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Van Zorge Report on Indonesia - Michael Buehler

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VAN ZORGE REPORT — JUNE 2, 2009IN BRIEF‘Freewheeling politicians’ pose challenges for decentralisati<strong>on</strong>The reduced number of parties in the House of Representatives may indeedmake that notoriously unwieldy body more manageable, but it could also furthercomplicate an already dysfuncti<strong>on</strong>al relati<strong>on</strong>ship between the nati<strong>on</strong>al legislatureand its regi<strong>on</strong>al counterparts. The different electoral rules at the nati<strong>on</strong>al andsub-nati<strong>on</strong>al levels appear in some cases to have resulted in local legislaturesdominated by parties that will have no nati<strong>on</strong>al representati<strong>on</strong>, potentiallypresenting obstacles to achieving a speedy and effective policymaking process.At the heart of the matter is the 2.5 percent parliamentary threshold thatwas meant to limit the number of political parties that made it into thenati<strong>on</strong>al legislature was not applied to the provincial legislatures. As a result,the compositi<strong>on</strong> of legislative bodies at the two levels is likely to differ widely.The Democratic Party, Golkar Party, and Ind<strong>on</strong>esian Democratic Party ofStruggle (PDI-P) will dominate a nati<strong>on</strong>al legislature in which <strong>on</strong>ly 9 of the38 nati<strong>on</strong>al parties competing nati<strong>on</strong>ally are to be represented. By c<strong>on</strong>trast,parties am<strong>on</strong>g the 29 that did not earn seats in the House of Representatives,plus the six local parties in Aceh, are likely to be well-represented at theprovincial and local levels, particularly in outlying areas where the traditi<strong>on</strong>alnati<strong>on</strong>al powerbrokers have less power. Some of those parties may evendominate local legislative bodies.Those who cast their votes for parties that did not make it into the Househardly account for a trivial share of the electorate. “Quick count” tallies andpreliminary results indicate that those 29 parties that failed to clear the 2.5percent bar accounted for up to 25 percent of the total vote at the nati<strong>on</strong>allevel—and perhaps even more at the local level.In theory, no matter what the compositi<strong>on</strong> of the various legislative bodiesmay be, they would be able to work with <strong>on</strong>e another to ensure that the giveand take of the policy process results in the passage of laws vital to the operati<strong>on</strong>of government. The reality, however, is that the party cadres and legislatorsat the sub-nati<strong>on</strong>al levels lack the capacity to develop and pass legislati<strong>on</strong>,and they thus often turn to Jakarta <strong>on</strong> critical issues.“The central government is still the key player in local budgets,” says TommyLegowo of the parliamentary watchdog Formappi. “The problems go likethis: local legislatures dominated by parties with no nati<strong>on</strong>al representati<strong>on</strong>might not adopt budgets [sent to them by the nati<strong>on</strong>al level].”On critical issues, local legislators and executives often turn to their partybosses in Jakarta for guidance and to ensure that their interests are providedfor in the budgets and policies passed <strong>on</strong> to the regi<strong>on</strong>s from Jakarta. Withouta direct c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> to the legislative process at the nati<strong>on</strong>al level, thoselegislators and executives might not like what comes through the pipeline,but they might also lack the capacity to amend and develop their own policies,resulting in delays and whole provinces operating with outdated budgetsand key measures.24

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