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Sebastian Sulger (Konstanz): Genitive subjects in Hindi-Urdu

Sebastian Sulger (Konstanz): Genitive subjects in Hindi-Urdu

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Possessive Copula Constructions <strong>in</strong> H<strong>in</strong>di/<strong>Urdu</strong><br />

<strong>Sebastian</strong> <strong>Sulger</strong>, Department of L<strong>in</strong>guistics, University of <strong>Konstanz</strong><br />

H<strong>in</strong>di/<strong>Urdu</strong> does not have a verb correspond<strong>in</strong>g to English have. To express possessive relations, speakers<br />

use the verb ho ‘be’ <strong>in</strong> comb<strong>in</strong>ation with a genitive phrase (the possessor) marked by the genitive case<br />

marker ka/ke/ki and another, zero-marked phrase (the possessee). The genitive case marker <strong>in</strong>flects for<br />

number and gender and <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>gly agrees with the other, zero-marked possessee phrase with respect to<br />

these features. Examples are given <strong>in</strong> (1). 1<br />

Mohanan (1994) assumes that the genitive-marked phrases <strong>in</strong> (1) are <strong>subjects</strong>. She sets apart these<br />

cases of genitive <strong>subjects</strong> which are clearly governed by mean<strong>in</strong>g from another class of genitive <strong>subjects</strong><br />

occurr<strong>in</strong>g with noun+verb complex predicates (CPs), which she argues make use of structural, nonsemantic<br />

case assignment by the nom<strong>in</strong>al of the CP (an example with the CP vIcar hona ‘thought be’ is<br />

given <strong>in</strong> (2)). She provides arguments for the subjecthood of the genitive-marked nom<strong>in</strong>als <strong>in</strong> (1) and (2),<br />

us<strong>in</strong>g a battery of tests regard<strong>in</strong>g control, pronom<strong>in</strong>al coreference and the reflexive pronoun Apna ‘self’.<br />

Although she does not go <strong>in</strong>to detail as to the status of the “truly possessive” constructions as <strong>in</strong> (1), she<br />

ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>s that <strong>in</strong> both cases the genitive-marked phrase constitutes an <strong>in</strong>dependent argument, namely the<br />

subject of the predication. However, if the genitives <strong>in</strong> (1) are <strong>in</strong> fact <strong>subjects</strong>, two questions immediately<br />

catch our attention: 1. What is the grammatical functional status of the other (possessee) nom<strong>in</strong>al? 2. How<br />

can we account for the agreement enforced between the genitive case marker on the subject and the other<br />

nom<strong>in</strong>al?<br />

The possessive constructions <strong>in</strong> (1) are <strong>in</strong> the focus of this paper. I argue that these sentences <strong>in</strong> fact<br />

constitute <strong>in</strong>stances of an <strong>in</strong>transitive possessive copula construction (PCC). There is ample evidence for<br />

a structure as <strong>in</strong> (3), where we have a s<strong>in</strong>gle complex subject NP embedd<strong>in</strong>g the possessor phrase:<br />

• Intransitive copula constructions are documented and attested <strong>in</strong> H<strong>in</strong>di/<strong>Urdu</strong> (examples given <strong>in</strong> (4)).<br />

• In pragmatically unmarked contexts, the semantics of the PCC are mirrored by other <strong>in</strong>transitive<br />

copula constructions; the sentence <strong>in</strong>variably receives an existential read<strong>in</strong>g, and the possessee (the<br />

head of the subject under this analysis) can only ever be an <strong>in</strong>def<strong>in</strong>ite.<br />

• The agreement between the possessor and the possessee phrase is expected if we assume an analysis<br />

where the possessor is embedded <strong>in</strong> a complex subject NP.<br />

• Pre-nom<strong>in</strong>al genitives are well-understood and well-documented <strong>in</strong> the literature of H<strong>in</strong>di/<strong>Urdu</strong><br />

(Mohanan 1994, Kachru 2006, Raza 2010).<br />

• If we assume a genitive subject, we have to deal with the question on how this subject is licensed.<br />

Both Mohanan (1994) and Kachru (2006) have argued that genitive case may only be licensed by a<br />

nom<strong>in</strong>al, so that the question arises: How is the possessor raised to the subject function? 2<br />

• If we assume a complex subject with an embedded possessor, the licens<strong>in</strong>g of the genitive occurs <strong>in</strong><br />

a straightforward manner: nom<strong>in</strong>als are known to optionally specify a possessive theta role, which<br />

is realized as a dist<strong>in</strong>ct grammatical function.<br />

The subject tests applied by Mohanan (1994) are reconsidered <strong>in</strong> the light of this analysis. When all the<br />

facts are considered, they turn out to not be sufficient for identify<strong>in</strong>g the possessors of (1) as the sentences’<br />

<strong>subjects</strong>. For example, NP-<strong>in</strong>ternal possessives have been shown to be able to be eligible antecedents<br />

for reflexive pronouns <strong>in</strong> other languages, as they are argued to be discourse-oriented (Chisarik & Payne<br />

2001). I argue that, by consequence, the Apna ‘self’ test by Mohanan (1994) does not successfully s<strong>in</strong>gle<br />

out the possessor as the subject <strong>in</strong> sentences such as (5).<br />

1Possessor <strong>subjects</strong> may also be formed us<strong>in</strong>g the complex postposition ke pas ‘near’, see e.g. <strong>Sulger</strong> (2011); I do not focus<br />

on these <strong>subjects</strong> <strong>in</strong> the context of this paper.<br />

2Possessor Rais<strong>in</strong>g as described by e.g. Payne & Barshi (1999) is not attested for H<strong>in</strong>di/<strong>Urdu</strong>, nor is it known to occur with<br />

copula verbs.


Semantically, the genitive phrases are not conf<strong>in</strong>ed to possession, but may realize different relations<br />

between the nom<strong>in</strong>als (cf. Barker 1995, Chisarik & Payne 2001). Among them, <strong>in</strong> H<strong>in</strong>di/<strong>Urdu</strong>, are<br />

attribution (6a) and quality (6b) relations. Therefore, they are argued to l<strong>in</strong>k to unrestricted functions <strong>in</strong><br />

the sense that they may realize a variety of different thematic roles.<br />

I implement the analysis of H<strong>in</strong>di/<strong>Urdu</strong> PCCs <strong>in</strong> the theoretical framework of Lexical-Functional<br />

Grammar (LFG, Dalrymple 2001). The copula is an <strong>in</strong>transitive verb select<strong>in</strong>g a s<strong>in</strong>gle thematic role,<br />

a theme, <strong>in</strong> its argument structure. This theme is l<strong>in</strong>ked to the subject function of the ma<strong>in</strong> clause as<br />

per the subject condition (Dalrymple 2001, Bresnan 2001). When a possessor is realized, an additional<br />

“theme” role is selected by the theme via a lexical process; this “<strong>in</strong>ternal” theme is l<strong>in</strong>ked to the subject<br />

function <strong>in</strong>side the ma<strong>in</strong> clause’s subject (see (7) and the result<strong>in</strong>g functional structure <strong>in</strong> (8)). In LFG, the<br />

SUBJ function is taken to be both discourse-oriented and unrestricted, reflect<strong>in</strong>g the two salient properties<br />

of the H<strong>in</strong>di-<strong>Urdu</strong> genitive discussed above. The agreement between the possessor and the possessum can<br />

then be taken care of by standard LFG techniques. In sum, the analysis I propose expla<strong>in</strong>s the facts <strong>in</strong> a<br />

more natural manner and readily presents an explanation for the agreement patterns and semantic effects<br />

observed.<br />

(1) a. nadya=ka/*=ki mAkan hE<br />

Nadya.F.Sg.Obl=Gen.M.Sg.Nom/*=Gen.F.Sg.Nom house.M.Sg.Nom be.Pres.3P.Sg<br />

lit. ‘There is a house of Nadya’s.’ = ‘Nadya has/owns a house.’<br />

b. nadya=ki/*=ka Almari hE<br />

Nadya.F.Sg.Obl=Gen.F.Sg.Nom/*=Gen.M.Sg.Nom cupboard.F.Sg.Nom be.Pres.3P.Sg<br />

lit. ‘There is a cupboard of Nadya’s.’ = ‘Nadya has/owns a cupboard.’<br />

(2) ram=ka g h Ar laut.-ne=ka vIcar<br />

Ram.M.Sg.Obl=Gen.M.Sg.Nom home.M.Sg.Nom return-Inf.M.Sg.Obl thought.M.Sg.Nom<br />

t h -a<br />

be.Past-M.Sg<br />

‘Ram was th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g of return<strong>in</strong>g home.’ Mohanan (1994), p. 180<br />

(3) [[nadya=ka]GEN mAkan]SUBJ hE<br />

(4) a. xUda hE<br />

god.M.Sg.Nom be.Pres.3P.Sg<br />

‘There is a god.’<br />

b. pArti hE<br />

party.M.Sg.Nom be.Pres.3P.Sg<br />

‘There is a party.’<br />

(5) ram=ke Apna ek b h i b�t.a nAhĩ t h -a<br />

Ram.M.Sg.Obl=Gen.M.Sg.Obl self.M.Sg.Nom one even son.M.Sg.Nom not be.Past-M.Sg<br />

lit. ‘There was not even one son of Ram’s own.’ = ‘Ram didn’t have even one son of his own.’<br />

Mohanan (1994), p. 181<br />

(6) a. lahor=ka Sehr<br />

Lahore=Gen.M.Sg.Nom city.M.Sg.Nom<br />

‘the city of Lahore’<br />

b. xof=ka lAmha<br />

fear.M.Sg.Nom=Gen.M.Sg.Nom moment.M.Sg.Nom<br />

‘moment of fear’


(7) L<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g analysis:<br />

ho < th < th > ><br />

| |<br />

[-o, -r] [-o, -r]<br />

| |<br />

SUBJ SUBJ<br />

(8) ⎡<br />

⎤<br />

PRED ‘ho’<br />

⎢ ⎡<br />

⎤ ⎥<br />

⎢ PRED ‘mAkan’ ⎥<br />

⎢ ⎢ ⎡<br />

⎤ ⎥<br />

⎢ ⎢<br />

⎥<br />

⎢ ⎢ PRED ‘nadya’ ⎥<br />

⎢SUBJ<br />

⎢<br />

⎢ ⎢SUBJ<br />

⎣ ⎦ ⎥<br />

⎥<br />

⎢ ⎢ CASE genitive ⎥<br />

⎢ ⎣<br />

⎦ ⎥<br />

⎢ CASE nom<strong>in</strong>ative<br />

⎥<br />

⎣<br />

⎦<br />

TENSE present<br />

Selected References<br />

Barker, Chris. 1995. Possessive Descriptions. CSLI Publications.<br />

Bresnan, Joan. 2001. Lexical-Functional Syntax. Blackwell.<br />

Chisarik, Erika and John Payne. 2001. Modell<strong>in</strong>g Possessor Constructions In LFG: English and Hungarian.<br />

In Butt, Miriam and Tracy Holloway K<strong>in</strong>g, eds., Nom<strong>in</strong>als: Inside and Out. CSLI Publications.<br />

Dalrymple, Mary. Lexical Functional Grammar, volume 34 of Syntax and Semantics. Academic Press,<br />

2001.<br />

Kachru, Yamuna. 2006. H<strong>in</strong>di. John Benjam<strong>in</strong>s.<br />

Mohanan, Tara. 1994. Argument Structure <strong>in</strong> H<strong>in</strong>di. CSLI Publications.<br />

Payne, Doris L. and Immanuel Barshi. 1999. External Possession: what, where, how and why. In Payne<br />

& Barshi, eds., External Possession. John Benjam<strong>in</strong>s.<br />

Raza, Ghulam. 2010. Analyz<strong>in</strong>g the Structure of <strong>Urdu</strong> NPs with Multiple <strong>Genitive</strong>s. Proceed<strong>in</strong>gs of the<br />

Conference on Language & Technology 2010, Islamabad, Pakistan.<br />

<strong>Sulger</strong>, <strong>Sebastian</strong>. 2011. A Parallel Analysis of have-Type Copular Constructions <strong>in</strong> two have-Less Indo-<br />

European Languages. Onl<strong>in</strong>e Proceed<strong>in</strong>gs of the LFG11 Conference, Hong Kong University, Hong Kong.<br />

CSLI Publications.

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