

28 

Toh Goda, Cordillera: Diversity in Culture Change: 

Social Anthropology of Hill People in Northern 

Luzon, Philippines (Quezon City, Philippines: New 

Day Publishers, 2001), 69-70. 

29 

Philip Johansson, “Stairway to Sustainability.” Earthwatch: 

The Journal of Earthwatch Institute, no. 18 

(1998): 37. 

30 

Yuson, 32. 

31 

Corre, VHS. 


63



32 

Annette Bingham, “New Rice for Old?.” History 

Today, July 1990, 2. 

33 

Johansson, 37. Nozawa, et. al., 71-81.

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