issue 1 09 - APS Member Groups - Australian Psychological Society

2Office Bearers of the APS College Of Community PsychologistsChairpersonEx OfficioSecretaryTreasurerGrace PrettyQueenslandHeather GridleyVictoriaMeg SmithNew South WalesPam LoughnanVictoriaProgramme Accreditation Lynne CohenWestern AustraliaProfessional Development Di ClarkeNew South WalesMembership SecretaryStudent RepresentativesCatherine D'ArcyVictoriaCarol TutchenerVictoria UniversityAnne SibbelEdith Cowan UniversityState ChairsAnne SibbelWestern AustraliaDi ClarkNew South WalesJulie DeanQueenslandCatherine DÁrcyEmma SampsonVictoriaACP Editorial BoardLauren BreenAnne SibbelMeg SmithCarol TutchenerTahereh ZiaianPublished byThe College of Community Psychologists of the Australian Psychological Society LtdISSN 1835-7393Disclaimer: “The publication of an advertisement by ACP is not an endorsement of the Advertiser nor of the products and servicesadvertised. Only those professional development activities carrying the APS logo and an appropriate endorsement statement can beconsidered to be specifically approved by the APS. Advertisers may not incorporate in a subsequent advertisement or promotional piecethe fact that a product or service has been advertised in any publication of the society. The publications of the College are published for andon behalf of the membership to advance psychology as a science and as a profession. The College reserves the right to unilaterally cancel orreject advertising which is not deemed to be in keeping with its scientific and professional aims”.The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

ContentsContents 3General Information 4EditorialAmiee-Jade Pember 5Research PapersThe Construction of Muslims as “Other” in Mainstream Australia’s Print Media:An Analysis of Discourse 8Amy Quayle and Christopher C. SonnMulticulturalism and Whiteness: Through the Experiences of Second GenerationCypriot Turkish 24Lütfiye Ali and Christopher C. SonnAccessing ‘Authentic’ Knowledge: Being and Doing with the Sudanese Community 39Jay M. MarloweDifferences in Resilience and University Adjustment between School Leaver and MatureEntry University Students 50Brent Munro and Julie Ann PooleyUnderstanding and Assisting Excessive Players of Video Games:A Community Psychology Perspective 62Daniel King and Paul DelfabbroArticlesGiving Psychology Away for the Common Good: Reflections of a NoviceCommunity Psychologist 75Chris Michael KirkReflections on Implementing an Education Support Programme for Aboriginal and TorresStrait Islander Secondary School Students in a Non-government Education Sector:What did we Learn and What do we Know? 84David Mander and Lisa FieldhouseUsing the SPECS Model to Explore New Paradigms in Health Psychology 102Tim MacKellarA Case for More Culture in Community Psychology: The Federated States of Micronesia 108David S. Jackson and Richard J. KimPreparation, Submission and Publication of Manuscripts 1233The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

General Information4The Australian Community Psychologist is the Official Journal of the College of CommunityPsychologists of the Australian Psychological SocietyEditorLauren Breen, Social Justice Research Centre, Edith Cowan University, Western AustraliaProduction EditorAnne Sibbel, Reflective Practice, Western AustraliaEditorial BoardMeg Smith, Social Justice and Social Change, University of Western SydneyCarol Tutchener, St Kilda Youth ServiceTahereh Ziaian, School of Nursing and Midwifery, University of South AustraliaADVERTISING RATESFull page $1001/2 page $501/4 page $25All payments to be made out to:APS College of Community PsychologistsThe Australian Psychological SocietyPO Box 38Flinders Lane Post OfficeMelbourne Vic 8009Current and past issues of ACP can be accessed through Australia’s web archive system PANDORA( http://pandora.nla.gov.au/tep/84823)PANDORA is an initiative of the Australian National Library in conjunction with nine othercollections. The name is an acronym derived from its mission: Preserving and AccessingNetworked Documentary Resources of Australia.The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

EditorialSpecial Issue Showcasing Student Research5Amiee-Jade PemberAdvanced Personnel ManagementWelcome to the first issue of theAustralian Community Psychologist for2009. This issue is a Special IssueShowcasing Student Research, and thepurpose of the issue was to provide studentswith an opportunity to engage in all aspectsof the publication process.I was selected as Guest Editorworking alongside Lauren Breen (Editor),who assisted me in developing the skillsnecessary for overseeing the production of ajournal issue, and also developing anunderstanding of the editorial process. Thiswas quite a commitment, as I graduatedfrom my Master of Psychology(Community) and commenced full-timeemployment whilst undertaking the GuestEditor role. However, I am pleased to havebeen given the opportunity, as I learnt somuch about the publication process.I remember publishing my Honoursresearch (Pereira & Pooley, 2007) andfeeling frustrated by the time it took fromsubmission to seeing the manuscript inprint. I remember wondering why it took solong. Now I know! Those involved in thepublication process do so in their own time,often after business hours and on weekendswhen they are not at their ‘day jobs’!Furthermore, Editors not only have to seeksubmissions, but also reviewers. Editors areresponsible for remembering whensubmissions, reviews, revised submissionsand final manuscripts are due, and remindauthors and reviewers of these deadlines.And there’s the proofing process – typos,spell-checking, grammar, formatting, andidentifying missing references or pagenumbers for references. This is a timeconsuming process! So aside from refiningmy communication skills, organisationskills, writing skills, and editing skills, Ihave now developed a greaterunderstanding of the work involved in theproduction of a journal. More importantly, Inow have a greater appreciation for the effortsof those who make journals, and otherpublications, possible. I am glad to haveundertaken the Guest Editor role prior topublishing my Masters research. I willdefinitely take much more time to prepare mymanuscript in order to minimise the work ofthose on the other side of the publication.Hopefully this will make for a smoothereditorial process.Approximately 20 students from aroundAustralia and overseas actively engaged in theproduction of this issue, either as Guest Editor,authors, or reviewers. Student authors wereresponsible for submitting their manuscripts,liaising with myself and Lauren, consideringthe feedback that they received from reviewers,and deciding how to respond to this feedback.Student reviewers actively sought advice onthe review process and feedback on theirresponses to the manuscripts, providing themwith an opportunity to develop their criticalthinking skills and skills in communicatingtheir feedback constructively to colleagues. Inaddition to the students who contributed to theproduction of this issue, I would also like toacknowledge the efforts of the experiencedmentors and supervisors who encouragedstudents to submit papers and those whoparticipated in the manuscript review process.It is through your recognition of the abilities ofthe future community psychologists that thisSpecial Issue has come about.Some people may assume that a journalissue written, reviewed, and edited by studentswould not be at the same standard of an issueproduced by more experience authors,reviewers and editors. I would like toemphasise that throughout the production ofthe issue, we focused on maintaining thestandard quality of the Australian CommunityThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Editorial6Psychologist. With this in mind, all reviewers(students and experienced reviewers) werereminded to review the manuscripts in thesame way they would for any other issue of thejournal. Student authors therefore experienceda critical review process as they would have ifthey had submitted to any other issue of thejournal.This Special Issue consists of twosections; Research Papers and Articles. TheResearch Papers section includes researchconducted at fourth year and postgraduatelevels in the areas of cultural issues, diversity,resilience and empowerment. Amy Quayle andChristopher Sonn utilise Foucaldian discourseanalysis to explore the construction of Muslimsas ‘Other’ in the print media following theCronulla riots in Sydney, Australia. Theydemonstrate the importance of consideringdiscourse as a medium through which racismoccurs in everyday lives. Lütfiye Ali andChristopher Sonn explore the experiences ofsecond generation Cypriot Turkish peopleliving in Australia using Critical Whitenessstudies. They consider how Anglo Saxondominance and privilege affects theconstruction of identity for Cypriot Turkishpeople. Jay Marlowe also considers culturalissues, but with a focus on his personalexperience working with Sudanese menresettling in Australia. Marlowe emphasisesthe need to provide the men with theopportunity to discuss their experiences in arespectful and empowering manner, in order toassist them in the process of liberation whilstresettling. Brent Munro and Julie Ann Pooleyexplore the relationship between resilience anduniversity adjustment and focus on thedifferences in resilience and universityadjustment between school leavers and matureentry university students. Interestingly,although they found a relationship betweenresilience and university adjustment, Munroand Pooley found no difference in theadjustment of the two cohorts, and nodifference in their levels of resilience. Finally,Daniel King considers excessive video gameplaying amongst adolescents and adults, andidentifies empowerment, recognition, control,and completion as themes relevant tounderstanding such behaviour.The Articles section of the Special Issueincludes four papers in which students reflecton issues in practice. Chris Kirk provides ananalysis of community psychology through hiseyes as a novice community psychologist.Kirk’s paper encourages us to reflect not onlyon where community psychology has comefrom, but also where it is heading, in the currentglobal context. David Mander and LisaFieldhouse reflect on their experience ofdeveloping an education support programme forAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander secondaryschool students in Western Australia. Theydiscuss practice issues around working crossculturally,and within the various systems thatimpact upon the students’ lives. In his paper onthe SPECS model, Tim MacKellar examines theinterface between health and communitypsychologies. He considers the relevance of theSPECS model throughout psychology, andargues that it provides a more holisticframework for understanding health andwellbeing. Finally the Special Issue ends with acritical examination of the inclusion of ‘culture’in community psychology. David Jackson andRichard Kim argue that substance abuse andmental health need to be understood within thecultural context of a community, using theFederated States of Micronesia as an example.I am sure you will agree that the papers inthis issue serve to remind us of the need forcontinual reflection on the theory and practiceof community psychology, and of consideringthe perspectives of those new to the field, whichoften provide a fresh view of issues that ourcommunities, and community psychology as afield, are facing. On that note, I hope you enjoyreading the fantastic work that the students fromaround Australia and internationally areundertaking as they develop professionally.And students, thanks again for working withmyself and Lauren in the development of ourSpecial Issue Showcasing Student Research!The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Editorial7Amiee-Jade Pember (neé Pereira) M.Psych(Community), MAPSAdvanced Personnel Management (APM)ReferencePereira, A., & Pooley, J. (2007). A qualitativeexploration of the transition experienceof students from a high school to a seniorhigh school in rural Western Australia.Australian Journal of Education, 51,162-177.Address correspondence to:email amiee-jade@westnet.com.auThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

The Construction of Muslims as “Other” in Mainstream Australia’s Print Media:An Analysis of DiscourseAmy QuayleChristopher C. SonnVictoria UniversityThe Cronulla riots signalled the existence of a banal everyday form of racism operating inAustralia that works to construct Muslims as ‘other’. In this article, racism is explored asideology, (re)produced through, and reflected in social practices and processes, such aslanguage and communication. Media representations are considered, a site where dominantsocial narratives manifest and where racism happens. Using Foucauldian discourse analysis,several strategies employed to construct ‘in- groups’ and ‘out-groups’, following the riots,were revealed in newspaper discourse, and dominant understandings of Muslims,multiculturalism and racism became apparent. Discourses identified that problematiseMuslims, included the construction of the ‘inassimilable, misogynist and criminal other’.Discourses that effectively legitimate deny and justify this othering, thereby maintain Australiaand Australians self image as a fair, just and tolerant society, included the construction of ‘thegood nation; Howard’s diverse country’. Findings reflect the importance of understandingeveryday forms of racism, operating in and through social narratives, which function toconstruct particular groups in particular ways. This research offers important lessons on theimportance of examining taken for granted ‘text and talk’, as a site of racism.8It has been suggested that AustralianMuslims are living in an environment wherethe significance of their ascribed religion is“being reshaped through media discourses,public policy and, at a conceptual level, thenewfound salience of the apparentincompatibility of Islam and modern secularpolitical forms of society” (Celermajer, 2007,p. 3). The Cronulla riots of December 2005were a frightening example of the hostilityheld towards Muslims, Middle Easterners, andArabs in Australia, which some have labelled“Islamophobia”, an overt form of racism(Dunn, 2004; Gale, 2006; Poynting & Mason,2006; Poynting & Mason, 2007). This hostilityhighlights much more than the existence ofbigoted, uneducated or ignorant individualswithin the Australian community, as traditionalpsychological accounts of racism havetypically conceived. Rather, these hostilitiescan be viewed as an indication of banaleveryday racism, constructed discursivelythrough the social practices and processes ofeveryday life. If viewed in this way, everyoneis implicated in racism and we therefore needto examine how racism is produced andmaintained through powerful institutions suchas the media, in coming to an understanding ofracism.If racism is viewed as ideology,maintained through everyday social practices,language and communication, ‘talk and text’,become the focus of research rather thanindividual ‘attitudes’. Foucault (1972) wrote,“As a pre-eminent manifestation of sociallyconstitutive ideology, language becomes theprimary instrument through which ideology istransmitted, enacted and reproduced” (p. 56).Therefore, through analysis of linguisticstructures and discourse strategies, withconsideration of their interactional and widersocial contexts, it is possible to reveal theideologies and retrieve the social meaningsexpressed in and through discourse (Teo, 2000).Indeed, it is through discourse that justificationsin defence of processes of racial domination,marginalisation and exclusion are formulatedand transmitted (Ratele & Duncan, 2003).Therefore mediated communication, suchas print media, can be viewed as a site ofThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Muslim, Racism and Media9racism. Analysis of media discourses wouldthus be an appropriate strategy forunderstanding racism. Indeed critical andcommunity psychologists have proposed thatcritical engagements with the media areimportant in order to achieve social change(Prilleltensky & Prilleltensky, 2003).Accordingly this research investigated ways inwhich Muslims are socially constructed as‘other’ against a particular ‘insider’ in theAustralian community. Discourses pervadingmainstream Australia’s print media followingthe Cronulla riots were examined for thepresence of a subtle form of racism operatingto exclude this particular community, whilstsimultaneously affirming Australia’s image asan egalitarian, fair and just society. Discursiveapproaches to psychology, which inform thisstudy, will be explored as a means ofconceptualising racism as ideology.Discursive psychology: ‘The turn to language’The development of discursivepsychology, made possible through the ‘turn tolanguage’ of the 1970s and the emergence ofsocial constructionism, has been indispensablein coming to terms with racism (Burr, 1995;Hosking & Morley, 2004; Willig, 2001a,2001b). The development of a socialconstructionist epistemology entailedincreasing interest in the ways in whichlanguage, or more specifically discourse,constrains, determines and influences ourknowledge of the world (Burr, 1995; Willig,2001a, 2001b). The role of language increating and reproducing meaning in everydaysocial interaction became the focus of researchwith the assumption being that “psychologicalprocesses occur not in the heads of selfcontained individuals, but between or amongmultiple, differentially positioned speakingsubjects” (Foster, 1999, p. 341).Consequently, discursive psychologyinvolved a major shift from the traditionalview of language as a tool for description andas a medium for communication, to a view oflanguage as social practice, as a way of doingthings. People use language to justify, explain,blame, excuse, persuade, and presentthemselves in the best possible light (LeCouteur& Augoustinos, 2001). The major assumptionof discursive psychology then, is that thephenomena of interest in social andpsychological research are constituted in andthrough discourse (Potter & Wetherell, 2004).Consequently, racism is viewed as locatedwithin the formal and informal languagepractices and discourses of society, it is throughthese that relations of power, dominance andexploitation become reproduced and legitimated(Augoustinos, Tuffin & Every, 2005).In many western countries, there is amounting body of discursive research onmajority group members’ text and talkregarding issues concerning race and racism,multiculturalism, nationalism and immigration(Augoustinos & Reynolds, 2001; Augoustinoset al., 2005; LeCouteur & Augoustinos, 2001).Conducted across a range of sites, including themedia, parliament and everyday talk, thisresearch has shown a commonality in thediscursive resources of the contemporarylanguage of racism across western liberaldemocracies (Augoustinos et al., 2005;Augoustinos & Every, 2007). The researchsuggests there has been a discursive shift in theway inequality and oppression, are justified(Augoustinos et al., 2005; Augoustinos &Every, 2007). New racism refers to thisdiscursive shift, which is strategically organisedto deny prejudice and racism, in a society whereexplicit racism has become taboo (Foster, 1999;Leach, 2005). By redrawing the boundaries ofwhat may legitimately be defined as ‘racist’ thecategory of racism can be used to position aperson or group as ‘not racist’ by placing theirown behaviour and views outside of theseboundaries. The notion of new racismhighlights the importance of seeing racism asdiscursive, as constantly being reconstructed,and renegotiated through text and talk.The notion of new racismThe notion of new racism is based uponthe argument that “racism now manifests inmore muted or veiled terms, in contrast to theThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Muslim, Racism and Media10old fashioned, blatant or red-necked formswhich were shaped in constructs of hierarchyand claims of superiority of one ‘race’ overanother” (Foster, 1999, p. 332). Emphasisinstead shifts to cultural aspects of humanbehaviour such as language, beliefs, religionsand customs, or ‘ways of life’ (Barker, 2002;Lentin, 2005). According to Hopkins, Reichterand Levine (1997), new racism is entrenchedin arguments suggesting the existence of anatural affinity towards members of the samerace, as well as a natural tendency towardsavoidance or antagonism between members ofdifferent races. Furthermore new racism is saidto involve assertions that power relations andstructural inequalities are not requirements foranalysis and understanding of racism(Reichter, 2001), which has the effect of“naturalising inequality and blaming thevictim” (van Dijk, 2002, p. 34). Therefore, thepeople who practice this new racism believe inand uphold the basic values of democraticegalitarianism and would thus emphaticallydeny that they are ‘racist’, while articulatingviews that are exclusionary and oppressive intheir effects (Augoustinos & Every, 2007).While the notion of new racism is avaluable concept in understanding the maskedlanguage of racism in contemporary Australiansociety, everyday racism calls attention to theembeddedness of, and inescapability from,racism in our society. Effectively this meansthat the ideology of racism becomes part ofwho we are, and how we operate in the worldat large, whether we are aware of it or not. Theinclusion of everyday racism in the conceptualframework of this study reflects a commitmentto tackle racism as more than just an individuallevel problem, but rather, as something inwhich we are all implicated in some way oranother.The notion of everyday racismThe concept of everyday racism opposesthe view that racism is an individual problem,asserting that it is not simply a question of “tobe or not to be a racist” (Essed, 1991, p. 3).Instead it is argued that racism needs to beacknowledged as an everyday problem, therebyalluding to the normalcy of racism (Essed,2002). Along similar lines, Harvey (1999)characterised the everyday processes ofoppression in normal life as “civilizedoppression”. Essed (1991) argues that racism ismore than structure and ideology. As a processit is routinely created and reinforced througheveryday practices. Everyday racism connectsstructural forces with routine situations ineveryday life. Thus new racism and everydayracism, serve ideologically to (re)produce aprocess of racialisation, and justify and defendexisting racialised inequalities and exclusions,or structural relations of oppression, albeit inmore subtle ways (Foster, 1999).The media as a site of racismThese theoretical understandings ofracism imply that, in contemporary Australiansociety, the media, as a form of social practice,should be recognised as an institution capableof obfuscating, legitimating and naturalising theideology of racism, and hence perpetuating theoppression of minorities. Indeed news media,particularly newspapers, have played a crucialrole in the emergence of the new language of‘race’ and nation (Gale, 2006). The media canconvey and broadcast pervasive and negativenarratives, images and ideas about racial andethnic minorities that can have a significanteffect on the collective beliefs of mainstreamAustralia (Anti-Discrimination Board of NewSouth Wales [ADBNSW], 2003). Thus, whiledrawing on traditions of objectivity of fact,news media have the power to marginalise andconstruct racial or ethnic minority communitiesas ‘other’ (ADBNSW, 2003; Campbell, 1995).The assumption that there is the possibility ofneutral media refutes the fact that mediacommentators do not live in a social vacuum;the ideology of racism is deeply embedded insociety, therefore members internalise aspectsof the ideology and the self- perpetuating cyclecontinues (Campbell, 1995; Ratele & Duncan.,2003).Events are often explained in racialterms. This labelling has the effect ofThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Muslim, Racism and Media11legitimating prejudice and discriminationagainst particular minority groups (ADBNSW,2003; Duncan, 2007; Poynting & Morgan,2007; Poynting, Noble, Tabar & Collins, 2004)often resulting in what Poynting et al. (2004)describe as moral panics about ‘ethnic others’.The overwhelming force of racialisation ofmedia and public discourse makes resistance tocommon sense explanations difficult. Racistideologies become naturalised within societyand begin to be seen as simple ‘commonsense’ (ADBNSW, 2003; Fulton, 2005). VanDijk (1992) identified several patterns in mediadiscourses, which allow for the perpetuation ofracism. These include negative representationof the ‘other’, denial, mitigation, reversal, andnaturalising inequality and blaming the victim.These patterns parallel the functioning of bothnew racism (Hopkins et al., 1997) andeveryday racism (Essed, 2002).Vilification of Muslims in the AustraliancontextSince September 11 2001, Muslimminorities have experienced intensive otheringin western countries, particularly thoseassociated with the US led ‘war on terror’involving the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq(Dunn, 2004; Gale, 2006; Kuhn, 2006; Noble,2005; Poynting & Mason, 2006; Poynting &Mason, 2007). An abundance of researchattests to the fact that the many diverse Muslimcommunities of Australia have become thefocus of intense negativity regarding asupposed link to terrorism (e.g., Aly, 2007;Dunn, 2004; Gale, 2006; Human Rights andEqual Opportunity Commission [HREOC],2004; Kuhn, 2006; Noble, 2005; Saniotis,2004; Sivanandan, 2006). HREOC (2004)launched a study in March 2003, followingSeptember 11 attacks and the Bali bombings of2002, exploring Muslim and Arab Australiansperceptions of racial vilification. Responses byMuslim Australians suggested that there hadbeen an intensification of existing, ongoingand everyday forms and patterns ofvilification, which had continued since the1990s and before (Poynting & Mason, 2006).Responses suggested that incidence ofdiscrimination and vilification peaked andwaned, corresponding with various localregional, national and international crisesincluding, the Bali bombings in October 2002and the war in Iraq in 2003, but authorsemphasised that it was always present(HREOC, 2004).The main themes implicit in thevilification experienced by Muslim Australianswere identified in the HREOC (2004) research.They were that Australian Arabs and Muslimsare seen to share responsibility for terrorism orare potential terrorists, that there is no place inAustralia for Arabs or Muslims, and finallythere was an underlying expectation that newmigrants to Australia should assimilate anddiscard their foreign dress codes, languages andcultural practices (HREOC, 2004; Poynting &Mason, 2006). Importantly, responsesemphasised not only the significance of blatantacts of hostility, but also more normal everydayforms of discrimination, such as unwarrantedpolice attention and suspicion, unfriendliness aswell as biased media representation.Noble (2005) argues that forms of socialincivility, like the harsher experiences ofvilification, amount to the affective regulationof social belonging and participation. Socialincivility for Noble refers to everydaybehaviours of others that are felt to be rude orinsulting, even as their significance isdismissed. Corresponding with Essed’s (1991)notion of everyday racism this might include“name calling, jokes in bad taste, bad manners,provocative and offensive gestures or even justa sense of social distance or unfriendliness or anexcessive focus on someone’sethnicity” (Noble, 2005, p. 110).The affective regulation of differenceamounts to an active process of othering andexclusion, and this exclusion does not simplyinvolve economic and political deprivation, butentails social and cultural dimensions, such asnotions of agency and power (Noble, 2005).Our ability to be comfortable in public settingsrests on our ability to be acknowledged asThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Muslim, Racism and Media12rightfully existing there, that is, to berecognised as belonging (Noble). Significantly,he points out the opposite of recognition is notinvisibility but the “active, affective regulationof the inappropriate existence of others, aconstant reminder of inadequateexistence” (Noble, 2005, p. 114).While the current study does notendeavour to understand the psychologicaleffects of these everyday instances of racismand exclusion for the minority community, itcan suggest what the creation of the categories,‘us’ and ‘them’, accomplishes in the largerscheme of things. Moral exclusion is describedas “the process whereby individuals or groupsare perceived to be outside the boundary inwhich moral values, rules, and considerationsof fairness apply” (Opotow, 1990, p. 5). Ifparticular communities are seen as outsideones moral community, or ones ‘scope ofjustice’, they are viewed as psychologicallydistant and as non-entities undeserving offairness or resources (Opotow, 2001).Therefore, unfair, unjust and inhumanetreatment and/or conditions continue to occurwith impunity. Arguably then, the constructionof Muslims as ‘other’, preceding and duringthe Cronulla riots, works to justify/excuse theracism and hostility that was blatantly evidentthroughout the riots. It also helps to understandhow the social incivilities and vilificationexperiences, reported in much of the literature,can occur with impunity, in an egalitariannation whose citizens are supposedly “relaxedand comfortable” (Noble, 2005, p. 107).The Cronulla RiotsThe Cronulla riots occurred in December2005. The riots began as a beachfront brawlinvolving a handful of young men in Sydneyand developed into a “violent racist mob attackof thousands of angry white Australians onanyone they suspected of being of ‘MiddleEastern appearance’” (Poynting & Morgan,2007, p. 158). These riots highlighted extremehostility existing towards the Lebanese Muslimcommunity within Australian society. Thevilification of peoples with Lebanese ancestry,or people of ‘Middle Eastern appearance’,during these riots came to be conflated with thevilification of Muslims in general, as reflectedby prominent slurs such as “Go nulla, fuckAllah” during the riots, subsequent mediareportage of events, and the perception andcauses of events as demonstrated by letters tothe editor, and in editorials. Analysis ofnewspaper discourse following the Cronullariots was chosen to explore the functioning ofracism in the media, because this event ignitedpublic debate about Muslims and Islam andmore generally about multiculturalism andracism within Australia.MethodologyFoucauldian Discourse AnalysisFoucauldian discourse analysis (FDA),seeks to expose and ultimately resist socialinequality by taking a “critical, progressive andpolitical stance to the truth claims made bydiscourses, which help maintain oppressivepower relations, and to increase the voice ofmarginalised discourses” (Burr, 1995, p. 119).From a critical post structuralist perspective,“discourses facilitate and limit, enable andconstrain what can be said, by whom, when andwhere” (Parker, 2002, p. 245).Within this framework discourse may bedefined as a set of statements that constructobjects and a variety of subject positions. Thus,there is a concern with what discursiveresources people draw on, how these resourcescome to be culturally available and the effectsthey have in terms of the kinds of objects,subjects, and positions, which they makeavailable (Willig, 2001a). This construction ofobjects and subject positions through discourse,ultimately make available certain ways ofseeing and certain ways of being in the world(Willig, 2001a, 2001b).Parker (1992) and Burr (1995) describethe goal of discourse analysis from aFoucauldian perspective as being“deconstruction”. Deconstruction refers toattempts to take apart texts and see how they areconstructed in such a way as to presentparticular images of people and their actionsThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Muslim, Racism and Media13(Burr, 1995). Foucauldian discourse analystsdo not seek to understand the “truenature” (Willig, 2001a, p. 120) ofpsychological phenomena. Instead they seek tounderstand the social and historical conditions,which support certain discourses at particulartimes and therefore try to map the discursiveworlds people inhabit and to trace possibleways of being afforded by them (Willig,2001a). Given their emphasis on theconstructed nature of language, discourseanalysts see the researcher as an active ‘author’of interpretations and thus no analysis ispresented as the only ‘true’ reading, rather it ispresented as one possible reading or version ofthe world (Willig, 2001a). The identification ofdiscourses is largely an intuitive andinterpretive process (Burr, 1995; Parker, 2002;Willig, 2001a).Data sourcesMedia representations of the Cronullariots and associated issues were explored as aspecific site, within a societal dialogue, whereunderstandings of Muslims, racism andimmigration in Australia, are not only reflectedbut also (re)produced. Newspaper content wasviewed as social practice, reflecting widersocial narratives about Muslims, racism, andimmigration in the Australian context,effectively making available certain ways ofseeing, and certain ways of being in the world.This approach is considered appropriatebecause the stories presented by the media donot occur in a social vacuum, instead they“emerge within a larger universe of beliefs,values, and worldviews” (Hodgetts, Masters &Robertson, 2004, p. 460). Media framing andanalysis of the event draws upon ready-madesocial narratives about Muslims, racism andimmigration operating in Australia. Analysisthat explores such shared symbolic resourcesenables us to begin to understand howMuslim’s are positioned in the Australiancontext, how this positioning is achieved, aswell as how it is justified (Hodgetts et al.,2004).Newspapers printed following theCronulla riots were analysed. The ‘Australian’,a national daily broadsheet newspaper, waschosen because of its national appeal.Newspapers were analysed from the 12 th ofDecember 2005 to the 29 th of December 2005.Analysis also involved focus on letters to theeditor, which serve as forums for opinion,dialogue and debate. The inclusion of prejudiceand everyday racism in such letters thereforestands as an indication of the extent to whichracist views have become part of what is seen asnormal by the dominant group and an indicationof a newspaper’s differential perceptions of theideological boundaries of legitimate and faircomment (Essed, 1991, 2002). Article andeditorial content, positioning and structure,including accompanying pictures, were alsoincluded in the analysis, providing an overallreading of the discourses at work in the texts.Newspapers were read extensively until theevent disappeared from headlines and letterpages, thus making further reading redundant.Analysis of newspaper discoursesThere is no standardised form ofdiscourse analysis or FDA, due to a belief thatdictating a specific sequence of steps wouldonly lead to discourse analysis becomingplagued with the same limitations traditionalpsychology encompasses (Hook, 2007). Billig(1987) suggests the analyst simply look forimplicit themes within the texts. Rhetoricaldevices identified by Tilbury (1998) in heranalysis of talk about Maori/Pakeha Relationsprovided further guidance in this study. Theseincluded among other strategies; appeal to the‘facts’, dichotomising, direct criticism ofanother individual, rhetorical questions,couching ones view as the majority opinion,using personal experience of proof of one’sview, exemplification, overstatement, repetitionand emphasis, claiming special knowledge aswell as disclaimers.Parker’s (1992) steps for discourseanalysis guided analysis for the current researchdue to his focus on power and ideology.Analysis proceeded with a close reading ofnewspapers, whilst attempting to take a criticalThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Muslim, Racism and Media14distance from language, which implies askingquestions about it, and imagining how it couldhave been constructed differently. What hasbeen left out? What has been emphasised? Theoverall aim is to reveal the construction of aracist ideology embedded within the structureof newspaper discourse and to show howdominant forces in society construct versionsof reality that favour the interests of thosesame forces.Items from newspapers were consideredrelevant for analysis if they were thought toposition Muslims and Islam, Australia, raceand racism, multiculturalism and immigrationin a particular way, whether it was positive ornegative. Headlines included in analysis,covered a range of subjects including theCronulla riots, Muslims, religion (e.g., Whybeing Christian is cool), Multiculturalism,Immigration, race, violence and aggression, aswell as terrorism and the threat of terror. Atotal of 115 headlines, and their article contentwere examined, 46 of which were letters to theeditor or opinion pieces.FindingsOf the overall corpus of media coverage,it was evident that the discourse of WhiteAustralia as opposed to discourse produced byLebanese or Muslim Australia, or sympatheticto Lebanese or Muslim Australia, dominatedthe media coverage. Headlines of articles usedin the analysis were counted and contrasted inorder to get a general feel of the coverage andwhom it was favouring. The first categorycreated to describe what the headlines weredoing, was related to the denial and mitigationof racism, including individualising it, blamingit on situational factors and justifying it asinevitable (n = 21). The second categoryincluded headlines that constructed thenegative other (n = 25). The third constructedAustralia as diverse, multicultural, tolerant andaccepting, or drew on Australian symbols andicons (n = 16). The fourth category ofheadlines was used to describe those that wereneutral, or gave voice to the minority (n = 13),and the fifth included headlines that werethought to be provoking fear, about the threat ofterrorism, or a threat to our ‘way of life’ (n = 9).Many headlines could be considered asbelonging to a number of these categories, atthe same time. Furthermore while headlinesmay have appeared neutral further reading mayhave proven otherwise. While an analysis ofheadlines is a crude measure of the analysis, itprovides a general picture of the coverage, andaided in the analysis process. After reading theentire corpus of ‘relevant’ media coverage,researchers then met to discuss emerging issuesand to establish general trends. Core themeswere identified and then further developed,through in depth analysis.An analysis of discourses in the print mediapreceding the Cronulla riotsSeveral discourses concerning Muslims,racism and immigration were identified innewspaper coverage following the Cronullariots. Collectively these discourses work to, firstconstruct Muslims as a negative other, and thento justify, defend or simply deny this otheringor moral exclusion, by redrawing theboundaries of what is defined as ‘racism’ andwhat is defined as legitimate and fair comment.Discourses identified were; extremism as ameasure of racism, the construction of anegative other (misogynist, inassimilable, andcriminal), the good nation; ‘Howard’s diversecountry’, an attack on ‘elites’ and finally anattack on ‘cushy Multiculturalism’. Due tospace constraints, each of the discourses willnot be explored here. Instead the last threeinterrelated discourses will be elaborated on, inorder to demonstrate how they function tojustify and defend the construction of thenegative other that legitimates the conditionalnature of citizenship and belonging. The lastthree are good examples of ‘new racist’discourses, which effectively work to determinewho ‘belongs’.The good nation: ‘Howard’s diverse country’This ‘good nation’ discourse, positionsAustralia and Australian’s as being ‘warm andfriendly’ ‘tolerant’, ‘accepting’ and ‘fair’. Thisdiscourse was strikingly apparent in the mediaThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Muslim, Racism and Media15coverage following the riots and is evident inthe quotation from the then Prime Minister,John Howard.Extract 1I do not accept that there isunderlying racism in this country. Ihave always taken a moreoptimistic view of the character ofthe Australian people. This nationof ours has been able to absorbmillions of people from differentparts of the world over a period ofnow some more than 40 years andwe have done so with remarkablesuccess and in a way that hasbrought enormous credit to thiscountry. And it’s very importantthat we keep that in mind (Howard,2003, p. 13).Australia and Australians are presentedas tolerant and accepting, “with good values”,where every other migrant group hassuccessfully been “absorbed”, and where thepresence of racism is non-existent or only in apathological few. By implication it is theseLebanese Muslims who are to blame for theirinability and unwillingness to be “absorbed”.As Hage (1998) argues, ‘tolerance’ isproblematic because of the unequal powerrelations inherent in the term. The ability to be‘tolerant’ implies an equal ability to beintolerant if one chooses to be.The implied attack on the ‘inassimilableother’ continued as Howard asserts that thesevalues “respect the equal rights and roles ofmen and women within our community”,eliciting in reader’s minds the discourse ofIslam as misogynist and uncivilised, alsoidentified at work in the newspapers analysed.It is clear whom Howard is talking about,though an actual reference to Muslims or Islamwould be inappropriate, it is implied howeverand so mainstream Australians are led intoseeing ‘them’ and their culture as the problem.The ideology of them as misogynist is alreadyprimed. Thus the whole statement may in factbe read as directed to the Muslim minority, sothat ‘they’, not belonging to the “overwhelmingmajority”, are seen to not share these “decentvalues” and “decent attitudes”.Moreover, this previous statement madeby John Howard blatantly ignores the tensionsand inequality existing in the country based onracial lines, and any reference to asylum seekersand the “humanitarian crisis”. It also leaves outthe fact that Australia had an explicitly racist‘White Australia policy’, up until the early 70s;effectively painting a rosy picture of Australianimmigration, so that what is left out is moretelling than what is actually said. Furthermore,it leaves out the struggle that migrants havefaced when coming to Australia. Also ofimportance, is the use of the word “absorb”reflecting Howard’s stance on integration, ormore accurately ‘assimilation’.‘Racism is repulsive but so is self- loathing: Anattack on elites’Extract 1 also alludes to another commondiscourse in the corpus of newspapers analysed,involving an attack on so- called ‘elites’,‘academics’ or ‘Howard Haters’. It representsthis discourse in the way Howard proclaims; “Ihave always taken a more optimistic view of thecharacter of the Australian people”. Howard notonly explicitly denies underlying racism inAustralia, he does so in a way that positionshimself as being loyal to this country and to theAustralian people. Thus this statementimplicitly suggests that those who dare tocriticise Australia by suggesting or evenconsidering the possibility that there may be aracial problem embedded in the social fabric,are doing Australia a disservice. It is portrayedas an act of betrayal of the country and of theAustralian people. “And I think it would be anenormous mistake if we begin to wallow ingeneralised self- criticism, because theoverwhelming majority of Australians have theproper instincts and decent attitudes and decentvalues”, he continues, further positioninghimself as a defender of this mighty country,mitigating and denying any hint of racism. Thediscourse of Australian values, is common inthe “texts”, and is suggestive of ‘their’The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Muslim, Racism and Media16incompatible values and ‘their’ inherentbackwardness that we will not tolerate in thiscountry, as a secular society. The rhetoricaldevice, couching ones views as the‘overwhelming’ majorities, is clearly at workhere (Tilbury, 1998). What is more, is that theindividual speaking for the majority here is amember of the powerful ‘elite’, who to someextent determines what is and what is notconsidered legitimate and fair comment (vanDijk, 1992). Further examples of the discourseattacking ‘elites’ are provided in extracts 2, 3 &4:Extract 2“Let’s not wallow in self pity, selfflagellation and self criticism”….“Have Christmas and celebrate thefact this is still the greatest countryof the world in which to live, letnobody tell us otherwise”. ….“Thereis a tendency among insecureAustralians to be too sensitive toallegations of racism and tooexaggerate the effect overseas ofwhat happens here. There is also atendency to declare ourselvesinternational pariahs at the drop of ahat and indulge in self- flagellationwithout perspective” (Plan tosaturate City with Police: PM callsfor calm over holidays, 2005, p. 6).Extract 3Suggesting that the nation isswamped by racists that ordinaryAustralians need some fine moralinstructions from the like of Brown isjust the latest adaptation of theDavid Williamson school of thoughtthat treat ordinary Australian withdisdain. It’s a form of elitist selfloathingthat gets us nowhere inexplaining why thousands of peopledescended on the streets of Cronulla.This is racist and it’s wrong.Vigilantes’ bashing young men andwomen is criminal. But grabbinghold of Hansonism every timeracism rears its ugly head andtarring the whole crowd with thesame racist brush gets us nowhere .….Goodhart was hounded forsuggesting that throwing people ofdifferent cultures together cancause friction. Not because of anylatent racism but because “we feelmore comfortable with and sacrificefor those with whom we haveshared histories and similarvalues”…. As Goodhart says “Toput it bluntly – most of us prefer ourown kind”. Even to raise such anotion would have the lessthoughtful leftists crying racism.But the sooner we recognise humannature, the sooner we can work outwhere to go from that starting point(Albrechtsen, 2005, p. 12).Extract 4Culture is about how you think andact and can be changed………asingle unifying culture is thenational culture is the only way toachieve harmony and peaceful coexistencein a sea of racial andethnic diversity. And for those whoseemingly delight in the denigratingthe old Australian ‘monoculture’,evidences of its success areeverywhere to be seen. …IfAustralian culture is so bad, why doso many migrants still seek to comehere in the thousands? Stop theself-loathing and consider carefullywhy some think and behave inunacceptable ways? (Rodski, 2005,p. 13).Overall this discourse has the effect ofbringing ridicule on those who dareacknowledge racism as a social problem, firmlyembedded in Australian society by belittlingthem as ‘insecure’ and ‘too sensitive’.Therefore, through the accusations of havingThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Muslim, Racism and Media17ignored the catalyst for the conflict supplied byethnic gang violence, and exploiting the riots asan opportunity to sneer at ordinary Australianthis discourse acts as a repression of alternativediscourses (Essed, 1991). This discourse worksto discredit and make illegitimate opponentscontentions that may implicate Australia andAustralians in racism. It appeals to people, as itpresents itself as the ‘champion of the commonman’, defender of the ‘ordinary Australian’,against the whims and nonsense of an allpowerfulelite, who are treating them withdisdain. The conditional nature of citizenshipand belonging is clearly evident in extract 4,with the assertion that ‘culture’ can be changed.Rhetorical questions feature extensively inextract 4, drawing on the discourse of thenegative ‘other’.The description of an elitist accusation ofAustralia as being ‘swamped by racists’ is anexample of ‘hyperbole’ (van Dijk, 1992), whichpresents the claims of these ‘elites’ as farfetched,seeing as though the general perception of themeaning of racism is something quite differentto what the ‘elites and academics’ wouldgenerally suggest. These extracts clearlydemonstrate the workings of ‘new racism’, inthat attempts are being made to reshape theboundaries of what is defined as racism. There isan emphasis on culture as opposed to race, andthe incompatibility of, and natural antagonismbetween, different cultures and thus the necessityto change, or adapt to the ‘Australian culture’ or‘monoculture’. An extremely good example ofthe covertness of ‘new racism’, or what Hall(1995) describes as inferential racism isevidenced in extract 4 with the closing rhetoricalquestion, “consider carefully why some thinkand behave in unacceptable ways?” While, theconstruction of the negative other, is not thefocus here, the problematisation of ‘their’ cultureis inherent in this discourse.‘It’s not race, it’s culture stupid: An attack oncushy Multiculturalism’While multiculturalism was portrayed as a‘warm sentiment’, ultimately the discoursesidentified constructed it as “failed socialpolicies” leading to “inappropriateimmigration” (Oldfield, as cited in O’Brien &Kearney, 2005, p. 11). Essentially the problemwas presented as being “multiculturalism thathighlights differences, promotes divisivenessand spurns the principles of unity given by asingular national identity” (Oldfield, as cited inO’Brien & Kearney, 2005, p. 11).This neo-assimilation theme waspredominant in the corpus of newspaper ‘texts’.Integration or assimilation was presented asvital because, “most of us prefer our own kind”and so “the sooner we recognise human nature”the better off we will be. These discourseswould suggest that, before, ‘we’, “the lessthoughtful leftists” “cry racism” at suchassertions, remember that racism, as JohnHoward says, is “a term flung aroundsometimes carelessly” (Kerin & Leys, 2005, p.4). This has the effect of ‘naturalising inequalityand blaming the victim’ (van Dijk, 1992),which is demonstrated in extract 5.Extract 5In Sydney, it has been plain to seefor at least a decade, that instead ofethnic communities living happilyin the diversity of social pluralism,multiculturalism has bred ethnicghettoes characterised by highlevels of unemployment, welfaredependency, welfare abuse, crimeand violence (Windshuttle, 2005, p.13).The attack on multiculturalism, aspolitically correct and as a root cause of thesocial problems displayed during the riots, isexemplified in extracts 5 and 6:Extract 6While nobody with any nous isagainst immigration, people whocome to Australia need to integrateinto our way of life. Not set upenclaves of seperatism with culturesdifferent from ours. The sooner weget rid of multiculturalism andpromote multiethnicity the betterwe’ll be (Henry, 2005, p. 13).The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Muslim, Racism and Media18This discourse works to (re)define and thusdeny racism, by presenting the issue as theinsurmountability of ‘cultural’ differences, andas both extracts articulate, those who expressdoubts about the multicultural society, are not, astheir opponents hasten to call them ‘racist’, asafter all it’s ‘race, not culture,stupid’ (Windshuttle, 2005). In doing so, thisdiscourse attempts to reconstruct the boundariesof what constitutes racism and what constitutesfair, indeed necessary social comment, andpositions such assertions as ‘not racist’. In fact,there were many suggestions to rename it‘multiracialism’ as opposed to multiculturalism.This discourse involved presenting the“socially conservative” police and governmentas being too politically correct, taking the“softly, softly approach” in dealing with theantisocial behaviour going on at Cronulla andelsewhere, in fear of being labelled‘racist’ (Kearney & Sexton, 2003, p. 1). Thispolitically correct approach was constructed asan underlying problem, implying that we areperhaps not being ‘racist’ enough. Furthermorethere was a strong focus on the discourse of‘rights versus responsibilities’, the suggestionbeing that there has been too much focus on a‘rights’ agenda’ as opposed to a ‘responsibility’one, so that minority groups take on a “victimmentality” and “cry racism” as an excuse foracting irresponsibility, and not followingAustralian laws. These discourses, although theywere not all elaborated here, helped us tounderstand the ideology of racism and how itwas operating, particularly in terms of how itstructured social group identities and belonging,within Australia at the time, as well as how itconstructed racism and in doing so justified,legitimated or denied its existence.DiscussionIn order to understand the powerinequalities in society properly, Foucaultsuggests an examination of how discursivepractices serve to create and uphold particularforms of social life (Burr, 1995). If some peopleare said to have more power than others, then anexamination of the discourses andrepresentations, which uphold these inequalitiesis in order. The power to act in particular ways,to claim resources, to control, or be controlleddepends upon the ‘knowledge’ prevailing in agiven society at a given moment (Burr, 1995).This ‘knowledge’ comes to constitute ‘truth’, orwhat we have been referring to as discourses,which construct objects and a variety of subjectpositions. For Foucault (1972), knowledge is apower over others, the power to define others.This research identified a number ofdiscourses circulating in mainstream Australiaprint media, following the Cronulla riots thatconstructed Muslims as an uncompromisingly,negative ‘other’, against a positive image ofAustralia and Australians. This othering or‘moral exclusion’ was obscured behind thelanguage of egalitarianism and tolerance, madepossible by the circulation of discourses thateffectively redraw the boundaries of what’sdefined as ‘racist’. This ‘new racism’, suggeststhat understandings of racism andmulticulturalism, are not static, but rather are(re)constructed and (re)negotiated in andthrough discourses of our everyday lives.However, as Foucault suggests, some havemore power in this negotiation process, as wasevident by the discourses dominating printmedia coverage, following the riots.New racism and every day racism inmainstream print mediaThe mechanisms identified by van Dijk(1992) in the analysis of racism in the mediaincluding, negative other presentation, positiveself presentation, mitigation, denial, reversal, aswell as naturalising inequality and blaming thevictim were recognised throughout thisanalysis, as were the strategies found by Tilbury(1998). It was strikingly evident that thosewishing to express negative views about thisparticular out-group took care to construct theseviews as justified, warranted and rational(Rapley, 2001), denying, mitigating andexcusing negative acts and views towardsminorities in order to position themselves asdecent, moral reasonable citizens.The attack on ‘cushy multiculturalism’The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Muslim, Racism and Media19and ‘elites’ involved the prominence of claimscommonly made by perpetrators of new racism,that it is human nature to prefer your own kind,that different cultures are naturally antagonistictowards one another and that structuralinequalities and power relations are notrequirements for examining and understandingracism (Hopkins et al., 1997). Indeed negativefeelings of ‘white’ Australia towards these‘others’ were presented as being ‘not racist’, butrather as justifiable responses to the ‘fact’ thatthis minority group transgress central values.However they still function to exclude and haveracist premises and propositions inscribed inthem (Ratele & Duncan, 2003). These discoursesattacking the policy of ‘multiculturalism’ and the‘political correctness’ of ‘elites’, were aided bythe construction of extremism as a measure ofracism and of racism as something specificallyrelated to ‘race’, rather than culture, which wasconstructed as something that can and should bechanged, in order to integrate or be ‘absorbed’successfully. These discourses also worked inconjunction with a discourse emphasising the‘tolerance’ and diversity of Australia, ‘the goodnation’.Implications and future directionsThe implication is that new racistdiscourses circulate through discourses in theprint media, and arguably have everyday effects.This suggests that people are made to feelunwelcome, uncomfortable, and illegitimate andthat these exclusionary actions are (re) producedat an everyday level. Indeed discussion ofimmigration and multiculturalism and thus‘belonging’, focused on the ‘absorption’ of nonwhiteOthers in a country in which whiteness isthe normative mode of belonging. This‘negotiation’ of belonging then, threatens whatNoble (2005) calls the ‘ontological security’, ofparticular ‘out groups’ who are constantlyreminded that they don’t belong, effectivelylimiting their capacity to exist as citizens andfeel ‘fully human’.The media in ordering our perceptions ofthe social world, are central in reproducingdominant cultural frames connecting themundane to the wider world and generating akind of ‘common sense’ of the world, whichnaturalises that reality and the relations ofpower which structure it (Poynting et al., 2004).With the emergence in recent years of a highlyracialised framing of current events, involvingbinary oppositions of ‘us’ and ‘them’, ‘good’and ‘bad’, ‘victim’ and ‘villain’, ‘right’ and‘wrong’, around crime and terrorism, on a local,national and international level (Poynting et al.,2004), the implications for those constructed asthe out-group, as was the case with LebaneseMuslims during, before and after the Cronullariots are very concerning. Moral exclusionreduces restraints against harming or exploitingcertain groups of people (Opotow, 2001). Ifmoral exclusion was seen to influence the waythe Cronulla riots were represented, and theway understandings of ‘belonging’ wereconstructed, then we need to question, what elseit could be influencing our interpretations andunderstandings of, and the effects of this.Furthermore, even though this event occurredsome time ago, the findings of this research areimportant as arguably similar phenomena arebeing reflected in relation to the Sudanese inAustralia currently, who seem to be becoming akey ‘out-group’ (Puoch, 2007).Because new racism is covert it does notappear to be ‘racist’ and is not as confronting as‘old racism’, it is much more likely to becomenaturalised as taken for granted ‘commonsense’. Furthermore because new racism is sofreely expressed by social actors, such as mediacommentators and politicians, who are powerfulmembers of society, this ultimately conveyswhat Barbara Perry calls, a ‘permission tohate’ (cited in Poynting et al., 2004). SimilarlyHage (1998) suggests “violent racists arealways a minority. However their breathingspace is determined by the degree of ordinary‘non-violent’ racism a government and culturewill allow” (p. 247). Thus the media as apervasive site of racism needs to be challengedand counter discourses need to be produced,giving voice to those relegated to ‘outsider’,‘invader’, or simply ‘other’. This necessitatesThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Muslim, Racism and Media20that psychology, an institution capable ofinfluencing the way that racism is understood,has a moral responsibility to critically engagewith the media in tackling racism, and avoid the‘reductionistic’, ‘psychologising’ and‘individualistic’ accounts that have dominatedthe social psychology of racism (Augoustinos &Reynolds, 2001; Foster, 1999).While discourse analysis is a useful andworthwhile means of exploring the banal waythat racism operates in contemporary Australiansociety on a daily basis, future research shouldfocus on the need to give voice to the oppressedwithin society. It should aim to empowermarginalised communities to determine theirown social representations, rather than havethem determined for them. It should also aim toraise awareness in the dominant culture of thetaken for granted ways that racism is reproducedon a day- to- day basis. Indeed it is important tomove away from simply trying to ‘understand’the ‘other’, and emphasise the importance ofunderstanding the self in the midst of unbalancedpower relationships. There is a growing interestin addressing racism through raising the sociopoliticalawareness of powerful groups,involving the interrogation of how dominantgroups benefit from and are implicated inmaintaining racism (Duncan, 2007). The powerdimension of racism is essential in anyunderstanding of racism. Furthermore, anyanalysis of the subjective experience ofmarginalisation needs to encompass everydayforms of racism, that is, the seeminglyinsignificant ways that people are racialised.LimitationsThe current study was useful as anexploratory start to research in this area, thoughmore needs to be done to really tackle the issueof racism in the media and to understand thepsychological effects of everyday and banalforms of racism. While discourse analysis can beuseful in tracing the representations/discoursesdominant in a particular context, at a particularhistorical moment, it does not acknowledge theway these are variably taken up. They may berejected resisted or consumed; people are notjust passive recipients or victims of dominantdiscourses. Future research should explore thedifferent ways they are challenged, and thespaces where this is achieved.ReferencesAlbrechtsen, J. (December 14, 2005). Racism isrepulsive but so is self-loathing. TheAustralian, p. 12.Aly, A. (2007). Australian Muslim responses tothe discourse on terrorism in theAustralian popular media. AustralianJournal of Social Issues, 42(1), 27- 40.Anti-Discrimination Board of New SouthWales. (2003). Race for the headlines:Racism and media discourse. Sydney:Author.Augoustinos, M. & Every, D. (2007). Thelanguage of ‘race’ and prejudice: Adiscourse of denial, reason and liberalpracticalpolitics. Journal of Languageand Social Psychology, 26(2), 123-141.Augoustinos, M., & Reynolds, K. J. (2001).Prejudice, racism and social psychology.In M. Augoustinos & K. J. Reynolds(Eds.), Understanding prejudice, racismand social conflict (pp. 1-23). London:Sage.Augoustinos, M., Tuffin, K. & Every, D.(2005). New racism, meritocracy andindividualism: constraining affirmativeaction in education. Discourse andSociety, 16(3), 315-339.Barker, M. (2002). The problems with racism.In P. Essed & D. T. Goldberg (Ed.), Racecritical theories (pp. 80-90), Malden:Blackwell.Billig, M. (1987). Arguing and thinking: Arhetorical approach to social psychology.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Burr, V. (1995). An introduction to socialconstructionism. London: Routledge.Cambpell, C.P. (1995). Race, myth and thenews. London: Sage.Celermajer, D. (2007). If Islam is our other,who are we? Australian Journal of SocialIssues, 42(1), 106- 120.Duncan, N. (2007). ‘Listen here, just becauseThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Muslim, Racism and Media21you think I’m coloured...’ Responses to theconstruction of difference in racistdiscourses. In N. Duncan, P. Gqola & M.Hofmeyr et al. (Eds.), Discourses ondifference, discourses on oppression (pp.113 – 138). Plumstead: CASAS.Dunn, K. (2004). Islam in Sydney: Contestingthe discourse of absence. AustralianGeographer, 35(3), 333-353.Essed, P. (1991). Understanding everydayracism: An interdisciplinary theory.London: Sage.Essed, P. (2002). Everyday racism: A newapproach to the study of racism. In P.Essed & D. T. Goldberg (Ed.), Racecritical theory (pp. 176-194). Malden:Blackwell.Foster. D. (1999). Racism, Marxism,psychology. Theory and Psychology, 9,331- 350.Foucault, M. (1972). The archaeology ofknowledge. New York, Pantheon.Fulton, H. E. (2005). Analysing the discourse ofnews. In H. E. Fulton, R. Huisman, J.Murphet & A. Dunn (Eds.), Narrative andmedia (pp. 245-268). Melbourne:Cambridge University Press.Gale, P. (2006). Fear, race, and national identity.Dialogue, 25(3), 35-42.Hage, G. (1998). White nation. Annandale,NSW: Pluto Press.Hall, S. (1995). The whites of their eyes: Racistideologies and the media. In G. Dines andJ. M. Humer (Eds.), Gender, race andclass in media: A text— reader (pp. 18-33).Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.Harvey, J. (1999). Civilized oppression. NewYork: Rowman and Littlefield.Henry, R. (December 20, 2005). Letter to theEditor. The Australian, p. 13.Hodgetts, D., Masters, B., & Robertson, N.(2004). Media coverage of ‘Decades ofDisparity’ in ethnic mortality in Aotearoa.Journal of Community and Applied SocialPsychology, 14, 455–472.Hook, D (2007). Foucauldian analysis andpsychology. London, UK, Palgrave.Hopkins, N., Reichter, S. & Levine, M. (1997).On the parallels between social cognitionand the ‘new racism’. British Journal ofSocial Psychology, 36, 305-329.Hosking, D. M., & Morley, I. (2004). Socialconstructionism in community andapplied social psychology. Journal ofCommunity and Applied SocialPsychology, 14, 318-331.Howard, J. (December 13, 2005). Letter to theEditor. The Australian, p. 13.Human Rights and Equal OpportunityCommission. (2004). Isma Report.Retrieved April 4, 2007 from http://www.hreoc.gov.au/racial_discrimination/isma/index.htmlKearney, S. & Sexton, E. (December, 13,2005). Muslims retaliate for riot. TheAustralian, p. 1.Kerin, J. & Leys, N. (December 13, 2005).We’re not a bunch of racists, PM says.The Australian, p. 4.Kuhn, R. (2006, February 20). The rise of anti-Muslim racism in Australia: Whobenefits? Paper presented at HumanitiesResearch Centre Work in Progressseminar.Leach, C. W. (2005). Against the notion of a‘new racism’. Journal of Community andApplied Social Psychology, 15, 432-445.LeCouteur & Augoustinos, M. (2001). Thelanguage of prejudice and racism. In M.Augoustinos, & K. J. Reynolds (Eds.),Understanding prejudice, racism andsocial conflict. London: Sage.Lentin, A. (2005). Replacing ‘race’,historicizing ‘culture’ in multiculturalism.Patterns of Prejudice, 39(4), 379-396.Noble, G. (2005). The discomfort of strangers:Racism, incivility and ontological securityin a relaxed and comfortable nation.Journal of Intercultural Studies, 26(1),107- 120.O’Brien, N, & Kearney, S. (December 13,2005). Hate at the beach. The Australian,p. 11.Opotow, S. (1990). Moral exclusion andThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Muslim, Racism and Media22injustice: An overview. Journal of SocialIssues, 46(1), 1-20.Opotow, S. (2001). Social injustice. In D. J.Christie, R. V. Wagner, & D. D. Winter(Eds.), Peace, conflict, and violence:Peace psychology for the 21st century (pp.102-109). Upper Saddle River, NJ:Prentice Hall.Parker, I. (1992). Discourse dynamics: Criticalanalysis for social and individualpsychology, London: Routledge.Parker, I. (2002). Critical discursive psychology.New York: Palgrave MacMillan.Plan to saturate city with police: PM calls forcalm over holidays. (December 16, 2005).The Australian, p. 6.Potter, J. & Wetherell, M. (2004). Discourseanalysis. In M. Hardy & A. Bryman (Eds.),Handbook of data analysis (pp. 607- 24).London: Sage.Poynting, S., & Mason, V. (2006). “Tolerance,Freedom, Justice and Peace”?: Britain,Australia and Anti-Muslim Racism since11 September 2001. Journal ofIntercultural Studies, 27(4), 365-391.Poynting, S., & Mason, V. (2007). The resistiblerise of Islamophobia: Anti Muslim racismin the UK and Australia before 11September 2001. Journal of Sociology, 43(1), 61-86.Poynting, S., & Morgan, G (Eds). (2007).Outrageous: Moral panics in Australia.Hobart: ACYS Publishing.Poynting, S., Noble, G., Tabar, P., & Collins, J.(2004). Bin Laden in the suburbs:Criminalizing the Arab other. Sydney:Institute of Criminology.Prilleltensky, I., & Prilleltensky, O. (2003).Towards a critical health psychologypractice. Journal of Health Psychology, 8,197-210.Puoch, G. (2007, March 21). The impact ofracism on Sudanese in Australia. Paperpresented at UN day on eliminatingracism: Valuing Diversity seminar:Victoria University.Rapley, M. (2001). How to do X without doingY: Accomplishing discrimination without‘being racist’—‘doing equity’. In M.Augoustinos, & K. J. Reynolds (Eds.),Understanding prejudice, racism andsocial conflict (pp. 231–250). London:Sage.Ratele, K., & Duncan, N. (Eds.). (2003). Socialpsychology: Identities and relationships.Cape Town: UCT Press.Reichter, S. (2001). Studying psychologystudying racism. In M. Augoustinos, & K.J. Reynolds (Eds.), Understandingprejudice, racism and social conflict (pp.273-298). London: Sage.Rodski, S. (December 21, 2005). Letter to theeditor. The Australian, p. 13.Saniotis, A. (2004). Embodying ambivalence:Muslim Australians as ‘other’. Journal ofAustralian Studies, 82, 49-58.Sivanandan, A. (2006). Race, terror and civilsociety. Race and Class, 47(1). 1-8.Teo, P. (2000). Racism in the news: A criticaldiscourse analysis of news reporting intwo Australian newspapers. Discourseand Society, 11(1), 7- 49.Tilbury, F. (1998). ‘I really don’t know muchabout it but…’: A typology of rhetoricaldevices used in talk about Maori/ Pakeharelations. New Zealand Sociology, 13(2),289-320.van Dijk, T. A. (1992). Discourse and the denialof racism. Discourse and Society, 3(1),87-118.van Dijk, T. A. (2002). Denying racism: Elitediscourse and racism. In P. Essed & D .T.Goldberg (Eds.), Race critical theories(pp. 307-324). Malden: Blackwell.Willig, C. (2001a). Introducing qualitativeresearch in psychology: Adventures intheory and method. New York: OpenUniversity Press.Willig, C. (Ed.) (2001b). Applied discourseanalysis: Social and psychologicalinterventions. Buckingham: OpenUniversity Press.Windshuttle, K. (December 16, 2005). It’s notrace it’s culture. The Australian, p. 13.The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Muslim, Racism and Media23AcknowledgementsThe authors would like to thank the twoanonymous reviewers for their comments on anearlier version of this paper, and Lauren Breenand Aimee Jade Pember for their valuablefeedback throughout the process.Address Correspondence toAmy QuayleSchool of Social Sciences and PsychologyVictoria UniversityPO Box 14428Melbourne City, MCMelbourne, Australiaemail: Amy.quayle@live.vu.edu.auThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

24Multiculturalism and Whiteness:Through the Experiences of Second Generation Cypriot TurkishLütfiye AliChristopher C. SonnVictoria UniversityMulticultural policies have enabled many migrants and their descendents to developa sense of belonging to Australia. However, national multicultural policies alsoposition the Anglo Saxon descendents as a higher civilised group who are moreAustralian relative to their ‘ethnic’ counterparts, who are confronted with ambiguitywhen identifying as an Australian. By adopting critical whiteness studies as ananalytical framework we explore community dynamics by focusing on how the AngloSaxon ethnic group maintains its dominance and privilege. We examine discoursesthat second generation Cypriot Turkish people in Australia use to construct theiridentity. Our analysis reveals the covert and often banal ways in which privilege ismaintained. We suggest that whiteness studies provides a set of tools to extendcritical community psychology because of its focus on unpacking how dominance isnegotiated and potentially reproduced by those who have differential access toracialised privilege.This article examines dynamics ofinclusion and exclusion through theexperiences of second generation CypriotTurkish Australians. In the year 1973 theWhite Australia Policy, which favouredimmigration from certain countries, wasofficially replaced with the national policy ofMulticulturalism. Multicultural policies did notdiscriminate on the basis of race, culture andreligion in relation to immigration to Australia(Department of Immigration and Citizenship[DIAC], 2007). Multicultural policies werealso a reactionary move following migrantresistance to assimilation as they redefinedtheir past in a new social and political context(Vasta, 1993). Multicultural policies affordeddifferent ethnic groups the right to practicetheir cultural and religious beliefs (DIAC,2003). These policies provided impetus for theconstruction of new discourses and theemergence of the ethnic identity. In Australia,the ethnic category embraces the identities ofmany migrants and the descendants ofmigrants in Australia. However, descendantsof an Anglo Saxon background are ostensiblyomitted from this category 1 . Those of AngloSaxon background are simply identified asAustralian, as not having an ethnic identity. Onthe other hand, for many migrant descendantstheir Australian identity is accessible if it ishyphenated with their ethnic identity. As aresult people other than Anglo Saxon havenoted ambiguity about their belongingness tothe Australian community (Ang, Brand, Noble& Sternberg, 2006; Castles & Vasta, 1996;Sonn & Lewis, 2009; Vasta, 1992; Vasta,1993; Zevallos, 2003; Zevallos & Gilding,2003). These processes of identity negotiation,which we describe in this article, demonstratethe relational and contingent nature of ethnicidentity.Ethnic identity is conceptualised as arelational construct which is negotiated withones world and other people, structures, socialconditions expressed through discourses ratherthan something that is possessed (Hook, 2003;Verkuyten, 2005). Mama (1995) definesdiscourses as “historically constructed regimesof knowledge. These include common-senseassumptions and taken-for-granted ideas, beliefsystems and myths that groups of people shareand through which they understand eachother” (p. 98). Discourses position people inrelation to each other socially, culturally, andThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Multiculturalism and Whiteness25politically, -- ‘ethnics’ are positioned inAustralia as the other to Anglo Australianswho occupy a privileged, dominant andnormative position (Hage, 1998; Sonn &Fisher, 2005). This normative and privilegedposition has been named whiteness(Frankenberg, 1993). Arguably, beingpositioned outside the dominant cultureprovides a vantage point from which to makevisible dominance and dynamics of inclusionand exclusion (Ladson-Billings, 2003; Sonn,2004). Challenging normativity and dominanceis in line with a community psychology (e.g.,Watts & Serrano-García, 2003) agenda that isaimed at deconstructing and transformingtaken for granted discourses about race andethnicity that position self and others in abroader context of power relations. In thisarticle, we explore ethnic identity construction,with a focus on the negotiation of whiteness,from the perspectives of Cypriot Turks whogrew up in Australia.We draw on data from a research projectthat focused on dynamics of inclusion andexclusion and the discourses that construct themulti-hyphenated nature of the CypriotTurkish Australian identity (Ali, 2006; Ali &Sonn, in press). In this article we examine thenegotiation of whiteness through theexperiences of second generation CypriotTurks Australians. We consider two discoursesthat are used to construct Cypriot Turkishidentity and examine how whiteness isreproduced and privilege maintained throughthe construction of other identities. Before thiswe provide background to the Cypriot Turkishidentity and review literature on whiteness andwhiteness in an Australian context. This isfollowed by examining whiteness from thevantage point of Cypriot Turkish livedexperiences.Cypriot Turkish identity and migrationCypriot Turks are descendents of theOttoman Empire, who remained in poweruntil1878 when Cyprus was ceded to Britain.During this period the island was governedunder the Ottoman Millet system whereanyone who identified as other than Turkish hadto pay extra tax shaping the modern biculturalcommunity of the island (Hugg, 2001). Cyprusbecame an independent state in 1960 followingan agreement between Britain, Greece andTurkey, which recognised the two ethnic groupsas equal citizens under the new constitution(Gorvett, 1999; Hugg, 2001). However, thisconstitution collapsed during 1963 when thedrive for the unification of Cyprus with Greecegained momentum and ethnic cleansing becamewidespread. In response, Turkey intervened toprevent the unification of Cyprus with Greeceand to protect the Cypriot Turkish population(Peggs, 1998).The island has since been divided intotwo, with two separate governments. However,the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus(TRNC) is not recognised internationally byany other country besides Turkey (Gorvett,1999; Rotberg, 2003). Turkish Cypriots remainunrepresented in the international arena unlikethe Greek Cypriots who represent Cyprus ininternational political and social arenas(Bamanie, 2002). Due to the conflict around thelegitimacy of TRNC, the voices of CypriotTurks’ and the representations of Cyprus havebeen restricted making Cyprus, for those whoare not familiar with its history, a Greek Islandwith Cypriot Greek population.As a result of these historical and politicalprocesses, Cypriot Turks who identify as aCypriot lose their ‘Turkishness’ as Cyprus isrepresented as a Greek Island. On the otherhand, identification as a Turk leads to theassimilation of their identity with mainlandTurks. Although Cypriot Turks have strong tieswith the mainstream Turkish community, theyperceive themselves and are perceived bymainland Turks as different, on the basis thatthey are not from Turkey and differ in terms ofspeaking and cultural values such as level ofsecularity (Canefe, 2002).Due to the inter-communal conflict of the1950s and 1960s and the economical andpolitically unstable nature of Cyprus during the1970s and 1980s following the ongoingThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Multiculturalism and Whiteness26embargo imposed on TRNC, many CypriotTurks have migrated from Cyprus (Robins &Aksoy, 2001). It is estimated that 40,000-50,000 people emigrated from Cyprus duringthis period (Kücükcan, cited in Robins &Aksoy, 2001). Cypriot Turks began migratingto Australia in early 1960 with the biggestinflux in the late 1960s (Sayar, 1988).WhitenessSteyn (2006) wrote that criticalwhiteness studies has provided a site critiquingracial formations by tracing processes thathave lead to the ways in which white peopleare socially positioned relative to others. Partof the focus is to understand the implicationsfor identity construction of those racialised intowhiteness as well as understanding themechanisms and process – semiotic,discursive, material and everyday ways –through which whiteness is produced andmaintained. Frankenberg (1993) explainswhiteness to be a position of privilege, aworldview and a set of cultural practices thatare unmarked and unnamed and positioned asnormative. Access to whiteness privilege anddominance intersects with other identitymakers such as gender, sexuality, class, race,religion, ethnicity, history and socio politicalcontext (Frankenberg, 1993; Moran, 2007).Privileges associated with whiteness is notequally accessible by all people therefore theexperience of whiteness and white privilege isnot uniform (Green, Sonn & Matsebula, 2007;Moran, 2007). Whiteness is a sociallyconstructed phenomenon however it has realimplications for ‘non whites’ in their dailylives and their identity construction. It alsoshapes whites’ sense of self and sense ofothers. The non ‘white’ experiences of dailylife and opportunities are shaped by overt andcovert forms of racism. They are aware ofbeing different to the socially valued norm andexperience themselves as the representative oftheir background (Moran, 2007; Noble, 2005).Green et al. (2007) explain thatwhiteness is produced and maintained aswhites have the power to construct knowledge,decide who belongs to the nation and the powerto name racism. For instance, knowledgearound and the representations of Australia’scolonial history is a political endeavour shapedby the normative worldview of whiteness(Larbalestier, 2004). Whiteness also reproducesand maintains its position of dominance as it islinked with ownership of a nation whilst peoplewho do not belong to the white category aremade to feel unease with their sense ofbelonging to a nation due to the lack ofrepresentation at a national level (Green et al.,2007; Hage, 1998). Finally, whitenessconstructs itself through antiracism practicesbecause white people can assume the power toname what is and what is not construed asracism, and they can deny noticing raceincluding their own racial position (Ahmed,2004; Green & Sonn, 2005; Green et al., 2007)Whiteness is not just shaped by daily lifeand current race relations but also shaped bylocal, national and international histories(Frankenberg, 1993). Whiteness is embedded inhistorical and global history of colonialexpansion (Frankenberg, 1993; Grosfoguel &Georas, 2000). Social power relations and thepresent racial and ethnic hierarchies incontemporary world systems are still embeddedin Western colonial expansion even thoughthere is no colonial administration (Grosfoguel& Georas, 2000). For instance, in Australiaexclusion is particularly evident for people whoidentify as Muslims (Ali & Sonn, in press; Aly,2007; Casimiro, Hancock & Northcote, 2007;Elley, 1993; Fijac & Sonn, 2004; Hage, 1998;Humphrey, 2007; Mubarak, 1997; Poynting &Noble, 2004; Zevallos, 2003). The presence ofMuslims in Australia is not a new phenomenon(Yasmeen, 2007) however; their visibility hasincreased following the global events ofSeptember 11, Bali and the London bombings(Yasmeen, 2007). This heightened visibility andexclusion is not just a result of the currentglobal climate but rather has a long history ofeast-west relations. There has been aresurfacing of historical colonial discourseswhere the east has been constructed as the otherThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Multiculturalism and Whiteness27who is weak, barbaric and backward (Said,1979).Although the “white Australia policy”has been replaced with policy ofmulticulturalism, Australian identity continuesto reflect colonial ideologies and discourseswhilst heterogeneous social and culturallandscape of Australia is downplayed innationalistic discourses (Green et al., 2007;Green & Sonn, 2005; Moran, 2007). Australianidentity is defined by dominant white versionsof reality, despite alternative discourses, asthey hold and have access to “social, cultural,economic, political and symbolicpower” (Moran, 2007, p. 211). Although thishas created a sense of belongingness andinclusion into Australia’s landscape for ‘nonwhites’ it has not challenged the dominantposition of the white cultural hegemony(Moran, 2007; Hage, 1998, 2003).In Australia whiteness is covert.Standfield (2007) explains that the replacementof the white Australia policy, the adoption ofmulticultural policies, and the referendum actsas a discursive break from a history of racismand the beginning of benign racism. Theseforms of remembrance and the showing of the‘goodwill’ of white Australians supports thebenign racism, which is built on foundations ofstructural inequality that centres whiteAustralians as the true citizens of the nation.Multiculturalism obscures whiteness(Hage, 1998) and there is a denial ofdominance, but dominance is maintained dueto the normativity of whiteness (Green et al.,2007; Hage, 1998; Moran, 2007). This form of‘repression’ is one of the mechanisms bywhich racial hierarchies and systems ofknowledge are reproduced (Hage, 1998;Moran, 2007; Riggs, 2007a). In Australia,where whiteness is expressed in symbolicforms and as cultural racism, it is necessary todeconstruct our society’s discourses that shapesubjectivities (Green & Sonn, 2005). One wayto do this is to look through the livedexperiences of ethnic minority groups, a keyobjective of critical race theory (Ladson-Billings, 2003).Ethnic minority groups not only recognisetheir own position in race relations but also thedominant group’s position, who may be blind totheir privileged and normative position and whoare generally oblivious to the effects of racismor the significance of race relations ofAustralian society (Fisher & Sonn, 2007;Frankenberg, 1993; Ladson-Billings, 2003;Moran, 2007). We suggest that we can look intothe dynamics of dominance and privilegethrough the lived experiences of people whooccupy liminal spaces (Ladson-Billings, 2003).To this end we explore dynamics of inclusionand exclusion using the lens of whiteness. Wedo this by examining discourses used by secondgeneration Cypriot Turkish to construct theiridentity and how these discourses contribute tothe reproduction of whiteness.Methods and Data AnalysisTen Cypriot Turkish participants fromMelbourne were interviewed in 2006 abouttheir identity and sense of belongingness. Theparticipants were recruited through thenetworks of the first author who identifies asCypriot Turkish. Four of the participants weremen and six were women. All of theparticipants were born in Australia other thanJulide who came to Australia at the age of three.They all identified as Muslims. It was aninteractive form of interviewing where theinterviewee and the interviewer were bothidentified as collaborators and co-constructersof knowledge (Burgess-Limerick & Burgess-Limerick, 1998; Burr, 1995).Discursive analysis was used to explorethe relationship between society and individualexperience and unveil discourses that create andsustain patterns of privilege, power and ofinequality (Burr, 1995; Collins, 2004; Karim,1997). The particular approach employed wasthe ‘power and subjectivity’ approachdeveloped by Parker (1992). In line with theaim and the theoretical orientation of theresearch this approach is concerned with powerrelations, experiences, and subjectivity, whichis multiple, contradictory, fluid, and contextThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Multiculturalism and Whiteness28specific. Power is understood to be exercisedthrough discourse rather than being a personalattribute or possession.We identified four discourses thatparticipants used to construct the CypriotTurkish identity. These were identified asmodern Muslim discourse, language,phenotype and ancestral and generationaldiscourses (Ali, 2006). Similar to many otherethnic Australians, all four men and two of thewomen from this study did not expresshesitation in calling themselves Australians byhyphenating their identity as Cypriot-Turkish-Australians. The remaining four femalesreferred to themselves as Cypriot Turks livingin Australia. They explained that they wereAustralian only because they were born andraised in Australia.FindingsHere we focus on two of the discourses –the modern Muslim and phenotype discourses.This is not to say that the other two discoursesplay a less important role in the construction ofwhiteness. However, these two discourseswere most evident in the data particularly dueto the political issues in Australia. Initially, wediscuss the ways in which the discourses areused to construct Cypriot Turkish identityfollowed by a discussion on how whiteness isable to maintain its dominant and privilegedposition through the Cypriot Turkish identityconstruction. All of the participants’ nameshave been replaced with pseudonyms.Modern Muslim discourse: “Religion makes usdifferent but we are not that religious”All 10 participants constructedthemselves as modern Muslims. The excerpthere from Halide and Mehmet explains:HalideI think the Cypriot Turkish valuesare a lot more easy going, a lotmore relaxed. Sort of reminds meof the Aussie laid back personattitude, relaxed compared to theTurkish Turkey Turk culture andtheir values because I find that theyare a lot more dedicated to theirreligion. They will practice; praymore, you see the Turkish womenwearing scarfs, they visit mosquesmore, they will expect a lot morefrom their children they hang on tothe practices. Cypriot Turks couldbe the same as the Turkish Turks,but they seem more strict not aseasy going as us.MehmetReligion makes us different but weare not that religious so I do not feelthat different to an Australian. I amMuslim but I do not practice it. Butit does make you different from therest. Not eating pork singled youout. You can have an AustralianMuslim because we don’t reallypractice it anyway. We are aMuslim by name.Although during the Howard period ofgovernment there was an emphasis onconstructing good Muslims as moderate, theterm ‘modern Muslim’ as it is used here arisesout of relational understandings betweenthemselves and mainstream Turks. Thispositions Cypriot Turks as less invested inreligion in comparison to mainland Turks.Through the text we can see that being amoderate Muslim positions them as someonewho is not physically different or have verydifferent lives to Australians. This iscomparable to the Tatar Muslims in theNetherlands who also draw on discourses thatposition them as similar to the mainstreamgroup (Verkuyten, 2005). There is fluidity intheir position as the other. Because theirMuslim identity does not fit the stereotypicalimage of Muslim they can be part of theAustralian society because their Muslimidentity goes unnoticed. By being a modernMuslim they can be like ‘Aussies’. “Religionmakes you different to the Australianpopulation but it depends on how religious youare” (Julide). There is a degree of access towhite privilege as they note the benefits ofThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Multiculturalism and Whiteness29being a Muslim that do not fit the negativestereotypes of dominant public discourses.However, their sense of inclusion iscontext-bound and conditional becausewhiteness intersects with other social identitymarkers that determine access to whiteprivilege (Frankenberg, 1993). The modernMuslim discourse, although discrete and not sotangible to others and, besides the notedbenefits of being a moderate Muslim, there is asense of exclusion as members of Australiancommunity through various processes. In thefollowing excerpts we can see a sense ofexclusion related to their Muslim identitythrough processes of stereotyping,scapegoating and othering (Riggins, 1997) ofthe Muslim identity. These processes workcovertly to maintain white race privilege.Stereotyping. These quotations illustratehow stereotyping of Muslim people by themedia has lead to a sense of exclusion for theparticipants (Karim, 1997; Van Dijk, 1997).HalideDue to September 11 incidents. Ifeel that a lot people are hearingand believing what they see in themedia and relating it and judgingall Muslims which is quite sadbecause they are unethical crimeswhich none of us agree with. I wentto this Christian function, I still hada great time but at the back of mymind I wonder if anyone has anissue with me being there.SamiI do not know what they arethinking about us. If you watch thebullshit news on (the commercialtelevision stations) they are tellingyou pretty much every night of theweek that we are bad and if youwatch those and you believe it,which a lot of people do, they aregoing to make judgements.Halide feels uncomfortable due to herMuslim identity, an identity that has beenconstructed in the media as a deviant, evil anda threat. She feels like she is not completelywelcome in this setting because how she mightbe perceived as a Muslim person. Sami alsoexpresses concerns about how Muslims arebeing constructed in the media. He explainsthat people are going to make judgementsbased on the stereotypes that are presented inmainstream news.The dominant discourses within socialspaces focus on events that alienate theMuslim population. It does not give value tothe everyday multicultural interactions.Instead, immigrants, multiculturalism andMuslims are constructed as problems that haveto be dealt with by the white national subject(Hage, 1998). Whiteness maintains itsdominance and patterns of privilege throughknowledge construction (Green et. al., 2007;Riggs 2007b). In this case, their religiousidentification is associated with terrorism. Theeffect is a sense of exclusion and distancing ofMuslim identity from normative constructionsof Australian.Othering. Although Cypriot Turks notethe benefits of being a moderate Muslim, asense of exclusion is also experienced throughthe process of othering.AyseInterviewer: Does your religionimpact on your belongingnessmore so than your ethnic identity?Yes definitely, particularly becausethat singles you out as someonethat doesn’t celebrate Easter andChristmas and fasting in terms ofRamadan. So it is much more of anidentifier for people. Um andalthough it would be furtherexacerbated if I was a much morestrict Muslim in terms of wearing aveil so I think it acts as a furtheridentifier in a negative way..SevdaInterviewer: Why can’t you beThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Multiculturalism and Whiteness30Australian?Cause you are Turkish. You areAustralian because you are born inAustralia but you cannot be anAustralian because you are notAustralian you are not an Aussie. Itis two different things. Like to sayto someone I am Australian thatmeans that they think you areChristian, Catholic or whatever.But you are not you are Muslim soyou say I am Turkish but I wasborn in Australia.Interviewer: So Australiandoesn’t represent who you are?No, it doesn’t. It doesn’t because ifyou say to me that you areAustralian I am going to straightaway think you are Christian,Catholic.These quotations highlight that CypriotTurks are positioned outside of the Australianidentity because of their Muslim identity andbecause they are not Christian. They arepositioned as the others who do not celebratethe national religious celebrations (Barker &Galasinski, 2001; Nagel, 1994). They expressexclusion and uncertainty about theirbelongingness to Australia because Islam is nota part of the symbolic representations’ ofAustralia.Whiteness maintains its patterns ofprivilege by othering other religiouscelebrations. Whiteness is experienced to be anownership of a nation (Hage, 1998), which isachieved through promoting only the dominantgroups’ religious celebrations as central at anational level and others as on the margins,kept within the family or the community.Scapegoating. This process was anotherway that led to a sense of exclusion for CypriotTurkish due to their religion. In this case, Ayseis scapegoated and stigmatised because shewas associated with terrorist acts for being aMuslim. In doing so, she expressed feeling lessAustralian, despite the Howard governmentclaims that the fundamentalist Muslims werebeing targeted as not belonging to Australia.AyseLike, I remember during the Gulfwar with a surname like Huseyin(pseudonym) we had people thatwould look up the white pages atThree am in the morning and justcall and say is Saddam there?Interviewer: In terms of beingAustralian did that make feel inany way less Australian?Less Australian, yes definitely causeyou are sort of targeted andstigmatised or blamed in a way forhaving a name, for having aheritage. And also when there wasthe questioning around theterrorism that has happened um themedia associated that being Muslimmeans you support that sort of stuffand you are less Australian.As objects of the moderate Muslimdiscourse, people are restricted and limited withwhat can be said as observed in the followingquotation from Halil.HalilInterviewer: Has there been timeswhere you felt excluded from theAustralian identity?Ever since this September 11thingand all has kicked up a bit ofparanoia… you cannot just expressyou opinion. “Look John Howard,we are not American we do not havethe problems that Americans do”you cannot sometimes say things.You can’t sometimes say thingsbecause your surname is Ali(pseudonym) and “ah you’reMuslim” and all the stuff. There aretimes where you hold yourself backfrom saying and doing thingsbecause you worry if it’s going to bemisinterpreted because of yourperceived background.The moderate Muslim discourse limitstheir sense of belonging to Australia. If it is notThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Multiculturalism and Whiteness31observable they can be part of Australiancommunity. The Cypriot Turks’ sense ofbelonging as an Australian is nurtured by notbringing up issues that can challenge views sothat their established sense of belonging is notdisturbed. Halil feels like he needs to keepsilent because he knows that if he is tochallenge the hegemonic discourses aboutthese issues his Muslim identity willovershadow his whiteness and Australiannessand “be misinterpreted” because of hisperceived background. This discourse restrictshim in expressing his views concerninggovernment decisions.This example of being silenced andfeelings of having opinions about nationalissues that are not presented in the publicdiscourses is referred to by Hage (1998) asexclusion from governmental belonging. Halilis excluded from governmental belonginggiven he felt that he did not have a right tocontribute his views to discussions aroundAustralia’s involvement in Iraq. Hence, when aperson feels this way they are positioned as theother- the other to a national white majority.Ethnic minorities’ views, particularly viewsthat are not the norm are silenced and excludedfrom governmental belonging.Phenotype: “Australians have more fair,blondish lightish colour hair”This discourse was repeatedly used bythe Cypriot Turkish participants to constructtheir ethnic identity. Even though Halide callsherself Australian she also notes otherness ofher identity. This otherness arises out of herphenotype that is different to the Australianphenotype. For this reason she cannot callherself Australian. She can only call herselfAustralian through hyphenating Australianwith her ethnic identity. Here we see therelational understanding of identity that isinformed by racialised hegemonic discoursesconstructing the Australian identity.HalideInterviewer: So you wouldn’t callyourself Australian?I am Australian in that I was born inAustralia and all my siblings wereborn in Australia but we are notAustralian in that we do not lookAustralian. You need to have aparticular look and colour that ismore Australian um. Australians aremore fair blonde lightish colourhair. There are many differentcolours but the majority are moreblue eyed, blond, fair lookingAustralian people. I feel like Icouldn’t call myself Australian on itsown, I am an Australian CypriotTurk.AyseInterviewer: Who is Australian?For me it is around, I don’t feel like,I do not look Australian so hence notaccepted. For me it is not just abouthaving or being Australian by birthor having citizenship but aboutlooking like the norm. That to me iswhat defines an Australian inreality.FerihaWell when you see someone. If yousee someone that is fair with the blueeyes yeah you wouldn’t think of thembeing Turkish Cypriot. Like my son.A lot of people would think he isAustralian.Interviewer: To be Australian doyou have to be a certain way?… When someone looks at me theyknow I am a wog. They know that Iam not Australian. You know, I amnot that blond hair blue eye.The phenotype discourse positions peoplein relation to the mainstream populationdepending on their perceived color. Thisphenotype discourse enables the privilege ofwhiteness to go undisrupted by limiting thesocial representations of Australians to peoplewith certain type of phenotype. Similar toThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Multiculturalism and Whiteness32research by Zevallos (2003), phenotypediscourses informed who the real Australian is,that is someone who is white, fair, blond andblue eyed an as someone from the Anglo culticbackground. The participants have certainAustralian capital such as the language oraccent however they have accumulated andacquired this capital unlike those who are‘naturally’ white (Hage, 1998).Participants who perceived themselvesas having a ‘white’ appearance were able topass as an Australian because ethnicity wasnot physically observable. They also noted thebenefits of being “the right colour” (Halil)and blending in with the Australian identity.For instance, they know that you can betreated differently depending on your skincolour. In this case skin colour works in theirfavour.HalilI actually cannot think of anydownside at all (to ethnic identity).But I think, the thing is that we arequite, how do I say this in a way,quite right looking. So we don’treally stand out in a crowd in termsof what we look like. I don’t reallystand out in terms of how I look. IfI was a real karasakal (darkfeatured Turk) maybe I’ll betreated differently. That will havean influence on how you arereacted to. But cause you do notlook different you do not sounddifferent so you aren’t different,but underneath you are.MehmetI don’t feel like a minority. I guessit is because I do not look veryTurkish so I never felt persecutedor singled out. I guess I didn’t haveany problems there. I don’t lookdifferent to what ever your averageAustralian is. If I was in a crowd noone would pick me out as differentunless I told them my name.Everyone has this generalunderstanding of an Australianand I guess I fit into that.Halil expressed feeling silenced aboutgovernmental issues due to his Muslimidentity. Although he notes that he is “quiteright looking” and the benefits associatedwith being white and a fair person he is wellaware that his Muslimness can be a threat tohis privileged position. Similarly, Mehmetalso notes the benefits of his phenotype andthe fragile acceptance as a white because hisname can be an identifying marker ofdifference. These two preceding quotationsdemonstrates how whiteness intersects withother social identity markers (Frankenberg,1993) limiting access to privilege even forpeople that are “right looking”.Using Hage’s (1998) term, these twopeople are naturalised whites in that theyhave fair skin and they also have accumulatedcultural capital. However, they can still beexcluded from the Australian identity becausethey have ‘different’ names and a ‘different’religion. This adds a level of complexity toHage’s explanation of naturalised andaccumulated whiteness. One can accumulatecultural capital and also be white; howeverthis is not sufficient to access the whiteprivilege and governmental belongingbecause they are not of an Anglo-Saxonbackground, the aristocracy of all Australians(Hage, 1998).Although in these preceding paragraphswe can see access and exclusion to whiteprivilege whiteness is also being challengedby arguing the need for indigenoussovereignty. Indigenous Australians are usedas a point of reference to position ethnicAustralians and Anglo Australians as equalAustralia. In doing so whiteness is challengedas it is positioned as another migrant ethniccategory, just like all other migrantdescendents.SamiInterviewer: What doesAustralian mean to you?The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Multiculturalism and Whiteness33Australian means a person fromanother culture living in Australia,living in the land of Aboriginals. Sobasically an immigrant, someonefrom a multicultural society withheaps of immigrants. I think theonly Australians are theAboriginals. Until they are giventheir full respect I think only thencould we all be Australians…. atthe end of the day they are Poms orIrish or whatever No one is fromhere really. It only two hundredyears. Dedenin dedesi (Grandad’s,Grandad). That is it.TaylanBecause everyone knows that youare not Australian. The only trueAustralian are the Aboriginals. Youcould call the British that camehere Australian but apart from thateveryone migrated here. If you sayyou are Australian you are eitherAboriginal or you came here whenthe Brits came here or you just saythe nationality that you come fromand everyone basically assumesthat you are born in Australia oryou came from that country likeyour parents did.Taylan also challenges the normativeposition of whiteness by positioningAboriginal people as true Australians.However, he then moves and positionsAboriginals and British descendents equally.This example demonstrates how whiteness isnegotiated however, whiteness is notproblematised and white privilege is notchallenged.DiscussionThe discourses discussed in this articledemonstrate that the Cypriot Turkish identitylike many other identities in Australia arepositioned in relation to what Frankenberg(1993) explains a privileged group that iscentred as normative and unquestionable, inthis case the dominant Anglo-Saxon ethnicgroup of Australia. Through these discoursesthey are positioned as the ethnic Australian, ahyphenated Australian. Cypriot Turks embodytheir position as an ethnic Australian and it isexperiences as a natural category rather than asocial category. Although these two discoursesare clearly relational it is perceived andexperienced as a determinist discourse, it isnaturalised and it is experienced as commonsense (Collins, 2004).Participants’ understandings of not beingthe right colour or from the mainstream religionarise through comparison to ‘the whiteAustralian’. The participants who embodied thenaturalised Australian capital, that is skin colour(Hage, 2003), noted their greater access toprivilege to other ethnics who can onlyaccumulate their Australian cultural capital.Even though they have the accumulated capitalthat has transferred into national belonging to agreater extent in comparison to participants whowere not ‘the right’ colour, governmentalbelonging has not been accessible. To someextent it translates into national belonging butnot as a dominant member, with power toposition others in Australia. Muslim identity inAustralia does not convert into governmentalbelonging (Hage, 1998) as Halil and Mehmethave displayed. In comparison to the ‘whiteAnglo Saxon Australians’, other forms ofaccumulated whiteness or even naturalwhiteness is overshadowed (Hage, 1998).In this data we can see that whiteness inAustralia operates as a ‘race’ construct – it is inpart based on skin colour. However, beingwhite is not sufficient to access whiteness. Thismakes whiteness something beyond biologicalunderstandings of race. Whiteness is not justabout being white, but also about belonging to acertain ethno-religious group. Consistent withImtoual (2007), Muslim identity is positioned asthe other to the real white Christian Australian.However, from these examples we see that youdo not need to be identified as a Muslim to feelthat you are excluded from being Australian.By creating the ethnic identity andThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Multiculturalism and Whiteness34delegating it as the other, patterns of privilegeand power remain invisible and undisrupted(Hage, 1998; Vasta, 1993). Whiteness ismaintained through national identity andbelonging by othering groups that vary fromthe white category and positioning them on themargins of citizenship (Green & Sonn, 2005).Frankenberg (1993) and Green and Sonn(2005) explain that in countries people whohold power provide the categories that are usedto include and exclude people.Discursive strategies are employed tocreate and maintain power structures and tomarginalise others by drawing distinctions andhierarchies between the privileged group andothers (Van Dijk, 1997). White privilege isprotected by constructing the other in terms ofreligion and phenotype. In doing so whitenessmaintains its privilege as it is positioned as thenormative and as the real Australians. Whitepeople are made to feel comfortable and athome with their nation and minority groups areuncomfortable and as aliens in their nation(Hage, 1998). This “Illusion of truth serves towarrant claims to white belonging inAustralia” (Riggs, 2007b, p. 8).In Australia, these discourses and theimplications of being positioned as an other aremuch more covert because they operate underthe discourses of multiculturalism.Multiculturalism to some extent has createdspace for migrant descendants. However, theirintegration is supervised; where the whiteAustralian subject is the supervisor of theintegration (Hage, 1998).There are very real implications thatarise out of racism and whiteness. Ethnic socialminorities express uncertainty about theirbelongingness (Ang et al., 2006) as thenational representations do not extend to themcompletely because national belonging isaligned with whiteness. The participants’experiences of exclusion at times have beenclearly racially motivated or related to thesocio-political climate around Muslims andIslam, however most of the time theyexperienced banal forms of racism. As Noble(2005) showed, this leaves behind feelings ofbeing uncomfortable in their everydaysurroundings and not feeling at home. Noble,following Giddens, describes this asontological security. Comfort and ontologicalsecurity is not ascertained due to the lack offit between the self and society, but requiresthat others recognise and accept you asrightfully belonging (Noble, 2005).In summary, whiteness theory allows usto explore processes of inclusion-exclusionby focusing on the “dynamics of culturalracism, those symbolic and cultural resourcesand practices that may be everyday and ofteninvisible to those close to the centre ofpower” (Fisher & Sonn, 2007, p. 31). Thevantage point of the other is a lens intowhiteness. In this case we have looked at howracism has been mapped onto ethnicity andreligion. We have also identified practices ofresistance and dominance through theexperiences of the second generation CypriotTurkish. In our view critical whitenessstudies from the vantage point of those whohave differential access to race privilegeprovides a useful lens for making visible andchallenging cultural racism because of itsfocus on dominance and normativity.ReferencesAhmed, S. (2004). Declaration of whiteness:The non-performativity of anti-racism.Borderlands ejournal, 3(2). RetrievedFebruary 10 th , from http://www.borderlandsejournal.adelaide.edu.au/vol3no2_2004/ahmed_declarations.htmAli, L. (2006). Identity construction of secondgeneration Cypriot Turkish.Unpublished Honours Thesis. VictoriaUniversity, Melbourne, Australia.Ali, L. & Sonn, C. C. (in press). Constructingidentity as a second generation CypriotTurkish Australian: The multihyphenatedother. Culture andPsychology.Aly, A. (2007). Australian Muslim responsesto the discourse on terrorism in theThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

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Multiculturalism and Whiteness37(Ed.), Taking up the challenge: Criticalrace and whiteness studies in apostcolonising nation. (pp.1-16).Adelaide: Crawford House Publishing.Robins, K., & Aksoy, A. (2001). From spacesof identity to mental spaces: Lessonsfrom Turkish Cypriot cultural experiencein Britain. Journal of Ethics andMigration Studies, 27(4), 685-712.Rotberg, R. (2003). The Cyprus crucible: Theimportance of good timing. InternationalHarvard Review, 25(3), 70-75.Said, E. W. (1979). Orientalism. New York:Vintage Books.Sayar, H. (1988). Turkish Australians andeducation in Australia. In R. Akcelik & J.Elley (Eds.) Turkish community inAustralia: Conference papers (pp. 101-110). Melbourne: Australian-TurkishFriendship Society Publications.Sonn, C. C. (2004). Negotiating identitiesacross cultural boundaries: Complicatingcultural competence with power andprivilege. Critical Psychology:International Journal of CriticalPsychology, 11, 134-149.Sonn, C. C. & Fisher, A. T. (2005). ImmigrantAdaptation: Complicating ourunderstanding of responses to intergroupexperiences. In G. Nelson andPrilleltensky, I. (Eds), Communitypsychology (pp. 348-363). London, UK:McMillan, Palgrave.Sonn, C. C., & Lewis, R. (2009). Immigrationand identity: The ongoing struggle forliberation. In M. Montero & C. C. Sonn(Eds.), Psychology of liberation: Theoryand applications (115-133). New York:Springer.Standfield, R. (2007). ‘A remarkably tolerantnation?’ Constructions of benignwhiteness in Australian politicaldiscourse. In D. W. Riggs (Ed.), Takingup the challenge: Critical race andwhiteness studies in a postcolonisingnation. (pp.168-189). Adelaide:Crawford House Publishing.Steyn, M. (2007). As the postcolonial momentdeepens: A response to Green, Sonn, andMatsebula. South African Journal ofPsychology, 37, 420-424.Van Dijk, T. (1997). Political discourses andracism: Describing others in a Westernparliament. In S. H. Riggins (Ed), Thelanguage and politics of exclusion: Othersin discourse (pp. 31-64). London, UK:Sage.Vasta, E. (1992). The second generation. In S.Castles, C. Alcorso, G. Rando & E. Vasta(Eds.), Australia’s Italians: Culture andcommunity in a changing society (pp.155-168). North Sydney: Allen & Unwin.Vasta, E. (1993). Multiculturalism and ethnicidentity: The relationship between racismand resistance. Australian and NewZealand Journal of Sociology, 29(2), 209-225.Verkuyten, M. (2005). The social psychology ofethnic identity. Sussex: Psychology Press.Watts, R. J., & Serrano-García, I. (2003). Thequest for a liberating communitypsychology: An overview. AmericanJournal of Community Psychology, 31,73-78.Yasmeen, S. (2007). Muslim women as citizensin Australia: Diverse notions andpractices. Australian Journal of SocialIssues, 42(1), 41-54.Zevallos, Z (2003). ‘That’s my Australian side’:The ethnicity, gender and sexuality ofyoung Australian women of South andCentral American origin. Journal ofSociology, 39(1), 81-98.Zevallos, Z., & Gilding, M. (2003). “I'm notyour typical blond-haired, blue-eyedSkippy”: Second generation Australiansand multiculturalism. In D. Weiss (Ed),Social exclusion: An approach to theAustralian case. Frankfurt, Germany:Peter Lang Verlag.Note1 The Anglo Saxon category in Australia issocially and politically contingent. We use thiscategory to refer to not only British descendentsThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Multiculturalism and Whiteness38but also Irish and Scottish descendents whowere once omitted from the privilegedcategory.Author NoteA version of this paper was presented at theannual conference of the Australian CriticalRace and Whiteness Studies conference held inAdelaide in December 2007.AcknowledgmentsWe would like to thank the participants of thisstudy who took time out to share theirexperiences. We also want to thank the editorand two anonymous reviewers for the feedbackthey provided on an earlier draft.Address correspondence toLütfiye AliSchool of Social Sciences and PsychologyVictoria UniversityPO Box 14428Melbourne City MCMelbourne 8001Phone +61 3 99199588Fax +61 3 99194324email lutfiye.ali2@live.vu.edu.auThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

39Accessing ‘Authentic’ Knowledge: Being and Doing with the SudaneseCommunityJay M. MarloweFlinders UniversityComing from backgrounds where issues of trust have often been violated, accessing reliableinformation from resettling refugee populations can be fraught with dilemmas. Those tryingto document these people’s lives without recognising the politics of memory and the dangerof re-traumatisation can potentially serve to further silence the narratives of those who haveexperienced difficulties associated with forced migration. This paper reports on theresearch process and the necessity of elevating the voices of Southern Sudanese menresettling in Adelaide, Australia to better understand how they have responded to traumaticexperiences. Finding empowering approaches that assist these men in expressing their livedexperience and future aspirations in sensitive and respectful ways can make progresstowards further realising the liberation and well being of those beginning to create a newlife far from home. The process of accessing ‘authentic’ knowledge is discussed byforwarding an imperative to establish a relationship with the refugee community. Thisrelationship is further qualified by differentiating ‘being’ and ‘doing’ for those wanting tosupport and better understand resettling refugee populations.“You cannot fix a leaking roof in thenight.” (Interview participant)Sudanese resettlement and successfulintegration in Australia remains a controversialand topical issue within current political andsocial debates. During October 2007, the thenImmigration Minister Kevin Andrews arguedthat Sudanese people were failing to integrateinto the fabric of Australian society. He statedhis concern that some groups of refugees "don'tseem to be settling and adjusting into theAustralian way of life as quickly as we wouldhope" (Hart & Maiden, 2007). Thesecomments angered and frustrated the Sudanesecommunity and many support organisationsworking to assist them. The evidence used byAndrews was questionable and illustrated aSudanese Dinka proverb, “You can not fix aleaking roof in the night.” A participant in thisstudy noted the limited voice that the Sudanesecommunity had to respond:IsaiahKevin Andrews’s comments relateto a Sudanese saying that says,“While you are a crocodile in yourcountry, when you go to anotherpeoples’ country, you will be alizard.” Can you see the differencebetween a lizard and a crocodile?JM Yes, there is a big difference.IsaiahThat was what Kevin Andrews wasdoing. He said those things becauseit is his country.While there is a growing body ofknowledge, little is still known about theexperiences, hopes and aspirations of Sudaneserefugees resettling within Australia. Those whohave experienced forced migration have oftenlived through dangerous and traumaticsituations where distrusting others could beseen as functionally adaptive survival strategy(see Kohli, 2006). Thus, it is perhaps not toosurprising that accessing reliable informationfrom those resettling can be fraught withchallenges acknowledging the power disparitybetween crocodiles and lizards.Telling stories are a universally sharedhuman experience. However, the ‘type’ ofstory that is told may vary depending upon theaudience, sociocultural norms, time, place andnotions of power. Further, the inherent fluidityof story and expression brings forthcontroversial and contested notions of what‘truth’ and ‘authenticity’ might actuallyrepresent. Acknowledging this difficulty, thereThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Accessing Authentic Knowledge40is a growing recognition that taking an emic orinsiders view that considers importantelements in a person’s life such as culture,language, spirituality, etc are essential tounderstand how refugees have made sense oftheir lives after experiences of forcedmigration (Blackburn, 2005; Goodkind, 2006;Miller, Kulkarni, & Kushner, 2006; Ryan,Dooley, & Benson, 2008; UNHCR, 2002; Yu-Wen, Phillip, Xiulan, & Larke, 1997). Theseaccounts allow us to delve into the thickdescriptions (Geertz, 1973) of these people’slives. However, such rich understandings donot happen magically. They can even evolveand change significantly over time (Guerin &Guerin, 2007); and thus, issues of gainingentry into the Sudanese community andaccessing reliable knowledge come to the fore.This paper discusses the experience ofworking with the Sudanese community in twocapacities: as a former social worker andcurrent doctoral researcher. The researchstudy involved understanding Sudanese male’sresponses to traumatic experience from forcedmigration as distinct from the effects fromtrauma. Such a research question haspresented many challenging questions abouthow to engage, interpret and disseminate suchsensitive and privileged information with thisresettling community. The following methodsfor this study were used: (1) conductingmultiple semi-structured individual interviewswith 24 English speaking Sudanese men and(2) participating in community celebrations,mournings and important events all throughinvitation. The men who participated werefrom Southern Sudan and had been resettled inAustralia at least two years. Informed consentwas obtained through a process of meetingwith participants on several occasions toexplain the research focus, which oftenrequired an engaged interaction of severalmonths. This project received ethics approvalfrom the relevant academic institution.The power of story, memory andrepresentation“Only the story...can continuebeyond the war and the warrior. Itis the story that outlives the sound ofwar-drums and the exploits of bravefighters. It is the story...that savesour progeny from blundering likeblind beggars into the spikes of thecactus fence. The story is ourescort; without it, we are blind.Does the blind man own his escort?No, neither do we the story; rather itis the story that owns us and directsus.” (Achebe, 1987, p. 124)There is a rich body of literature that hasdocumented the resulting sequelae of those whobared witness and experienced the atrocities ofcivil war, conflict, and oppressive regimes(Cienfuegos & Monelli, 1983; Coker, 2004;Fazel, Wheeler, & Danesh, 2005; Goodman,2004; Jeppsson & Hjern, 2005; Khawaja, White,Schweitzer, & Greenslade, 2008; Mollica,Caridad, & Massagli, 2007; Silove, 1999).Others have directly related their personalexperiences as refugees or internally displacedpersons in autobiographical or other writtenworks (Deng, Deng, Ajak, & Bernstein, 2005;Eggers, 2006; Menchu, 1983). However, theveracity of past accounts can be contested notingthe difficulties in establishing or proving thesepeople’s claims of lived experience. Thesechallenges bring forth serious debates about thepolitics of memory and the medium throughwhich it is expressed: one’s story.Any story requires a minimum of twopeople: a story-teller and a listener. However,this premise becomes far more complex as thestory is inter-woven within the threads of thesocial, historical, cultural and politicalbackdrops amongst the narrator and audience.While it is acknowledged that immigrationofficials, embassies, and those processingrequests for refugee status need to distinguishbetween actual and fabricated accounts ofexperience, making such a differentiation ismore difficult than establishing a dichotomybetween fact and fiction. A participant in thisstudy stated,Today we are making a story ofThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Accessing Authentic Knowledge41Sudanese people. It is a series or astory of a journey between twoworlds. Because our people camefrom a first world to a secondworld, you can say. Yes, you cansay it is a journey between twoworlds and this journey betweentwo worlds- some people will notunderstand.Indeed, a refugee may be very cautiousabout what they say to another person- notbecause they are inherently dishonest or beingdevious, but rather because of the very realconsequences of a statement beingmisinterpreted or taken out of context(Jacobsen & Landau, 2003; McKelvey, 1994).In addition, refugee accounts of ‘hard’ factsmay not represent ‘objective’ reality orpossibly presented in conflicting ways(Kirmayer, 2007). Several men in this studyhave spoken about their perilous journeyfleeing civil war and walking hundreds if notthousands of kilometres across Sudan seekingsafe haven. Hearing such stories, I haveoccasionally noted time and date discrepanciesbetween their stories. Does one account negatethe other? Arguably not as both stories supportan understanding of a long and difficultjourney where time as measured by days or inother terms becomes obscured throughexperiences of hardship and survival. AsEastmond (2007, p.260) maintains:Stories are never transparentrenditions of reality, but partialand selective versions of it, arisingout of social interaction.‘Narrative truth’ refers to theinescapably imperfect and fluidwork of memory, organization andmeaning. Narration as purposiveaction also relies on a certainmeasure of control and a situationin which… the criteria ofcredibility and plausibility areknown to both narrator andaudience, if not shared by them.This quote illustrates the complexities ofunderstanding and documenting refugees inresettlement contexts. What then should wetake from a person’s story if it is clouded bynotions of power, opportunity, meaning andcontext? Kelley (1996) provides animportant distinction in documenting suchpeople’s lives noting that a person’s storymay not necessarily accurately portray thepast but it does say something about his orher present situation. Such a perspectiveallows a person’s narrative to be exploredbeyond a false dichotomy between truth andfiction as it thrusts the imperfections ofmemory into a context situated within aperson’s present and future. Embracing thisconcept allows the listener to grapple withand explore the hopes, dreams and aspirationsof those who have made a journey betweentwo worlds.A political exercise- Gaining access andentry“How stories are told, by whom, to whom,under what circumstances, and for whatspecific purpose – vary according tosociocultural prescriptions.” (Carter-Black,2007, p.32)Conducting research with the Sudanesecommunity, it was recognised that my roleneeded to be as transparent as possible. Toestablish this position, a number of severalkey elders and gate keepers provided adviceabout conducting the study in a sensitive andrespectful manner resonant with Sudanesevalues. These elders emphasised activeengagement with the community, and offeredmyself the opportunity to make publicannouncements at church and othercommunity events. They spoke of theimportance of not only talking about the pastbut also to ascertain these people’sexperiences of resettlement and current visiontoday. However, I was expected to make astand. Almost without exception, I have hadto address my opinions about KevinAndrew’s comments regarding Sudaneseresettlement and often my perspective on thetwo civil wars that raged for decades betweenThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Accessing Authentic Knowledge42Northern and Southern Sudan. My ownperson had to become political.While consulting several Sudanesecommunity leaders and elders to better developthe research question, they stated thedifficulties of accessing what they called‘authentic knowledge.’ From this cautionarytone, they spoke of how their own stories whileliving in Kenya’s Kakuma refugee camp hadbeen used to benefit or elevate the status of theresearcher often with little or no benefit to theteller. They also spoke how they never heardfrom this person again after they disclosedtheir experiences. These accounts are furtherbuttressed in refugee-related examples wherean outsider’s analysis and resultingdissemination was incorrect, unfounded orworse- lead to negative outcomes for theparticipants (see Mackenzie, McDowell, &Pittaway, 2007). Miller (2004) notes thatinitial information from refugees can often be‘front-stage’ responses, which may be highlyrehearsed and of limited accuracy but serves toprotect the community from outsiders. He thendiscusses the importance of trying to ascertain‘backstage’ information, which is moredifficult to obtain but more likely to have ahigher degree of authenticity. One intervieweespoke of his experiences sharing his story inKenyan and Ethiopian refugee camps:JM And have you shared yourstory many times? Have you had achance to share your story?DengNo. You see, I haven’t had the timeto share my story with somepeople. During the time I was inthe refugee camp, sometimespeople go and ask me fromagencies like UNHCR; sometimesthey meet you and they ask youwhat happened and you tell them.This is not a very long story; theyask what you are facing now- theyask you about the food, have yougot anything, if you are tired ofliving, where you are gettingwater, clothes, shelter, and whatyou are doing. That is part of thehistory that we share. But we havenot gone deeply [talking about theirexperiences].‘Going deeply’ and accessing moreauthentic accounts is easier said than done. Asresearchers and oftentimes strangers enteringinto the lived experiences of refugee lives, it isimportant to recognise that these people mayhave learned a level of functional distrust thatmay assist them in what might possibly be ahostile encounter with the unknown (Kohli,2006). Further, it must be recognised thatrefugees may feel hesitant in telling their storiesof forced migration due to associated feelings ofshame, guilt or humiliation. Others may befearful of reprisals from cultural, societal and/orgovernment responses if they were to speak oftheir past experiences. While it is certainlyarguable that most practitioners and researchersworking with refugee populations have goodintentions; misinterpretation, misrepresentationand the potential for re-traumatisation cancertainly have hostile implications.Implications of going deeply“Some of the things I am telling you, they arenot out of nowhere. They are out of experience.The issues that have happened... I could tellyou more but I don’t want to. I don’t want to gointo that.” (Interview participant)Those displaced through forced migrationhave often been exposed to harrowingexperiences of psychological, physical and/oremotional form of trauma (Momartin, Silove,Manicavasagar, & Steel, 2003; Silove, 1999;Steel, Silove, Phan, & Bauman, 2002; Weine,Becker, McGlashan, & Laub, 1995). Thus, it isimperative that we understand the backgroundsthat these people are coming and have anawareness of the potential dangers that arefugee might expose his or herself by tellingtheir story. For example, Goodman’s (2004,p.1184) study of Sudanese youths resettling inthe United States found that suppression anddistraction was a major coping strategy noting ayoung man’s comment, “thinking a lot can giveThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Accessing Authentic Knowledge43you trouble”. In my work with Sudanesepeople resettling in Adelaide, trying toascertain the responses to trauma wassomething that had to be done carefully andpatiently. It necessitated prioritising thecomfort and safety of the story teller wellbeyond the needs of the research question orany intellectual curiosities. An intervieweerelated his experience of fleeing Sudan:RobertI came to Egypt. I ran to Egypt.[He looks at the map of Sudan]Difficulties... Very very very bad.Sometimes if I recall whathappened, sometimes it is hard.Sometimes tears come out.JM You said that tears come out?RobertYeah, sometimes it is tough- like ifyou talk to me, I can listen to whatyou are talking but here [toucheshis head] there is nothing…Because everything has been blownout... So, I don’t go to touch thatmuch because I am afraid. It willdisturb our research.Some of the men interviewed for thisstudy did not agree to participate until we hadknown each other for more than 18 months.By establishing their responses to trauma andwhat has been helpful to them in wake oftraumatic experiences, these men were able toexpress their stories about sustenance, hopeand survival. Time was something that neededto be embraced and nurtured. Hasty interviewswould have likely lead to front stage responses.JM Would you say are there anyongoing effects in your life todayfrom these experiences?DesmondYeah, there are some effects.Because yes, there are some reallydifficult things and it is really hardto forget it. So, it is still in mymind and it is still in my emotion,so it is still really hard to forget.So I have just to go slowly throughit yeah.Recognising the injustices of thesepeople’s past, there is a danger that a person’sstory can easily become a one dimensionaltrauma-focussed history whereby otherstories of healing, identity or resistance to thetrauma itself can be hidden. Thus, the storyof a person’s experience(s) of trauma andhow it has negatively influenced his/her lifecan easily overpower another story whichmight emphasise something very differentabout what this person values. The preferredstory that an individual might have abouttheir life can become subordinate to the oneabout trauma, which often focuses upondeficit, pathology and loss (White, 2006;White & Epston, 1990). From this limitedunderstanding of a person’s experience, a thindescription of the individual situated withinthe purviews of trauma is further ensconcedwhere other important considerations ofidentity can easily be obscured.Through collaboration and therecognition that there are powerfulunderstandings of people’s lives beyond theconsequences of trauma, a richer sense of aperson’s life can become privileged. Such amutual exploration for alternativeunderstandings can even possibly lead towhat Rappaport (2000, p.1) refers to as ‘talesof joy’. An interesting aspect of this researchand community engagement has been that byestablishing these men’s responses to trauma,they then often felt more comfortable to talkabout their experiences of forced migrationwithout being prompted. By asking them tospeak further about their parent teachings,culture, spirituality and other forms ofidentity, these men noticeably became moreanimated and enthusiastic as the interviewcontinued. Indeed, finding ways to moveslowly, safely and appropriately into suchpowerful stories can help access the deeperand more authentic meanings that thesepeople ascribe. Rather than asking for adetailed account of torture, forced marchesand other stories of despair; privileging theThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Accessing Authentic Knowledge44person’s response to such forms of adversityprovided scaffolding towards understandingwhat has provided sustenance and strength inthis person’s past and present. As theseparticipants spoke of their values, hopes, skillsand actions that acknowledged forms ofhealing and resistance to the trauma storyitself, this discussion then often provided anentry point to discuss experiences of adversity.There is value in both the response and traumastories, and embracing cautious and nonpathologisingprocesses allows the teller todecide when and if it is appropriate to sharesuch experiences.The construction of ‘authentic’ knowledge:Being and doing“I think there are times peopledon’t want to talk about theirbackground in full detail simplybecause I think we are sometimescompared between the primitiveand the civilised world. Andsometimes people make unfaircomparisons. It knocks somepeople back. But, I think to becivilised is to be true to yourself.And I strongly believe that if I wasborn into the Dinka family, thenthat is my heritage. And I have tobe proud of it. That is a good thingand that is who I am.” (InterviewParticipant)A Sudanese elder who has supportedthis research as a cultural consultant stated,“The only way to get the community to talk toyou is to get to know them. They must see youas a person and one who is committed not onlyto helping yourself but to helping them.” Thiselder’s valuable insight introduces a helpfuldistinction between being and doing that canassist both researchers and practitionerstowards accessing deeper levels of authenticityin respectful and collaborative ways. Thisdistinction is partly taken from Gorman’s(1995) discussion on the inherent tensionbetween being and doing as a practitioner andresearcher working with marginalisedcommunities.BeingDuring the early stages of the researchprocess, I always walked into communityevents with my satchel armed with informationabout the study, a notebook, diary and othervarious items that would help me collect andorganise data. However, it quickly becameapparent that I the guy who always attendedSudanese events with a satchel tossed over oneshoulder. While aware that my role asresearcher needed to be transparent; once Idropped the satchel and allowed myself toparticipate more fully with the participants, thisbeing seemed to break down several barriers asothers started to communicate and interact morefreely. Indeed, the informal and everydayinteractions proved crucial in being able to gobeyond the rehearsed front-stage responses thatMiller (2004) writes.A particular challenge of working withthe Sudanese community required a differentway of conceptualising time. The idea that itwas possible to conduct a two hour interview ona rigidly set schedule was unlikely to happen.More than half of the scheduled interviews andconsultations were cancelled, rescheduled orstarted significantly later. After telling aSudanese colleague about these experiences, hejoked about what he called ‘AST’ or AfricanStandard Time. This intended light-heartedacronym demonstrated the different socialconstructions placed between Sudanese andmainstream Australian understandings of time.However, these differing conceptions canpresent dilemmas for those working asresearchers and practitioners where Westernunderstandings of AST often do not exist inprofessional or personal contexts. Thus wherepossible, the concept of being is helpful here.Opening oneself to embrace AST may leave thelistener receptive to new insights and ways ofbeing that go beyond a snapshot of a particularissue (see Guerin & Guerin, 2007; Rodgers,2004). Being with the community permits thelistener to greater establish trust and rapport in away that is more highly resonant for theThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Accessing Authentic Knowledge45participants involved (without the satcheltossed over one’s shoulder). There is aninherent value in being able to meet thesepeople on their terms in both time and placerather than from territory of the often morepowerful positions and perspectives that wecommand and enjoy.DoingThere are many ways of conducting anddisseminating research. It is argued here thatthe doing of refugee-related research inresettlement contexts should endeavour wherepossible to areas of reciprocity. AsMackenzie, McDowell & Pittaway (2007)argue, refugee-related research should aspirebeyond harm minimisation as a standard forethical research and try to achieve reciprocalbenefits to both the researcher and theresearched. Indeed, there were many times the‘official’ research was put on hold to helpsomeone with their taxes, driving them places,informing them about what house inspectionsentailed and connecting them to tutors for theirrespective academic courses. One man askedwhat it meant that he had just ‘won’ $500,000from Readers Digest. Another wanted to knowif he was in trouble because he had beenselected for jury duty. Because my previousrole as a social worker included counsellingrefugees and also organising an annualactivities summer program for refugee children(see Hallahan & Irizarry, 2008), a nascentreputation and rapport within this communityhad already been established. This reciprocityof doing over time showed a commitmentbeyond a complete self directed and singularinterest in obtaining a PhD.Collaborative research requires acommitment towards doing and a sincereengagement with process that may need to stepoutside the researcher’s initially establishedtimelines and scheduled milestones.Acknowledging the unanticipated twists andturns of collaborative processes, the researchquestion becomes further grounded within anecological perspective that considers a broaderfocus upon the person in environment andcontext (see Rappaport, 1977). Suchperspectives can help facilitate moresophisticated and reciprocal forms of researchand action.Bringing the two togetherTo further comprehend the profundity ofresettling peoples’ lived experience, there is agreater call for research methodologies thatallow for these people to have collaborativeroles in research and action. Inherent withinthis framework includes a level of communityengagement that goes beyond what mightinitially be seen as the research agenda. Thisimmersion though, will help shape and fashionthe research question by rendering it in a waythat will likely have higher resonance withthose who inform it. Guerin & Guerin (2007)discuss their experience of working with theSomali community over several years in NewZealand stating, “Many times we felt like ourresearch was going around in a circle, but moreoften, we found that the research was on aspiral, still going around in circles, butprogressing for the better” (p.150). Visualisingthe research and consultation process beyondthe perspective of a two dimensional circle tothree dimensions shows the complex layeringand necessary journey towards furtherunderstanding resettling populations (Ghorashi,2008). While this spiralling process continues,it will become apparent that the reciprocity ofdoing and active engagement with thecommunity provides a higher likelihood ofgaining access to the more authentic backstageresponses.As deeper levels of access are granted, itis important to recognise the politics of memoryand research. Being with these people can helpovercome many potential obstacles in thespiralling journey as the foundations of rapportcreate greater spaces of trust and safety.However, research with such groups of peopleoften marginalised and pushed to theperipheries of society is not a neutral exercise.And nor should it be. The person is politicaland as professionals involved in research,interpersonal practice, community engagementThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Accessing Authentic Knowledge46or policy; we play an integral role in elevatingpeople’s voices in a collaborative manner thatacknowledges who these people are andimportantly, who they want to be.Finding ways to capture researchparticipant’s lived experience and futureaspirations in a sensitive and respectful waycan make progress towards further realising theliberation and well being of those beginning tocreate a new life far from home. Embodyingsuch values as inherent in the research processconnects us to the ‘why’ of being and doing. Ifwe want to illuminate the depths of resettlingpeople’s backgrounds and aspirations,embracing the concepts being and doing canhelp lift our eyes to such relevant concerns inappropriate ways. It is argued here that morehighly authentic information is not surprisinglyderived from authentic relationships.Accessing rich stories from refugees requiresboth being and doing. The being elementconnects people to our common bond ofhumanity and can help establish necessaryrelationships to gain entry and engage with therich descriptions of these peoples’ lives. Thereciprocity of doing can help suchcommunities address relevant resettlementconcerns, speak for themselves and also drive abetter informed research agenda.Conclusion“The world is big. Some people areunable to comprehend that simplefact. They want the world on theirown terms, its peoples just likethem and their friends, its placeslike the manicured little patch onwhich they live. But this is a foolishand blind wish. Diversity is not anabnormality but the very reality ofour planet. The human worldmanifests the same reality and willnot seek our permission tocelebrate itself in the magnificenceof its endless varieties. Civility is asensible attribute in this kind ofworld we have; narrowness ofheart and mind is not.” BatesCollege Commencement Address(Achebe, 1996)There are many challenges and obstaclestowards garnering people’s stories of livedexperience. However, we need to continue tolook for ways of relating to these people byembracing respectful and sensitive approachestowards documenting such stories. Throughbeing and doing, we allow ourselves theopportunity to traverse beyond ‘front stage’responses and hopefully develop a strongersense of trust and rapport that will aid us inincorporating reciprocity within our work.Sadly, the refugee journey is often one that hascommanding elements of hardship and exposureto traumatic experiences. Engaging with thesehistories highlights the importance ofproceeding at the story-tellers chosen pace toreduce the likelihood of re-traumatisation.Is there one authentic story? Arguablynot, the story of lived experience is inherentlyimperfect as it must elevate and amplify certainevents, moments and memories at the expenseof others. However, it is possible to elicit thedeeper and more profound levels of ‘authentic’experience or the ‘backstage’ responses thatMiller (2004) writes. Resettlement from Africato Australia is often a journey between twoworlds where one must forge a workablesynthesis of the past with the present. Thebeing with these people and the reciprocity ofdoing allow for a stronger degree of mutualityand collaboration when it is appropriate to sharesuch powerful stories. We would do well toparticipate and listen; otherwise, refugee voicesand their associated stories can be furthermarginalised or worse- silenced all together.ReferencesAchebe, C. (1987) Anthills of the savannah.London, Heinemann.Achebe, C. (1996) The Address of ChinuaAchebe. Bates College CommencementSpeech, May 27. Accessed online on Mar 2003at http://abacus.bates.edu/pubs/newsletter/sum96/commencement.html501Blackburn, P. (2005). Speaking theThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Accessing Authentic Knowledge47unspeakable: bearing witness to thestories of political violence, war andterror. The International Journal ofNarrative Therapy and CommunityWork, 3 & 4, 97-105.Carter-Black, J. (2007). Teaching culturalcompetence: An innovative strategygrounded in the universality ofstorytelling as depicted in African andAfrican American storytellingtraditions. Journal of Social WorkEducation, 43(1), 31-50.Cienfuegos, A., & Monelli, C. (1983). Thetestimony of political repression as atherapeutic instrument. AmericanJournal of Orthopsychiatry, 53(1),43-51.Coker, E. M. (2004). "Traveling pains":Embodied metaphors of sufferingamong Southern Sudanese refugees inCairo. Culture, Medicine andPsychiatry, 28(1), 15-39.Deng, A., Deng, B., Ajak, B., & Bernstein,J. (2005). They poured fire on us fromthe sky: The true story of three lostboys from Sudan. New York: PublicAffairs.Eastmond, M. (2007) Stories as livedexperience: Narratives in forcedmigration research.Journal of Refugee Studies, 20, 248-264.Eggers, D. (2006). What is the what. NewYork: Vintage Books.Fazel, M., Wheeler, J., & Danesh, J. (2005).Prevalence of serious mental disorderin 7000 refugees resettled in westerncountries: a systematic review. TheLancet, 365(9467), 1309-1314.Geertz, C. (1973). The interpretation ofcultures. New York: Basic Books.Ghorashi, H. (2008). Giving silence achance: The importance of life storiesfor research on refugees. Journal ofRefugee Studies, 21(1), 117-132.Goodkind, J. R. (2006). Promoting Hmongrefugees' well-Being through mutuallearning: Valuing knowledge, culture,and experience. American Journal ofCommunity Psychology, 37(1-2), 77-93.Goodman, J. H. (2004). Coping with traumaand hardship among unaccompaniedrefugee youths from Sudan. QualitativeHealth Research, 14(9), 1177-1196.Gorman, J. (1995). Being and doing: Practicinga secret profession. Reflections, 4(1), 35-40.Guerin, P., & Guerin, B. (2007). Research withrefugee communities: Going around incircles with methodology. The AustralianCommunity Pyschologist, 19(1), 150-162.Hallahan, L., & Irizarry, C. (2008). Fun daysout: Normalising social experiences forrefugee children. Journal of familyStudies, 14(1), 124-130.Hart, C. & Maiden, S. (2007) Race to pointfinger of blame. The Australian. Accessedonline on Dec 2008 at:http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,25197,22538228-28737,00.htmlJacobsen, K., & Landau, L. (2003).Researching refugees: Somemethodological and ethicalconsiderations in social science andforced migration. Geneva: United NationsHigh Commisioner for Refugees:Evaluation and Policy Analysis Unit.Jeppsson, O., & Hjern, A. (2005). Traumaticstress in context: A study ofunaccompanied minors from SouthernSudan. In D. Ingleby (Ed.), Forcedmigration and mental health (pp. 67-80).New York: Springer.Kelley, P. (1996). Narrative theory and socialwork treatment. In F. J. Turner (Ed.),Social work treatment: Interlockingtheoretical approaches. New York: TheFree Press.Khawaja, N. G., White, K. M., Schweitzer, R.,& Greenslade, J. (2008). Difficulties andcoping strategies of Sudanese refugees: Aqualitative approach. TransculturalPsychiatry, 45(3), 489-512.Kirmayer, L. J. (2007). Failures of imagination:The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Accessing Authentic Knowledge48The refugee's predicament. In L. J.Kirmayer, R. Lemelson & M. Barad(Eds.), Understanding trauma:Integrating biological, clinical, andcultural perspectives (pp. 363-380). NewYork: Cambridge University Press.Kohli, R. (2006). The sound of silence:Listening to what unaccompaniedasylum-seeking children say and do notsay. British Journal of Social Work, 36,707-721.Mackenzie, C., McDowell, C., & Pittaway, E.(2007). Beyond 'do no harm': Thechallenge of constructing ethicalrelationships in refugee research. Journalof Refugee Studies, 20(2), 299-319.McKelvey, R. S. (1994). Refugee patients andthe practice of deception. AmericanJournal of Orthopsychiatry, 64(3), 368-375.Menchu, R. (1983). I, Rigoberta Menchu (A.Wright, Trans.). London: Verso Editions.Miller, K. (2004). Beyond the frontstage:Trust, access, and the relational contextin research with refugee communities.American Journal of CommunityPsychology, 33(3/4), 217-227.Miller, K., Kulkarni, M., & Kushner, H.(2006). Beyond trauma focusedpsychiatric epidemiology: Bridgingresearch and practice with war affectedpopulations. American Journal ofOrthopsychiatry, 76(4), 409-422.Mollica, R. F., Caridad, K. R., & Massagli, M.P. (2007). Longitudinal study ofposttraumatic stress disorder, depression,and changes in traumatic memories overtime in Bosnian refugees. Journal ofNervous and Mental Disease, 195(7),572-579.Momartin, S., Silove, D., Manicavasagar, V.,& Steel, Z. (2003). Dimensions oftrauma associated with posttraumaticstress disorder (PTSD) caseness, severityand functional impairment: a study ofBosnian refugees resettled in Australia.Social Science & Medicine, 57(5), 775-781.Rappaport, J. (1977). Community psychology :Values, research, and action. New York:Holt, Rinehart and Winston.Rappaport, J. (2000). Community narratives:Tales of terror and joy. American Journalof Community Psychology, 28(1), 1-24.Rodgers, G. (2004). 'Hanging out' with forcedmigrants: Methodological and ethicalchallenges. Forced Migration Review, 21,48-49.Ryan, D., Dooley, B., & Benson, C. (2008).Theoretical perspectives on postmigrationadaptation and psychologicalwell-being among refugees: Towards aresource-based model. Journal of RefugeeStudies, 21(1), 1-18.Silove, D. (1999). The psychosocial effects oftorture, mass human rights violations, andrefugee trauma: Toward an integratedconceptual framework. Journal ofNervous & Mental Disease, 187(4), 200-207.Steel, Z., Silove, D., Phan, T., & Bauman, A.(2002). Long-term effect of psychologicaltrauma on the mental health ofVietnamese refugees resettled inAustralia: A population-based study.Lancet, 360(9339), 1056-1062.UNHCR. (2002). Refugee resettlement: Aninternational handbook to guide receptionand integration [Electronic Version].Retrieved 22 June, 2007 fromwww.unhcr.orgWeine, S. M., Becker, D. F., McGlashan, T. H.,& Laub, D. (1995). Psychiatricconsequences of "ethnic cleansing":Clinical assessments and traumatestimonies of newly resettled Bosnianrefugees. The American Journal ofPsychiatry, 152(4), 536-542.White, M. (2006). Working with people whoare suffering the consequences of multipletrauma: a narrative perspective. In D.Denborough (Ed.), Trauma - Narrativeresponses to traumatic experience (pp.25-85). Adelaide: Dulwich CentreThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Accessing Authentic Knowledge49Publication.White, M., & Epston, D. (1990). Narrativemeans to therapeutic ends. New York:Norton.Yu-Wen, Y., Phillip, D. A., Xiulan, Z., &Larke, N. H. (1997). Psychologicaldysfunction in Southeast Asian refugeesas mediated by sense of coherence.American Journal of CommunityPsychology, 25(6), 839-859.AcknowledgmentsThis research is supported by a NationalHealth and Medical Research CouncilScholarship.Short Biography of AuthorJay Marlowe is an associate lecturer and PhDcandidate within the School of Social Work atFlinders University. He has worked withdisadvantaged communities and at risk youthsin Australia, Guatemala, Ecuador and theUnited States.Address Correspondence toJay M. MarloweSchool of Social WorkFlinders UniversityGPO Box 2100Adelaide 5001South AustraliaAustraliaPhone (61 8) 8201 3956Fax (61 8) 8201 3760email jay.marlowe@flinders.edu.auThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

50Differences in Resilience and University Adjustment Between School Leaverand Mature Entry University StudentsBrent MunroJulie Ann PooleyEdith Cowan UniversityResearch shows that mature entry and school leaver students have vastly different experienceswhen transitioning to the university environment. It is suggested that the transition to university isa major life transition and thus is a period of great stress. For mature entry students and schoolleaver students, the impacts upon adjustment to university are varied during the transition touniversity study. It has been proposed that for successful university adjustment, high levels ofresilience are needed. Three hypotheses were tested with a sample of undergraduate students (n =63). Hypothesis one, that there is a relationship between resilience and adjustment was supported.This indicates that 31.9 percent of the variance in adjustment can be accounted for by resilience.Hypothesis two, that there is a difference in university adjustment between school leaver andmature entry students, and hypothesis three, that mature entry students would exhibit higher levelsof resilience than school leavers, were both not supported. These findings imply that individualdifferences are more important in adjustment to university than group differences, and have theimplication that universities may be better off considering these individual differences whenaccommodating new students.It is thought that mature entry and schoolleaver students both have very differentexperiences when embarking upon theiracademic careers at the university level.Figures suggest that the composition of theuniversity student body is changing in terms ofmature entry and school leaver studentnumbers. Statistics indicate that in 1980, 24percent of full time students were over the ageof 21 and this figure rose to 33 percent by 1996(Merril, 1999). However, within specificuniversity contexts (i.e., ‘Sandstone’universities or New Generation Universities)these figures vary. For example, in a newgeneration Western Australian university, only13 percent of students enrolled were within themature entry students category (Edith CowanUniversity, 2007).Mature entry and school leaver studentsboth have their own distinctive experiencesand backgrounds, including work experienceand previous academic pursuits, from which todraw upon when entering the universityenvironment. Therefore, it is argued that theexperiences of school leaver universitystudents are different to that of mature entryuniversity students. This was recently shown ina qualitative inquiry that aimed to understandthe adjustments of students to university. Thestudy found that the adjustments for studentswas first dependent upon the type of studentthey were, namely, being a school leaver or amature entry student (Urquhart & Pooley,2007). In particular it was determined thatmature entry students entered university withdifferent experiences which set them apart fromtheir school leaver counterparts, these include:giving up full-time employment, supporting afamily, and reintegrating into an academiccontext (Urquhart & Pooley, 2007). Schoolleavers were not as clear in communicating whythey wanted a degree as the mature entrystudents were, and they also showed lessenthusiasm in these communications. Schoolleaver students did not see commencing study atuniversity as presenting many difficulties,however, any problems they did mentionrevolved around social pressures or otherpeople’s expectations. What was clear fromUrquhart and Pooley’s (2007) research was thatThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Resilience and Adjustment51the issues and challenges expressed by bothgroups were primarily arising from the processof change as a function of transitioning intotertiary study.The findings from Urquhart and Pooley(2007) concur with a study conducted byCantwell, Archer and Bourke (2001)comparing the academic achievement andexperiences of students entering university viatraditional and non-traditional means. Theyfound that age, gender and prior qualificationswere predictive of academic achievement. Theresults indicate that there is a marginaldisadvantage in academic performance asindicated by Grade Point Average (GPA) forstudents entering via non-traditional modessuch as open foundation courses. However,there is a positive effect on adjustment andacademic performance as measured by GPAfor mature entry students, specifically, femalemature entry students. The students mostaffected by the adversities faced on entry touniversity were those younger studentsentering via non-traditional modes. Theauthors argue that the significant variable isnot mode of entry itself, rather it is the natureof non-traditional students’ differing abilities,such as individual motivational goals, selfregulatorybehaviours, self efficacy and verbalabilities (Cantwell et al., 2001). However,mature entry students who discontinued theirundergraduate studies had slightly higherscores on academic achievement indices thanthose mature entry students who remained.This suggests that it is not only academicfactors that influence mature entry students’attrition from university courses. Mature entrystudents may be discontinuing their studies dueto external factors, more than school leaverstudents.Further to this, for mature entrystudents, adjustment to university has alsobeen linked to degree completion and attritionrates at university (Gerdes & Mallinckrodt,1994). In their study Taniguchi and Kaufman(2005) looked at degree completion amongnon-traditional college students and found thatthere are several factors that facilitate or determature entry students from completing theirundergraduate degrees. In contrast to Justice andDornan’s (2001) findings that strategies forlearning increase with age, Taniguchi andKaufman found that being relatively youngfacilitated college completion. Other factorsthey found that facilitated completion includedthe number of prior enrolments a student had,having high cognitive ability, and a high-statusoccupational background, though these factorswere observed for men more than for women.The authors suggest that the gender differenceoccurs as a function of factors commonlyassociated with women’s socio-economic status,such as being divorced and having youngchildren. Marital status does not affectadjustment; however, the major life event of adivorce has been shown to be obstructive toadjustment. The need and desire to spend timewith her children may be the pivotal factor in amother’s decision to discontinue herundergraduate degrees. Indeed, these effectswere found for both genders indicating that theyare just as important in influencing males’course completion and that there is less of adifference between genders as previouslythought.Mature entry students also bring withthem many variations in their abilities andprevious experiences. Each student has theirown background and will thus have variations inthe resources available to them, which of coursecan highly influence their university experiencesocially and academically. In terms of academicstrengths, students with high-status vocationalexperience and increased cognitive ability aresignificantly more likely than those with lowability and low-status vocational experience tocomplete their academic pursuits (Taniguchi &Kaufman, 2005). Differences in cognitivefunctioning significantly differentiate betweenmature entry and school leaver students (Justice& Dornan, 2001) and on average mature entrystudents scored lower on standardised tests(Taniguchi & Kaufman, 2005). The differencesand hardships faced by school leaver and matureThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Resilience and Adjustment52entry students are many and varied. Martin(2002) suggests that resilience plays animportant role in scholastic achievement.Resilience could be a factor that helps tomediate the adversities experienced in highereducation contexts and may lead to greateracademic success and adjustment for bothmature entry and school leaver students.Resilience has been a widely researchedtopic in developmental psychology and thisresearch is increasingly shifting towardadolescent and adult populations (Beasley,Thompson, & Davidson, 2003; Campbell-Sills,Cohan, & Stein, 2006; Raphael, 1993).Resilience can be broadly defined as , “thecapacity to respond and endure, or develop andmaster in spite of life stressors andadversity” (Mandleco & Peery, 2000, p. 99). Ithas been noted that resilience is indicative ofresources that guard against the developmentof psychiatric disturbances, and is an importantinfluence in the healthy adjustment to lifestresses (Friborg, Hjemdal, Rosenvinge, &Martinussen, 2003). Werner (1990) also notesthat resilient individuals easily adapt and adjustquickly to major life events.Resilience is shown to be evident intimes of transition where there is a great dealof stress (Beasley et al., 2003). In terms ofdifferent developmental and life stages whereresilience is evident, some examples of highstress transitions are parental avoidance duringadolescence, divorce, and universitycommencement (Campbell-Sills et al., 2006;Tusaie & Dyer, 2004; Urquhart & Pooley,2007). Unexpected transitions also cancontribute a great deal of stress such asdisaster, unemployment or family disruption.The individuals who experience these stressorsand manage to overcome them reportedlyachieve above average levels of psychosocialfunctioning, academic success, careerdevelopment and physical well-being areconsidered resilient (Tusaie & Dyer, 2004).These four factors are inherently important, invarying levels, for studying at university.Beasley, Thompson, and Davidson(2003) examined direct effects and bufferingmodels in relation to cognitive hardiness andcoping for health and psychological functioning.In their study, mature entry university studentscompleted measures assessing life event stressand traumatic life experiences, cognitivehardiness and coping style, and general health,anxiety, and depression. Their results generallysuggest that a direct effects model of therelationship between life stress andpsychological health exists. Specifically, theauthors suggest that cognitive hardiness, aspectsof coping style and negative life events directlyimpacted measures of psychological and somaticdistress. There was also support for a bufferingmodel in which cognitive hardiness moderatedthe effects of emotional coping of adverse lifeevents on psychological distress. This researchconducted specifically using mature entrystudents suggests that resilience has a largeimpact on this population.Further to this, Walker, Gleaves, andGrey (2006) argue for the importance ofresilience in higher educational contexts whenconsidering the enduring demands placed uponstudents entering university, namely, increasesin cognitive complexity, comprehension ofuncomfortable and unfamiliar ideas, and thequestioning of accepted attitudes andbehaviours. The importance of resilience inhigher education contexts is debated (Gardynik& McDonald, 2005; Gonzalez & Padilla, 1997;Raphael, 1993; Tusaie & Dyer, 2004).Walker et al. (2006) provide severalconceptual differences in resilience in terms ofuniversity students in their academic pursuits.They argue that resilience is often associatedwith the capacity to persevere and continue inthe face of seemingly overwhelming adversity.It is assumed that older adults will inherentlyhave the resources needed to maintain theircourse of action as they have had longer todevelop those resources (Feinstein & Hammond,2004). Thus, adults have been through multiplecounts of adversity before and have built up‘identity capital’ to draw upon (Cote, 2002),thereby supporting the proposal that resilience isThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Resilience and Adjustment53an individual quality stemming from theindividuals reaction to external circumstances.Another view expressed by Walker et al.(2006) is the ‘adaptability’ stance that suggeststhat resilience is a result of strategy buildingand cognitive behavioural processes that canbe created and used to adjust to change in aconstructive way. An example of how thisview applies to the university context is thattertiary study is simply part of life andtherefore choosing to leave is not a majorlifelong disaster, but is rather a learning curvealong which skills and understanding areattained. The final conceptual difference comesfrom Rutter (1990, cited in Walker et al., 2006)who suggests that resilience is the positive endof a continuum of developmental outcomesamong individuals at high risk ofpsychological disturbance. Rutter suggests thatrisk is inherent in the context of universitystudy and that resilience can be predicted if asatisfactory risk algorithm can be developed. Itis these apparent ambiguities amongst thedefinitions of resilience that can lead to theperception that adults have certain qualitiesassociated with resilience as a function of theirchronological age due to their life experiences.Martin (2002) defines academicresilience as a student’s ability to successfullycope with scholastic setbacks, stress and studypressures. This construct has received littleattention in the research literature, and a lot ofthe research that has been conducted usesminority groups as the main focus (e.g.,Gonzalez & Padilla, 1997; Sennett,Finchilescu, Gibson, & Strauss, 2003). Studiestend to look at resilience in terms of mentalhealth and well-being, and it is suggested thatan increase in the protective factors associatedwith general resilience will enhance academicresilience. This research is specificallydesigned to enhance primary and high schoolresilience, however many of the aspectsmentioned by Martin, such as improvements inthe students approach to academic work,personal beliefs, attitudes towards learning andoutcomes, personal study skills, and reasonsfor learning, are often alluded to in highereducation literature as being important forsuccessful adjustment to the universityenvironment (e.g., Gardynik & McDonald,2005; Parker, Summerfeldt, Hogan, & Majeski,2004; Perry, Hladkyj, Pekrun, & Pelletier, 2004;Walker et al., 2006). Therefore, one could argueit is throughout the time of transitioning into theuniversity environment that successfuladjustment is critical for individuals to attainacademic success, and, as suggested by Martin(2002), successful adjustment is somewhatmediated by resilience.On entering university greater selfdisciplineis required in managing academicprogress, taking initiative, and making decisionsabout the future (Lapsley & Edgerton, 2002;Larose, Bernier, & Tarabulsy, 2005). Thesetasks contribute to the instability of theuniversity environment. Research shows adecline in social and emotional adjustmentduring the transition to university (Hays &Oxley, 1986) where students must deal with thefirst major separation from parents, changes intheir network of friends, and perhaps painfulseparation from their significant others (Laroseet al., 2005). Urquhart and Pooley (2007) positthat there are a number of equally importantfactors that contribute to successful adjustmentto university for any student, including (a) socialsupport, (b) personal/emotional support, (c)expectations, and (d) academic adjustment.These four factors have been consistently shownin the research literature to play a part inadjustment (Gerdes & Mallinckrodt, 1994;Schwitzer, Griffin, Ancis, & Thomas, 1999).Urquhart and Pooley suggest that there may be adifference in the experiences between matureentry and school leaver students in theiradjustment to university.Pike, Cohen, and Pooley (2008) argue thatin promoting the development of resilience insecondary school students it is important torecognise that a prerequisite for successfulacademic achievement is an individual’scapacity to rebound from or adjust to adversityand in doing so cultivate social and emotionalThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Resilience and Adjustment54competence (NIFTeY Vision for Children inWestern Australia, 2003). In line with this isthe notion that the transition to universityrepresents a time of difficulty for individuals.The unfamiliarity in university settingsheightens the vulnerability students areexposed to as they try to regain some stabilityin the new environment by means ofnegotiation (Compas, Wagner, Slavin, &Vannatta, 1986). Longitudinal research hasshown that acute stress is particularlyprominent in this period for mature entryfemales (Gall, Evans, & Bellerose, 2000). Inaccordance with the definition of resilienceused above, to achieve some stability or toadjust to university life, an individual musthave a high level of resilience in order toovercome the obstacles present in thistransition period.In a study examining stressful life events,perceived social support and psychologicalsymptoms in a sample of seniors at high schooland then the same students during their firstyear at university, it was found that the time ofmost vulnerability was two weeks aftercommencing university study (Compas et al.,1986). It is suggested that adjustment is adynamic process (Gall et al., 2000). It is alsosuggested that the quantity and kind of lifetransformations experienced and the size andhelpfulness of student’s social support systemshave been found to have an influence on theadjustment process (Gall et al., 2000). Lifeevents and social support were predictive ofpsychological symptoms in the Compas et al.(1986) study. Compas et al. (1986) suggest thatthese findings are important because 64percent of the variance in psychologicalsymptoms at the time of entrance to universitycould be accounted for by measures takenthree months earlier during universityorientation programmes. These disturbancesinclude anxiety, depression, and somaticproblems. It is shown that social supportmediates these disturbances; however, thepresence of these symptoms may interfere withthe skills necessary to generate a newsatisfying sense of support in the universityenvironment. Differences between school leaverand mature entry students may be partiallyexplained by the quantity and kind of lifetransformations experienced and the size andhelpfulness of student’s social support systems.The factors mentioned thus far thatstrongly influence adjustment to university havebeen at the individual level. However,environmental factors may also have a role inadjustment. Brooks and DuBois (1995)conducted research into the individual andenvironmental predictors of adjustment duringthe first year of college. They found thatalthough individual variables were related moststrongly to adjustment, environmental variablesmade significant incremental contributions tothe prediction of several adjustment indices. Thesignificant individual predictors included:emotional stability, intellect, and problemsolving. The ability to engage in problemfocusedcoping, personality tendencies towardextroversion and intellect, and academic skillswere found to be influential in facilitating theadaptation to university for first year students. Itis also noted that for most adolescents thecommencement of tertiary education is their firstmajor life transition. Knowledge of the abilitiesand traits that lead to better adaptation hasimplications for counselling this group ofstudents and ensuring adequate adaptation to theuniversity setting.The purpose of the present study was toexamine the role of resilience in mature entryand school leaver students in terms of theiradjustment to university. Specifically it washypothesised that there would be a relationshipbetween resilience and university adjustment.Second, it was hypothesised that there would bea difference in university adjustment betweenschool leaver and mature entry students, andthird, that mature entry students would exhibithigher levels of resilience than school leavers.MethodParticipantsParticipants (n = 63) were sought from aWestern Australian university, and self-The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Resilience and Adjustment55identified as a school leaver or mature entrystudent. In this study mature entry studentswere defined as those who have used alternatepathways to gain entry into university (e.g., theSpecial Tertiary Admissions Test (STAT;Australian Council for Educational Research,n.d.) test or TAFE qualifications) and wereover 20 years of age on entry to university.School leaver students were defined as thosewho gained entry into university by means ofthe Tertiary Entrance Examinations (TEE).This condition included participants whogained entry to university through the TEEsystem and deferred no more than one yearbefore undertaking their studies, thus onadmission into university, were no more than20 years old.MaterialsThe questionnaire administered for thisstudy contained two scales. These scales werethe Resilience Scale for Adults (RSA; Friborget al., 2003) and the Student Adaptation toCollege Questionnaire (SACQ; Baker & Siryk,1984). In validation studies Friborg et al.(2003) noted that the RSA comprises 33 itemscovering five dimensions: personalcompetence, social competence, familycoherence, social support and personalstructure. The respective dimensions hadCronbach's alphas of 0.90, 0.83, 0.87, 0.83 and0.67, and four-month test-retest correlations of0.79, 0.84, 0.77, 0.69 and 0.74 (Friborg et al.,2003). Construct validity was confirmed withpositive correlations with the Sense ofCoherence scale (SOC) (Antonovsky, 1993)and negative correlations with the HopkinsSymptom Checklist (HSCL; Derogatis,Lipman, Rickels, Uhlenhuth, & Covi, 1974).Discriminant validity was indicated bydifferential positive correlations between RSAsubscales and the SOC (Friborg et al., 2003).The end score is obtained by summing the totalscore of the numeric answers given on a Likertscale. Some questions are reversed scored. Thehigher the total score, the higher theindividual’s resilience.The instrument used to measureadjustment to university was the StudentAdaptation to College Questionnaire (SACQ)developed by Baker and Siryk (1984). This is aLikert type self-rating instrument with 67 itemsthat measure the different facets of theexperience of adjusting to college, and theparticipant is instructed to assess how well theyare coping with the facet in question out of ascore of 9 (i.e. –4 to +4). There are foursubscales of the SACQ. These are academic,social, personal-emotional, and goalcommitment - institutional attachment. Anexample question from the academic adjustmentsubscale is, “Recently I have been havingtrouble concentrating when I study” (reversescored). “I am very involved with socialactivities at college”, is an example from thesocial adjustment subscale. From the personalemotionaladjustment scale, “I have been feelingtense and nervous lately” is an example, andfinally from the goal commitment – institutionalattachment subscale an example is, “I feel I fit inwell as part of the…environment”, (Baker &Siryk, 1984). The coefficient alpha for the fullscale is between .93 and .95. For the subscalesthe coefficient alphas range between .84 and .88for the academic adjustment subscale,between .90 and .91 for the social adjustmentsubscale, between .81 and .85 for the personal/emotional adjustment subscale, and between .90and .91 for the attachment subscale. This datacomes from three different samples in twocolleges as investigated by Baker, McNeil andSiryk (1985). Scoring for the SACQ is the sameas for the RSA. That is, scores are calculated bysumming each item’s score, including those thatare reversed. This leads to higher scoresequalling higher adaptation to college.ProcedureParticipants were obtained from aparticipant register, and from the wideruniversity environment on a Western Australianuniversity campus. Both questionnaires wereadministered to participants consenting to takepart in the study together, and participants wereinstructed to complete the demographicquestions on the SACQ, including their self-The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Resilience and Adjustment56reported student type (i.e,. mature entry orschool leaver). The definitions of mature entryand school leaver students were explained toparticipants to ensure they assigned themselvesto the correct group. Participants were theninstructed to record a participant number onboth the RSA and SACQ so as these could bematched in analysis.ResultsIn order to address the research questionsdata analysis proceeded in two stages.Statistics were computed to determine if therewas a difference between student types on bothadjustment and resilience scores. Thisprocedure was a multivariate analysis ofvariance (MANOVA). To determine if therewas a relationship between resilience andadjustment, irrespective of student type, thecorrelation between scores on the RSA andSACQ was computed.The first hypothesis was that there is arelationship between adjustment and resilience;this is irrespective of student type (matureentry or school leaver). This relationship wastested using Pearson’s correlation coefficientto determine if scores on the SACQ (M =463.59, SD = 58.86) and RSA (M = 183.41, SD= 26.03) were correlated, r(63) = 0.565, p

Resilience and Adjustment57An explanation of the moderatecorrelation between the SACQ and the RSAmay be explained by the findings of Compas etal. (1986), that the time of most vulnerabilitywhen transitioning to university is two weeksafter commencing study. In the present studyparticipants were drawn from a sample ofstudents at varying stages of theirundergraduate studies. It may be that resiliencehas a greater impact on adjustment touniversity throughout these initial two weeksthan the current findings suggest. However,Compas et al. (1986) also show that 64 percentof the variance in psychological problems onentry to university could be predicted threemonths prior, suggesting that adjustment,although fluid, is relatively constant. Follow upresearch may compare the correlation betweenSACQ and RSA scores from studentsthroughout this two week period with theresults from the current study. This wouldallow conclusions to be drawn about theimpact that resilience has on adjustment fornew students, and whether applications of thefindings from the current study may be appliedto the cohort of subsequent students.The second hypothesis, that there is adifference between school leaver and matureentry students adjustment to university, wasnot supported. This indicates that there maynot be as much of a difference between thesetwo student groups as research previouslysuggested (Cantwell et al., 2001; Justice &Dornan, 2001; Taniguchi & Kaufman, 2005),particularly in terms of adjusting to theuniversity environment. These findings mayalso suggest that the adversities experienced byboth groups do not affect the specific constructof adjustment, or that their varying adversitieslead to similar levels of adjustment. It is likelythat school leaver students are increasinglyfinding it necessary to find employment tosupport themselves whist studying. This cohortof students may be experiencing timeconstraints similar to those of mature entrystudents.However, some other possibleexplanations for the finding that there is nodifference between school leaver and matureentry students’ adjustments to university comefrom existing research. Urquhart and Pooley(2007) argue that there are differences betweenmature entry and school leavers experiences interms of adjustment to university, however, theyalso highlight that there are many individualdifferences. In this sample the individualdifferences outweigh the group differences.Cantwell et al. (2001) say that there is amarginal disadvantage for non-traditionalstudents (i.e., mature entry students) studying atuniversity in terms of achievement andadjustment, though there is a positive effect onadjustment for older non-traditional students,particularly females. This may help explain thecurrent findings as chronological age was notthe focus in this study. Those mature entrystudents that are chronologically older may havepositively skewed the results, and the youngeraged mature entry students may in fact be lessadjusted than the general university population.Brooks and DuBois (1995) suggest in theirresearch that in comparison to environmentalvariables, individual variables were related moststrongly to adjustment. Therefore the individualvariables may seem to explain why there is littledifference shown between school leavers andmature entry students in the current sample. Thislack of differences between groups is furthersupported by Taniguchi and Kaufman’s (2005)research, suggesting that being young facilitatesacademic adjustment and success, whichcontradicts the findings from Cantwell et al.(2001) who suggest there is a positive effect onadjustment for older non-traditional students.Taniguchi and Kaufman (2005) suggest thatmore important variables than mode of entryfacilitate adjustment, such as the number ofprior enrolments and high status vocationalbackground. It is these types of individualdifferences that seem to influence one’sadjustment to university.The non support for hypothesis three, thatmature entry students would exhibit higherlevels of resilience than school leavers, suggestsThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Resilience and Adjustment58that the particular experiences that set matureentry students apart from their school leavercounterparts, including: giving up full-timeemployment, supporting a family, andreintegrating into an academic context (Challis,1976), do not impact resilience. That is, matureentry students who are currently attendinguniversity are not exhibiting greater levels ofresilience than school leaver students inadapting to the university environment.Feinstein and Hammond (2004) suggested thathigher levels of resilience occur as a functionof age, because older adults have the necessaryresources needed to maintain their course ofaction as they have had longer to develop thoseresources. Although age was not specificallyanalysed in the current study, it must behighlighted that mature entry students are, bydefinition, 20 years old or over upon entry, andschool leavers are under 20 years old on entry.Therefore although the current studycontradicts Feinstein and Hammond’s (2004)findings, it is likely that the results fromFeinstein and Hammond (2004) support theidea that the university environment in whichthe sample was obtained is particularly wellequipped for non-traditional students ofdiverse backgrounds (Pooley, Young,Haunold, Pike, & O'Donnell, 2000) and thusdiverse levels of resilience.Further to this, Beasley et al. (2003)suggest that resilience predominantly has alarge impact on mature entry students. Thecurrent study supports the notion that resiliencedoes have a large impact on mature entrystudents’ adjustment to university; however, itdoes not suggest that resilience predominantlyaffects mature entry students over schoolleaver students. The current research is notsuggesting that mature entry students andschool leaver students have the sameexperiences in transitioning to university, butrather, the two groups face different adversitiesthat may culminate in a similar need forresilience to adjust to the universityenvironment.The SACQ is Americanised in that twoitems in particular ask about on-campus living(which are to be omitted if the participant doesnot reside on campus). Living on campus isquite common within American universitypopulations and is less common within theAustralian universities, particularly at the newage university where participants were soughtfor the current study. Future research may focuson adjusting the instrument for an Australiancontext. Finally, research using larger sampleswould also increase the statistical power of thesetypes of studies.Future research may look at beingconducted within the first two weeks of study toexamine whether resilience and adjustment areimportant earlier in the transition process. Animportant variable to include in follow upstudies is academic success. Academic successhas been tied in with adjustment (Baker & Siryk,1986), and it may be of interest to determine towhat extent this is so. It would also beinteresting to find whether resilience has anyimpact on academic success as well. Academicsuccess or at least course completion is,naturally, most students end goal of studying atuniversity.ConclusionThe most pertinent point arising from thefindings suggesting a lack of differencesbetween school leaver and mature entry studentsin terms of adjustment and resilience is thatstudents need to be considered on an individualrather than a group basis. It is surprising thatmature entry students and school leaver studentsdo not differ in their levels of resilience andadaptation, however, it is not unlikely that this istruly the case. These two cohorts areincreasingly put under various and probablyequal pressures when embarking on, andthroughout, their university studies. Given thedisparity in previous research indicatingdifferences between these two groups (e.g.,Compas et al., 1986; Feinstein & Hammond,2004; Justice & Dornan, 2001; Taniguchi &Kaufman, 2005) it seems it is even more likelythat there is no difference between the twogroups. This ties in with findings from UrquhartThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Resilience and Adjustment59and Pooley (2007) suggesting that universityadjustment is dependent on a number ofindividual factors, and is supported by Gall etal. (2000) who express that the quantity andkind of life transformations experienced andthe size and helpfulness of students’ socialsupport systems influence the adjustmentprocess. Different people experience manydifferent life transformations and these factorsare highly individual, thus necessitating theneed for an individual approach to helpingstudents of any type adjust to the universityenvironment.However, the finding that adjustment andresilience are related is encouraging, especiallyin terms of the practical implication ofdetecting those at risk of not adjustingsuccessfully to university when embarkingupon an undergraduate course of study.ReferencesAntonovsky, A. (1993). The structure andproperties of the sense of coherence scale.Social Science & Medicine, 36, 725-733.Australian Council for Educational Research.(n.d.). Special tertiary admissions test.Retrieved January 6, 2009, fromhttp://www.acer.edu.au/stat/index.htmlBaker, R. W., McNeil, O. V., & Siryk, B. (1985).Expectation and reality in freshmanadjustment to college. Journal ofCounseling Psychology, 32, 94-103.Baker, R. W., & Siryk, B. (1984). Measuringadjustment to college. Journal ofCounseling Psychology, 31, 179-189.Baker, R. W., & Siryk, B. (1986). Exploratoryintervention with a scale measuringadjustment to college. Journal ofCounseling Psychology, 33, 31-38.Beasley, M., Thompson, T., & Davidson, J.(2003). Resilience in response to life stress:The effects of coping style and cognitivehardiness. Personality and IndividualDifferences, 34, 77-95.Brooks, J. H., & DuBois, D. L. (1995). Individualand environmental predictors of adjustmentduring the first year of college. Journal ofCollege Student Development, 36, 347-360.Campbell-Sills, L., Cohan, S. L., & Stein, M. B.(2006). Relationship of resilience topersonality, coping, and psychiatricsymptoms in young adults. BehaviourResearch and Therapy, 44, 585-599.Cantwell, R., Archer, J., & Bourke, S. (2001). Acomparison of the academic experiences andachievement of university students enteringby traditional and non-traditional means.Assessment & Evaluation in HigherEducation, 26, 221-234.Challis, R. (1976). The experience of maturestudents. Studies in Higher Education, 1,209-222.Compas, B. E., Wagner, B. M., Slavin, L. A., &Vannatta, K. (1986). A prospective study oflife events, social support, and psychologicalsymptomatology during the transition fromhigh school to college. American Journal ofCommunity Psychology, 14, 241-257.Cote, J. E. (2002). The role of identity capital inthe transition to adulthood: Theindividualisation thesis examined. Journal ofYouth Studies, 5, 117-134.Derogatis, L. R., Lipman, R., Rickels, K.,Uhlenhuth, E. H., & Covi, L. (1974). TheHopkins Symptom Checklist (HSCL): Aself-report symptom inventory. BehaviouralScience, 19, 1-15.Edith Cowan University. (2007). Strategicinformation services student statistics: Firstsemester 2007. Retrieved June 20, 2007,from Restricted Accesshttp://www.ecu.edu.au:80/IRS/ecuonly/official_data/2007s1.zipFeinstein, L., & Hammond, C. (2004). Thecontribution of adult learning to health andsocial capital. Oxford Review of Education,30, 199-221.Friborg, O., Hjemdal, O., Rosenvinge, J. H., &Martinussen, M. (2003). A new rating scalefor adult resilience: What are the centralprotective resources behind healthyadjustment? International Journal ofMethods in Psychiatric Research, 12, 65-76.Gall, T. R., Evans, D. R., & Bellerose, S. (2000).Transition to first-year university: Patterns ofThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Resilience and Adjustment60change in adjustment across life domainsand time. Journal of Social and ClinicalPsychology, 19, 544-567.Gardynik, U. M., & McDonald, L. (2005).Implications of risk and resilience in thelife of the individual who is gifted/learningdisabled. Roeper Review, 27, 206-214.Gerdes, H., & Mallinckrodt, B. (1994).Emotional, social and academic adjustmentof college students: A longitudinal study ofretention. Journal of Counseling andDevelopment, 72, 281-288.Gonzalez, R., & Padilla, A. M. (1997). Theacademic resilience of Mexican Americanhigh school students. Hispanic Journal ofBehavioral Sciences, 19, 301-317.Hays, R. B., & Oxley, P. (1986). Social networkdevelopment and functioning during a lifetransition. Journal of Personality andSocial Psychology, 50, 305-313.Justice, E. M., & Dornan, T. M. (2001).Metacognitive differences betweentraditional-age and nontraditional-agecollege students. Adult EducationQuarterly, 2001(51), 236-249.Lapsley, D. K., & Edgerton, J. (2002).Separation-individuation, adult attachmentstyle, and college adjustment. Journal ofCounseling and Development, 80, 484-492.Larose, S., Bernier, A., & Tarabulsy, G. M.(2005). Attachment state of mind, learningdispositions, and academic performanceduring the college transition.Developmental Psychology, 41, 281-289.Mandleco, B. L., & Peery, J. C. (2000). Anorganizational framework forconceptualizing resilience in children.Journal of Child and AdolescentPsychiatric Nursing, 13, 99-111.Martin, A. (2002). Motivation and academicresilience: Developing a model for studentenhancement. Australian Journal ofEducation, 46, 34-49.Merril, B. (1999). Gender, change and identity:Mature women students in universities.Aldershot, United Kingdom: Ashgate.NIFTeY Vision for Children in WesternAustralia. (2003). National investment forthe early years. Retrieved June 20, 2007,from http://www.niftey.cyh.comParker, J. D. A., Summerfeldt, L. J., Hogan, M. J.,& Majeski, S. (2004). Emotional intelligenceand academic success: Examining thetransition from high school to university.Personality and Individual Differences, 36,163-172.Perry, R. P., Hladkyj, S., Pekrun, R. H., &Pelletier, S. T. (2004). Academic control andaction control in the achievement of collegestudents: A longitudinal field study. Journalof Educational Psychology, 93, 776-789.Pike, L. T., Cohen, L., & Pooley, J. A. (2008).Australian approaches to understanding andbuilding resilience in at risk populations. In L.Liebenberg & M. Unger (Eds.), Resilience inAction (pp. 264-285): University of TorontoPress.Pooley, J. A., Young, A., Haunold, S., Pike, L. T.,& O'Donnell, J. (2000). Peer mentoringprogram manual: 10 steps to helping studentssuccessfully adjust to university. Perth,Australia: Edith Cowan University.Raphael, B. (1993). Adolescent resilience: Thepotential impact of personal development inschools. Journal of Paediatrics and ChildHealth, 29, S31-S36.Schwitzer, A. M., Griffin, O. T., Ancis, J. R., &Thomas, C. R. (1999). Social adjustmentexperiences of African American collegestudents. Journal of Counseling andDevelopment, 77, 189-197.Sennett, J., Finchilescu, G., Gibson, K., & Strauss,R. (2003). Adjustment of black students at ahistorically white South African university.Educational Psychology, 23, 107-116.Taniguchi, H., & Kaufman, G. (2005). Degreecompletion among nontraditional collegestudents. Social Science Quarterly, 86, 912-927.Tusaie, K., & Dyer, J. (2004). Resilience: Ahistorical review of the construct. HolisticNursing Practice, 18, 3-10.Urquhart, B., & Pooley, J. A. (2007). Thetransition experience of Australian students toThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Resilience and Adjustment61university: The importance of social support.Australian Community Psychologist, 19(2),78-91.Walker, C., Gleaves, A., & Grey, J. (2006). Canstudents within higher education learn to beresilient and, educationally speaking, doesit matter? Educational Studies, 32(3), 251-264.Werner, E. E. (1990). Protective factors andindividual resilience. In S. J. Meisels & J.P. Shonkoff (Eds.), Handbook of earlyintervention: Theory, practice and analysis(pp. 97-116). Cambridge, England:Cambridge University Press.Address correspondence tob.munro@ecu.edu.auThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

62Understanding and Assisting Excessive Players of Video Games:A Community Psychology PerspectiveDaniel KingPaul DelfabbroThe University of AdelaideResearch has shown that a small but significant minority of video game players playexcessively. Excessive play has been linked to fatigue, diminished productivity in work andschool, and poor social relationships. The present study investigated the psychologicaland social context of video game playing in order to understand the phenomenon ofexcessive video game play. A group interview method was employed using a sample of 38participants, including 23 adolescents and 15 adults. The analysis of results revealedseveral salient themes, including those related to player empowerment, recognition(feeling recognised for skilful playing), control (mastery of the game mechanics), andcompletion (obtaining all in-game rewards). The implications for communitypsychologists attempting to help excessive video game players are discussed.The question of why some people playvideo games excessively is a current subject ofdebate among mental health professionals.Over the last decade, studies have investigatedthe role of players’ personality and otherindividual factors in explaining why someplayers play to excess (Douse & McManus,1993; Griffiths & Dancaster, 1995; Black,Belsare & Schlosser, 1999; Yang, 2001).These studies have tended to approach thestudy of excessive video game play from aperson-focussed, clinically-orientedperspective, referring to addiction and sociallearning models, rather than examining thepsychological context of video game playing.This study takes an alternate approach byadopting a community psychology perspective,and considers the psychosocial context and therole of structural elements of video gameswhich may lead a person to play video gamesto excess.Before attempting to explain why someindividuals play video excessively, it isnecessary to qualify what it meant by the term‘excessive’ and how this definition fits withinthe current discourse on technologicaladdictions. The notion that video game playingmay be considered a form of behaviouraladdiction, like problem gambling, has been anongoing subject of debate for over twenty-fiveyears (Fisher, 1994; Griffiths, 2008; Griffiths &Davies, 2005). Some theorists argue that theconstruct validity of technological addictions,including dependency on video games and theInternet, has yet to emerge and thus the term‘addiction’ should not be used (Jaffe, 1990;Shaffer, Hall & Vander Bilt, 2000). On theother hand, it has been argued that any activitymay be considered as potentially addictive if anindividual presents with all six criteria of thecomponents addiction model: salience, moodmodification, withdrawal, tolerance, relapse,and conflict (Griffiths & Davies, 2005).Charlton and Danforth (2007) have argued thatsalience and euphoria associated with videogame playing should not be considered asinherently problematic because these symptomsmay simply characterise’high engagement’ invideo games (i.e., a healthy enthusiasm forplaying video games).Given these conflicting views on‘problem’ video game playing or video game‘addiction’, there exists some degree ofconceptual confusion regarding excessive videogame playing as a problematic activity in itsown right. For the purpose of parsimony, thispaper employs a simple definition thatconsiders video game playing to be ‘excessive’when it creates adverse personal and socialconsequences in a person’s life. This definitionThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Excessive Videogame Playing63allows for some flexibility in its interpretation,as well as the capacity to identify personswhose playing may be more excessive thanothers. It is not intended as a tool for thediagnosis of ‘excessive’ players, but as ageneral guide for considering issues that mayrelate to excessive video game play insignificant ways.Community psychology is concernedwith the study of people within the context oftheir own settings and social systems. Orford(1992) has argued that individuals are in a stateof continuing transaction with the varioussettings in which they spend time as part oftheir everyday lives. This transaction ischaracterised by reciprocity: the individual’sparticipation within their social system affectsthe system at large, and the variouscharacteristics of the system also affect theindividual. This interplay between person andcontext, it is argued, cannot be broken downinto smaller units of analysis, but must beconsidered as a ‘gestalt’ entity. Video gamesare often considered as complex socialcontexts or social spaces (Fisher, 1995; Jansz& Martens, 2005; Valentine & Holloway,2002), therefore a community psychologyapproach may offer a new perspective on whysome individuals become excessive players,and may offer some practical solutions forhelping these individuals.A reanalysis of Allen and Britt’s (1983)feedback model of social class andpsychological disorders may be useful inunderstanding excessive video game playing.In their model, there is a relationship betweenstressful life events and psychologicalproblems which is mediated by social class.Social class acts in two main ways: it affectsthe likelihood of stress, and the speed withwhich the feedback between the psychologicalproblem and stressful life events occurs. Forexcessive video game players, it may be usefulto consider the role of social class in thismodel in an additional way. There is a greatdeal of literature that shows how a player cantake on a ‘new’ social class (i.e., status asdefined by the video game context, mostnotably within online games but this is alsoapplicable to offline, ‘stand alone’ games) andcan become an integral part of the socialnetwork associated with the video game(Engelberg & Sjoberg, 2004; Jansz & Tanis,2007; Valentine & Holloway, 2002). A socialrole in the video game may grant a person atemporary release from stressful life events. Asa player’s video game status increases (i.e.,becomes more powerful and recognised byothers), it may be perceived as more importantthan the player’s social class in the real world(which may be less upwardly mobile). It isimportant to note that the resources – personal,social, economic - available to the player in thevideo game may far outnumber those availablein the real world. In this way, the modelpredicts that a large divide between a player’svideo game status and real life social class, inconjunction with stressful life events, willincrease vulnerability to playing video games toexcess.Research into excessive video gameplaying is limited in the Australian context.However, there have been a number of studiesoverseas which have examined the importanceof structural characteristics in video games inexplaining the appeal of video games(Chumbley & Griffiths, 2006; Johansson &Gotestam, 2004; Wood, Griffiths, Chappell, &Davies, 2004). Other studies have emphasisedthe importance of the social nature of videogames in explaining why some individualsbecome highly involved (Griffiths, Davies, &Chappell, 2004; Ng & Wiemer-Hastings, 2005).Charlton and Danforth (2007) stated that manyvideo games may be attractive becauseplayers take-on the role of acharacter in a virtual environmentin which a story line evolves overtime and the time frame in which anevent will occur is unpredictable...[and] they are particularly good atinducing operant conditioning viavariable-ratio reinforcementschedules (p. 1534).The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Excessive Videogame Playing64Despite this literature that highlights theimportance of the social and structural featuresin video game playing, there have been fewpublished studies which examine the role ofthese factors in excessive video game playing.This qualitative study set out to examinein greater detail how individuals becomeexcessively involved in video games, byexploring the relationship between player,video game machine and the social context ofplayer-machine interaction. It was hoped thatthis approach would enable a broad andcoherent explanation for the phenomena ofexcessive video game playing, particularly inrelation to the structural characteristics ofvideo games, the video game player and thewider social network of players.MethodParticipantsSeven semi-structured group interviewswere conducted (three groups of fourparticipants and four groups ranging from threeto eight participants in size). The total samplewas 38 participants, including 23 adolescents(15 males, 8 females) and 15 adults (11 males,4 females). The mean age of the adolescentgroup was 16.2 years (SD=0.7) and the meanage of the adult group was 30.4 years(SD=6.7). In terms of video game play, theadolescent group reported playing between 3and 40 hours per week (M=14.5, SD=12.3)and the adult group reported playing between 2to 35 hours per week (M=18.1, SD=11.2). Byconducting the interviews in small groups,participants felt comfortable discussing theirexperiences playing video games. Previouswork has noted that group interviews mayminimise any perceived power imbalancebetween researcher and participants (Wood &Griffiths, 2002).MaterialsA pilot interview study was carried outusing four adult video game players. Theseplayers’ input assisted in the construction of agroup interview protocol, including thedevelopment of a set of interview questions(see Appendix). These questions weredesigned to enquire about players’ motivationsfor playing video games, including whatfeatures of games were attractive or rewarding,and what characteristics of video games wouldkeep them playing in a typical playing session.These general questions led into a discussion ofexcessive video game playing behaviour. Giventhe participants’ broad range of experienceswith video games, participants were encouragedto discuss related areas that they considered tobe of relevance to the question. The interviewprotocol was flexible enough to accommodateresponses that deviated from interviewquestions. Prior to taking part in the study, allparticipants were asked to fill out a shortquestionnaire concerning the frequency of theirvideo game playing. The audio of all groupinterviews was recorded.ProcedureAdolescent participants were obtained bycontacting the principal and secondarypsychology teacher of a high school in aregional city. Three classes of students wereselected for participation in the study. An adultsample was obtained by word of mouth requestsat a local non-business internet gaming group.Interviews were conducted in a separate room atthe gaming venue. Given that this study wasconcerned with video game-related experiences,potential participants were checked foreligibility to participate by employing thescreening question: “Do you consider yourself agamer?”. A ‘gamer’ is a commonly used termfor a person who plays video games. The meanreported amount of experience playing videogames was 11.7 years (SD=7.7), so thisscreening method appeared to be successful.Food and drink refreshments were provided forall participants following the interview.Establishing rapport was a critical part ofthe data collection process, especially wheninterviewing the adolescent participants. Toensure that all participants felt comfortable,there was a brief period of friendly conversation(approximately five minutes) prior to theinterviews. The first researcher being a ‘gamer’helped to make participants feel moreThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Excessive Videogame Playing65comfortable referring to specific video gameswhen discussing their playing experiences.Participants consented to having theirresponses recorded and were informed thatthese responses would be kept anonymous.Data analysisInterview data were analysed usingthematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006).This process involved three steps. First, therecordings were transcribed and then thetranscripts were checked against the tapes foraccuracy. Second, the most salient themeswere identified. Each data item was givenequal attention in the coding process toensure an inclusive and comprehensiveprocess. A separate document was created tostore a list of all identified themes, as well asrecord a series of relevant extracts whichillustrated each theme. The third stepinvolved using this initial set of themes as aframework to reanalyse the transcripts. Alltranscripts were reread multiple times toensure a good fit of the data, as well as toensure that themes were internally coherent,consistent, and distinctive.ResultsThe results are presented in fivesections. The first section discusses thenotion of ‘empowerment’ in relation to thevideo game playing experience; the secondsection discusses the role of social networksand social responsibility in video games; thethird section examines video game rewardsand reward delivery in relation to playermotivation; the fourth section discusses theplayer’s belief that no amount of time spentplaying is ‘long enough’; and the final sectionexplores the adverse consequences ofexcessive play. Direct quotes from theparticipants are used to highlight the variousthemes that arose during the groupinterviews, but these quotes do not representall of the quotes related to that theme. Toensure participant confidentiality, eachquotation has been assigned a codingreference relating to (a) which group theparticipant was in, and (b) the age and genderof the participant. Therefore, a coding of ‘G1,F, 32’ indicates a 32-year-old female participantwho participated in the first group interview.Player empowerment in relation to playerrecognition and controlThis section explores two main ways inwhich video games can be argued to empowerthe player. Empowerment refers to a heightenedsense of power or authority (Rappaport, 1987).This notion will be explored in relation toparticipants’ experience of feeling a sense ofmastery over the virtual properties of the videogame environment as well as a sense ofcontextual status or rank, either from feedbackwithin the video game or in relation to othervideo game users. These two ideas arerepresented by the themes of ‘control’ and‘recognition’.‘Control’ was a dominant themethroughout the interviews. This theme refers tothe notion that video games grant a player astrong sense of personal agency within thegame context. The majority of participantsexpressed enjoyment at being able tomanipulate and interact with features of thevideo game environment, or exert someinfluence over the outcome of in-game events.As one participant stated,You can test what these things dowhen you input them. You’d hit acombination of keys and activate abooster for health or speed or allthese tools that would come inreally handy” [G4, M, 21].Participants also reported a sense ofpersonal freedom in being able to choose how avideo game’s story would be resolved orcontrolling the outcome of in-game eventsusing personal strategy (“In the game you canfollow whatever path you want to, and youcontrol it” [G3, F, 18]).Some participants felt that video gameswere more immersive than film or literaturebecause they were able to participate actively,rather than be only passively involved. Onestructural feature of video games related toplayer control was the ability to ‘save’ one’sThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Excessive Videogame Playing66progress in the game. This feature enables theplayer to ‘reload’ an earlier part of the game ifthey wish to correct an error or otherwiserepeat a previous game section (“I like beingable to replay it over and over, getting a partdone just right” [G2, M, 22]).‘Recognition’ was another importanttheme related to empowerment. Manyparticipants reported a sense of fulfilmentassociated with being rewarded or ‘recognised’for having invested tens to hundreds of hoursplaying some video games. Examples includedbeing given a special title or rank within thegame, earning unique items for in-gamecharacters, like weapons or armour, or even anin-game timer that recorded time spent playingthe game. Part of the value of these itemsrelated to the difficulty in acquiring them,The best sword in the game is hardto come by. But that’s good andbad, bad because I don’t get asword really quickly but that’sgood because everyone elsedoesn’t [G2, M, 17].‘Meta-game’ features also recognisedplayers’ effort and time commitment. Acommon example was online player ‘leaderboards’, where players could compare theirprogress in a video game with their friends orother players. The ‘achievement point’ systemfor a popular video game console system(Xbox360) was also mentioned. Achievementpoints are similar to loyalty rewards programs;they reward players for not only completingthe game but also for performing ratheresoteric or unusual actions, such as playing agame non-stop for eight hours, or playing agame with 16 other players at once. Anotherexample was “playing 1000 games so you canget the Elite achievement points” [G2, M, 23].Recognition features were very appealing tomale participants, but were less interesting forfemale participants.Social networks have associated socialresponsibilitiesIt is undeniable that modern videogames feature numerous advanced socialutility functions, which coalesce to connect theindividual to many others within a large socialnetwork. In this study, all participants reportedto enjoy playing video games with ‘multiplayer’support. The social nature of video gameplaying was the primary appeal of the activityfor some players. Common experiencesincluded helping friends to earn in-gamerewards or other achievements, cooperatingtogether to finish a video game, or competing ina team against other players. These experienceswere sometimes framed as a type of ‘socialresponsibility’ within the network (oneparticipant even referred to the video game ashis “second job”). Some participants reportedthat video games enabled a type of onlinecommunity which shares a common space forthe anonymous exchange of personalinformation as well as information about thevideo game.Players reported to adopt an identitywithin this online ‘space’ that is associated withthe names, titles, language and/or motifs withinthe video game (“I have this friend who’ll askme what I’m doing and I’ll say “I’m the Hero ofCyrodiil”. He’s a super, fantastical hero” [G6,M, 17]), which reinforces a sense of‘togetherness’ when working together toachieve various goals within the game. A videogame community is composed of a number ofsocial institutions and groupings which exist inthe online world, which have the functionalpurpose of linking certain kinds of playerstogether. Often these social groups holdorganised events in the video game that can runfor unpredictable periods of time. These eventsrequire the participation of a network of playersand thus create a ‘social responsibility’ for eachplayer within that network (“You are part of theplaying group and they rely on you” [G6, F,27]).This responsibility makes it very difficultfor participants to stop playing a video gameprematurely (i.e., before other players have‘finished’) and also encourages the player not tospend too long away from a video game. As oneparticipant stated, “We’re in a team of eight,The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Excessive Videogame Playing67and you can’t really stop if only one personwants to stop so you’re locked in” [G4, M, 16].Players also noted the reciprocal nature ofsocial responsibility in the video game world(“If they’ve helped you out before, then youjust have to keep playing” [G2, M, 15]).Rewards and reward delivery in relation toplayer motivationVideo games may be conceptualised as asystem that delivers many different rewardsbased on players’ actions. For participants, itwas important how a video game presented areward to the player in response to ‘correct’ orskilful behaviour. Some common notions ofwhat constituted a ‘good’ reward were evidentthrough analysis. ‘Good’ rewards tended tochallenge the player’s skill level i.e., not tooeasy or hard to obtain, were novel in natureand commensurate to a player’s effort (“If youcan beat it without any challenge, then that’sno fun” [G2, M, 16]; “It’s great so long as it’snot always the same reward over andover” [G2, M, 16]).Rewards in video games wereparticularly salient to the male participantsaged between 16 and 25 years, and werereported to motivate repeated plays of thevideo game (“I think your achievements orrewards are what keep you coming back togames” [G1, M, 24]). The rewards in videogames were often reported to be the primarymotivation for playing (“I think more aboutthe achievements and rewards over anythingelse” [G1, M, 23]).Participants stated that many videogames have complex reward structures thatdemand multi-tasking management skills and agreat deal of player concentration. Manyparticipants felt that concurrent in-game goals(i.e., playing to earn more than one reward at atime) constantly renewed their motivation toplay the video game. This was described as akind of ‘reward cycle’, in which one goalwould be close to completion just as anotherwas completed, so the player would bemotivated to obtain or finish off the partiallycompleted goal,I always want to get to the nextlevel, or you want to just finishthat bit off. But you find thatyou’ve got five other bars that arereally close to the nextlevel” [G4, M, 15].Participants also discussed video gameswith variable ratio reinforcement schedules,wherein players are rewarded frequently inthe early stages of the game, and then lessoften in later stages. Participants reportedspending long periods of time in the laterstages of these reward schedules (i.e., whenrewards were delivered highly infrequently),not wanting to leave the video game until amajor reward was obtained. If a playingsession were interrupted before a majorreward was obtained or human error caused agame to end prematurely, then participantsreported feeling anxious to return quickly tothe video game to obtain the associatedrewardSometimes when I have to exit thegame to go to work, I keepthinking about how I haven’tfinished the bit of the game I wasworking on. It can make you feelimpatient for work to finish soyou get back on it [G1, M, 23].This experience of needing to return to gamequickly was referred to by a number ofplayers as satisfying the ‘need forcompletion’.The variable-ratio reinforcementschedules in video games and participants’need to complete goals often produced whatwas termed ‘grinding’ behaviour. Grindingrefers to the repetition of an action or seriesof actions in a video game in order to obtain areward. In this way, grinding is amathematically optimal method of acquiringin-game rewards, but the player is sacrificingvariety of game play (“Building up skillsmeans doing the same stuff over and over,like working a really repetitive secondjob” [G5, M, 33]). Grinding may involvehours of playing, sometimes uninterrupted, inThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Excessive Videogame Playing68order to yield the desired rewards (“Like youget 10 points and you need 3000 so you’ve justgot to keep farming them for a long, long timebefore you can get what you’re after” [G4, M,16]).None of the male participants reportedenjoying the process of grinding, but many feltthat there was no other way to satisfy theirpersonal sense of completion concerning avideo game (“Trying to finish something orunlock something and not necessarily enjoyingthe game, but just wanting to get it done.Satisfying the need for completion” [G1, M,24]; “I played the same level 10 times to getthe full set of armour. So that gets frustratingbut you have to do it if you want theitems” [G6, M, 27]). There were no data in thestudy to suggest that female participants hadexperience or interest in using grindingstrategies.Belief that no amount of time spent playing is‘long enough’Many participants reported to continueplaying a video game even when theexperience ceased to be fun or pleasurable.This led to a discussion of when players feltthey had played for ‘long enough’ and whetherany features of video games prompted theplayer to end a playing session. The majorityof female participants indicated that theyusually quit a video game when they hadfinished a level in the game, or felt bored bythe game. In contrast, many of the maleparticipants reported that they never felt theyhad played ‘long enough’ in a typical playingsession. The desire to continue playing whenthe game was no longer fun was attributed tothe variable reward structure of the game (i.e.,the notion that the next reward might be ‘rightaround the next corner’), and also to the factthat many of the games they played had nodefinitive ‘end point’. As one participantstated, “I never really feel like I’ve played agame for long enough. There’s alwayssomething more because I don’t really getgames that have an end” [G3, M, 16]).Online role-playing games, such asBlizzard Entertainment’s World of Warcraft,are known for their lack of a conclusion andcan be played indefinitely. The virtuallyunlimited quantity of rewards in some videogames can lead some players on aninterminable effort to obtain as many rewardsas they can. Concurrent reward structures liketwo in-game tasks running simultaneously,multiple ‘experience bars’ or other onscreenmeters of player progress, and completing onegoal and being close to the next kept manyparticipants from taking breaks. For thisreason, some participants reported that theyonly stopped playing a video game when theyfelt too physically sore or fatigued to continue(“When my arms and hands are gettingsore” [G6, M, 32]; “When my fingers aren’tmoving fast enough or my hand isasleep” [G4, M, 16]), or when an externalevent like meal times or a partner’s request tostop forced them to exit the game (“Someother external factor, like tea time, that drivesyou away” [G7, M, 30]). The key point is that,for some players, the video game playingsession does not terminate itself naturallythrough play.Excessive playing has negative psychosocialconsequencesIt is clear that video games can offer adistinct and rewarding experience to the enduser. Therefore, it is not surprising that manyof the respondents reported that it was difficultto regulate video game playing and sometimesplayed video games for excessive periods. Thefact that the video game machine is located inthe home environment appears to make itdifficult for players to take time away from thegame,The only thing I don’t like is thatyou can get so involved that youjust want to keep going and youcan’t get away from it because it’salways there [G2, M, 16].Some participants referred to some videogames as being “addictive”, but this term wasemployed to emphasise both the positive andnegative aspects of the game. A commonThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Excessive Videogame Playing69consequence of long playing sessions wasconflict with important life responsibilities.Participants identified a range of lifecommitments which had been sacrificed orcompromised in some way in order toprioritise a video game playing experience,Another aspect that I don’t likeabout video games is that it canimpact on your family life if you’renot careful. It starts to conflict withother important things, like money,jobs, and normal relationships[G5, M, 49].These experiences included neglecting real lifesocial relationships, diminished school andwork productivity (“I have played all night,had a shower and then went to work” [G5, M,49]), ignoring household duties and irregularsleep patterns,None of us had slept for about 24hours. I don’t think anyone of uswanted to stop but certainly thegame kept us engaged and playingfor longer than any of us bloodywell wanted to” [G7, M, 30].DiscussionThe present study employed qualitativeinterviews to explore the psychosocial contextof excessive video game play. The resultsshowed that a video game can be anempowering agent that gives a player a senseof mastery as well as a sense of status withinthe context of the game. Video games are alsohighly rewarding because of the socialnetworks that the player can connect to,enabling them to take on various socialresponsibilities which provide a sense ofidentity and belonging within a largecommunity of other players. There are alsoreward systems within video games which playan important role in sustaining playermotivation. The nature of these systems issimilar in many ways to gambling machinesinsofar as delivering rewards on variable-ratioand fixed-interval schedules. The relevance ofthese factors for community psychologists whoseek to help excessive video game players willbe discussed.This study suggests that people play videogames excessively because of the strongfeelings of empowerment associated with videogames. It is possible that one reason why peopleplay video games to excess may be the lack ofempowerment that they have in the real world.Durkin (1995) has stated that video games aredesigned to facilitate and reward player controland eventual mastery over the video gameenvironment. By comparison, the real world canbe an uncertain place that may not treat theindividual fairly. For some players, the ‘real’world may in fact be the video game’s setting,as it is within this interactive space that theplayer has developed a sense of mastery andfeels recognised by others. Castronova (2005)has stated that some people view video gameworlds as the best place available to them. Inthis sense, there may appear to be littleincentive for some players to leave the world ofthe video game. For community psychologists,addressing this notion of empowerment iscrucial for helping an excessive player bringtheir video game playing habits into balancewith other life responsibilities. One approach isto help the player to develop strategies and/orlife skills to regain control and feel sociallyrewarded in other areas of their life, such asschool, work and relationships. This approachmay be complimented by rallying social supportfor the player as he or she spends more time innon-video game activities.McMillan and Chavis (1986) have statedthat membership to a group is defined byboundaries, emotional safety, a sense ofbelonging, personal investment and a commonlanguage. This study has explored some of theways in which group membership operates inthe social context of video game play. Theinterview data suggested that: (a) there areboundaries in games indicated by the status ofthe player’s in-game character, among manyother factors, (b) there is a sense of emotionalsafety in terms of the video game worldoffering an anonymous space for the exchangeof personal information, (c) there is a sense ofThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Excessive Videogame Playing70belonging through teamwork and competitivepursuits, (d) there is personal investment interms of players spending long periods of timeto acquire in-game rewards, and (e) there is arich language and symbol system within videogames that players develop and use (this papercould not formally address these in detail butthere were many examples of video gamerelated‘jargon’ in the transcripts). These arenormal and healthy features of groupmembership; however, these characteristicsalso provide useful units of analysis forcommunity psychologists in dealing withexcessive players of video games. Forexample, excessive video game play may becharacterised by an intense personalinvestment in the video game. The difficultyfor the player in reducing time spent playing isreconciling the personal dilemma that spendingless time in the game enables more free time inthe real world, but time spent away from thegame means fewer video game-related rewards(i.e., abandoning a large personal investment).Some players appear to form a strongrelationship or bond with the video gamemachine. Selnow (1984) referred to thisattachment as “electronic friendship” (p. 155).At its extreme, excessive players may prefer toplay the game over spending time with real lifefriends because it is easier than managinginterpersonal relationships and helps to forgetfeelings of social loneliness. The implicationof ‘electronic friendship’ is players who reducetime spent playing video games are, for allintents and purposes, reducing time spent witha ‘friend’. This perspective offers a sensitiveinsight into the player’s negative mood state(that may be termed ‘withdrawal’ in clinicalpsychology) that may accompany a decrease orcessation of time spent playing a video game.Sarason (1974) conceptualised socialbelonging as an acknowledgedinterdependence with others, and a willingnessto maintain this interdependence by giving ordoing to others what one expects from them.The problem of electronic friendship is that amachine has no shared values, no emotions,places no expectations on the player as a friend,and offers no social rewards. The implication isthat community psychologists may need toassist the excessive player in understanding thequality of the attachment that has been formedwith his or her video game machine. A possiblestrategy to reduce the player’s dependence onthe machine is to integrate the person into newsocial networks that can gratify needs for socialbelonging.Player motivation appears to be heavilyinfluenced by the variable-ratio or fixed-intervalreward delivery systems in video games. Interms of the nature of rewards, participantsreported to prefer video game goals that are nottoo easy or difficult to obtain.Csikszentmihalyi’s (1990) theory of optimalexperience, termed ‘flow’, states that peoplereach a motivational peak when engaged in achallenging task that is optimally difficult. Thisstudy identified male players who do not seekout optimally challenging video gamesituations, and instead use ‘grinding’ tactics,which involves performing an easy andrepetitive series of actions in a game in order tomaximise reward payout. These participants didnot always enjoy the process of grinding but feltit was necessary to satisfy a personal sense ofachievement or completion. Video games withconcurrent reward schedules that do not havedefinitive endpoints may also condition theplayer to think that no amount of time spentplaying is ‘long enough’. These findings are inline with research that has shown that gamblerswill continue to gamble even when they arebored by or no longer enjoy the activity, andreport irritation on winning because it sustains asession of play (Blaszczynski, McConaghy, &Frankova, 1990). Helping an excessive playermay involve education about the never-endingnature of some video games and how this caninfluence motivation to play for periods longerthan intended.Rather than adopting a traditional, personfocussedtherapeutic approach aimed ataddressing various intra-psychic deficits of theindividual, such as depression or anxiety, it mayThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Excessive Videogame Playing71be worthwhile to attend to the environmentwhich maintains a problem video game playinghabit. In community psychology, thisintervention is called ‘second-order change’and involves addressing aspects of theenvironment which support problem behaviour(Rappaport, 1977). A community psychologistmay work together with the player to identifyspecific environmental factors which promote,develop and maintain unhealthy playingpatterns. For example, a communitypsychologist may recommend that: (a) theplayer does not have a video game machine inthe same room as the person sleeps, to avoidpoor sleep hygiene practices, (b) the player hasa clock in the same room as the video gamemachine to monitor playing times (and theplayer could also set an alarm when playingvideo games to prompt the end of a playingsession), (c) the player plays in a well-lit roomto minimise the subjective experience of timeloss, (d) the player eats meals in a differentroom of the house as the playing machine, and(e) the player unplugs and stores away thevideo game machine when it is not in use, and/or arranges furniture so that it is not facing thevideo game machine.The interview data suggested that somevideo games may be more ‘addictive’ thanothers due to the structural features of thegame. For example, a person is less likely tospend as long playing a ‘casual’ puzzle gamethan an online role-playing game. The lattergame type contains potentially ‘risky’structural characteristics which make playingmore difficult to self-regulate. Broadly, riskyfeatures include the requirement of the playerto spend increasingly longer amounts of timein order to make progress, and the lack of adefinitive endpoint to the game. It is importantthat parents of younger players areknowledgeable about the kinds of video gameswhich are often associated with excessiveplaying. The classification labels on videogames refer only to explicit content, likeviolence and language, but they do not containinformation on elements like how long thegame takes to complete, and other featureswhich may influence the ‘addictiveness’ of thevideo game. Parents should take an active rolein their children’s media choices and playingpatterns, and open a dialogue to discuss whatgratification needs the video game fulfils intheir life. For adult players, friends andpartners who suspect that a person is playingvideo games excessively should also followthis strategy. Given that some adults playvideo games to escape or dissociate from thereal world, it is possible that these players maynot be aware of the extent of their playinghabit. It may be beneficial for the player’s reallife social support network to point out to theplayer (in a non-threatening and nonjudgementalmanner) his or her high level ofinvolvement and how it negatively affectstheir psychosocial wellbeing. Making theconsequences of excessive playing moresalient may serve to initiate that player’sdesire for positive self-change.Players may benefit from discussingtheir experiences on online message boardsrelated to excessive video game play. Theycan receive factual information, includingguides to healthy playing styles and ways ofmanaging stressors that trigger the desire toplay video games. In addition, players canprovide and receive support and feedbackfrom others, including those individuals whoformerly played excessively. Support servicescan also help people who are close to anexcessive player, such as a parent or spouse,because they can provide support and practicaladvice, such as suggesting alternativeactivities during times when the player wouldusually play video games. In tandem withthese support services, communitypsychologists should consider the role ofintroducing excessive players of all ages toother social, non-sedentary (and, importantly,time-limited) activities, such as sport andrecreation groups, which can offer a sense ofachievement and belongingness within a teambasedenvironment.This research offers additional supportThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Excessive Videogame Playing72for the notion that excessive video gameplaying is largely influenced by the ways inwhich video games deliver rewards to playersfor skilful behaviour, and the nature of socialnetworking within video game environments.This paper was intended to provide specialistinformation about the general appeal of videogames to mental health professionals who maybe unfamiliar with video game technologiesand, more importantly, explain how thesetechnologies relate the phenomenon ofexcessive video game play. Communitypsychology can assist excessive video gameplayers by helping them to develop a sense ofbelonging outside of the world of video games,and educating them about the features of videogames which keep them playing excessively.As video games become increasingly complexand appealing, it is also important that playersare aware of the psychosocial context of videogame play and how it can affect their videogame playing motivations, for better or worse.ReferencesAllen, L., & Britt, D. (1983). Social class,mental health, and mental illness: Theimpact of resources and feedback. In R.Felner, L. Jason, J. Moritsugu & S. Farber(Eds.), Preventative psychology: Theory,research and practice (pp. 149-161). NewYork: Pergamon.Black, D. W., Belsare, G., & Schlosser, S.(1999). Clinical features, psychiatric comorbidity, and health-related quality oflife in persons reporting compulsivecomputer use behaviour. Journal ofClinical Psychiatry, 60, 839-845.Blaszczynski, A., McConaghy, N., &Frankova, A. (1990). Boredom pronenessin pathological gambling. PsychologicalReports, 67, 35-42.Braun, V., & Clarke, V. (2006). Usingthematic analysis in psychology.Qualitative Research in Psychology, 3, 77-101.Castronova, E. (2005). Synthetic worlds: Thebusiness and culture of online games.Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.Charlton, J. P., & Danforth, I. D. W. (2007).Distinguishing addiction and highengagement in the context of online gameplaying. Computers in Human Behaviour,23, 1531-1548.Chumbley, J., & Griffiths, M. D. (2006). Affectand computer game player: The effect ofgender, personality, and gamereinforcement structure on affectiveresponses to computer game play.CyberPsychology & Behaviour, 3, 308-316.Csikszentmihalyi, M. (1990). Flow: Thepsychology of optimal experience. NewYork: Harper Perrenial.Douse, N. A., & McManus, I. C. (1993). Thepersonality of fantasy game players. BritishJournal of Psychology, 84, 505-509.Durkin, K. (1995). Computer games. Theireffects on young people: A review. Sydney,NSW: Office of Film and LiteratureClassification.Engelberg, E., & Sjoberg, L. (2004). Internetuse, social skills, and adjustment.CyberPsychology & Behaviour, 7, 41-47.Fisher, S. (1994). Identifying video gameaddiction in children and adolescents.Addictive Behaviours, 19, 545-553.Fisher, S. (1995). The amusement arcade as asocial space for adolescents: An empiricalstudy. Journal of Adolescence, 18, 71-86.Griffiths, M. D. (2008). Diagnosis andmanagement of video game addiction.Addiction Treatment and Prevention, 12,27-41.Griffiths, M. D., & Dancaster, I. (1995). Theeffect of type A personality onphysiological arousal while playingcomputer games. Addictive Behaviours, 20,543-548.Griffiths, M. D., & Davies, M. N. O. (2005).Video-game addiction: Does it exist? In J.Goldstein & J. Raessens (Eds.), Handbookof computer game studies (pp. 359-368).Boston: MIT Press.Griffiths, M. D., Davies, M. N. O., & Chappell,D. (2004). Demographic factors andplaying variables in online computerThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Excessive Videogame Playing73gaming. CyberPsychology & Behaviour,7, 479-487.Jaffe, J. H. (1990). Trivialising dependence[Commentary]. British Journal ofAddiction, 85, 1425-1427.Jansz, J., & Martens, L. (2005). Gaming at aLAN event: The social context of playingvideo games. New Media & Society, 7,333-355.Jansz, J., & Tanis, M. (2007). Appeal ofplaying online first person shooter games.CyberPsychology & Behaviour, 10, 133-136.Johansson, A., & Gotestam, K. G. (2004).Problems with computer games withoutmonetary reward: Similarity topathological gambling. PsychologicalReports, 95, 641-650.McMillan, D.W., & Chavis, D.M. (1986).Sense of community: A definition andtheory. Journal of Community Psychology,14(1), 6-23.Ng, B. D., & Wiemer-Hastings, P. (2005).Addiction to the Internet and OnlineGaming. CyberPsychology & Behaviour,8, 110-113.Orford, J. (1992). Community psychology:Theory and practice. New York: JohnWiley & Sons.Rappaport, J. (1977). Community psychology:Values, research and action. New York:Holt, Rinehart and Winston.Sarason, S.B. (1974). The psychological senseof community: Prospects for a communitypsychology. San Francisco: Jossey-BassSelnow, G. W. (1984). Playing videogames:The electronic friend. Journal ofCommunication, 34, 148-156.Shaffer, H. J., Hall, M. N., & Vander Bilt, J.(2000). "Computer Addiction": A criticalconsideration. American Journal ofOrthopsychiatry, 70, 162-168.Valentine, G., & Holloway, S. L. (2002).Cyber kids? Exploring children's identitiesand social networks in on-line and off-lineworlds. Annals of the Association ofAmerican Geographers, 92, 302-319.Wood, R. T. A., & Griffiths, M. D. (2002).Adolescent perceptions of the NationalLottery and scratch cards: A qualitativestudy using group interviews. Journal ofAdolescence, 25, 655-668.Wood, R. T. A., Griffiths, M. D., Chappell, D.,& Davies, M. N. O. (2004). The structuralcharacteristics of video games: A psychostructuralanalysis. CyberPsychology &Behaviour, 7, 1-10.Yang, C. K. (2001). Socio-psychiatriccharacteristics of adolescents who usecomputers to excess. Acta PsychiatricaScandivica, 104, 217-222.AppendixInterview questions1. What are your favourite aspects of videogames?2. What are your least favourite aspects ofvideo games?3. When not playing video games, whatthoughts about video games most often enteryour mind? What do you daydream aboutspecifically?4. When playing a video game, what featuresof the game keep you playing longer than youexpected? What makes it hard to get off thegame?5. What features of games make you turn themoff or no longer want to continue playing?6. Do you ever find it hard to stop playing avideo game once you’ve started?7. Have you ever had the experience ofplaying a video game and not really enjoyedplaying, but continued playing anyway? Whatmade you keep playing?8. When do you feel like you have played avideo game for “long enough”?9. When does a video game make you feelcontent that you’ve played for “long enough”?10. Have you ever wanted to stop playing avideo game, but couldn’t because you wereplaying with friends, either with online friendsor with friends in the same room?11. Do you ever think about specific videogame characters when not playing? What doyou like or dislike about them?The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Excessive Videogame Playing7412. Do you ever think about the storylines invideo games? What do you like or dislikeabout them?13. Do you ever think about specific items,achievements or rewards in games? What doyou like or dislike about them?Address correspondence toDaniel KingSchool of PsychologyHughes BuildingThe University of AdelaideAdelaide SA 5005Phone (08) 8303 3399email Daniel.King@adelaide.edu.au.The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

75Giving Psychology Away for the Common Good:Reflections of a Novice Community PsychologistI’m rather embarrassed to admit that thephrase “Community Psychology” did not existin my vocabulary a mere 12 months ago. Mytraining and practice in the helping professionshad been almost exclusively focused on theunderstanding and treating of individuals.While I found my work fulfilling, I oftenwondered about the larger picture of socialjustice and the impact of the broader socialcontext. All of that changed one cold, winterevening as I happened across a websitedescribing the field which would change mylife. I soon fell in love, became the newestconvert, and began pursuing a career as acommunity psychologist.One of the first articles I encounteredfrom the early days of community psychologywas by George Miller (1969). Forty years ago,he eloquently exhorted his peers to “givepsychology away,” (p. 1071) opening a newway for the helping professions. It is Miller’svision that I build on here, casting a glancebackwards and a glimpse forward. Withhumility, I approach the subject of definingcommunity psychology from my perspectiveand posing a prediction or two about the futuredirection of my newly beloved field. Thisperspective is admittedly novice and certainlyincomplete compared to the vast works of thegiants of the field, those who have walked thisjourney for decades. Yet, perhaps a set ofnovice eyes can provide a fresh perspective onChris Michael KirkWichita State UniversityThis article presents a brief history and description of community psychology throughthe eyes of a novice community psychologist. From this fresh perspective, fourfoundational thoughts of the field are explored, drawing on an overview of the literatureand personal reflection. The author suggests that community psychology encouragespsychologists to Think Upside-Down, Think Long-Term, Think Plural, and Think Eco. Inconclusion, two predictions for the future of community psychology are offered. The aimof this article is to provide a humble, hopeful perspective on the field of communitypsychology and challenge community psychologists, veteran and novice alike, to movetowards a more sustainable, globally interconnected future..the field as it presently stands and pointtowards a bright future.A Brief HistoryA curious search on Google Earth hadme staring down at Swampscott,Massachusetts (Google, 2008). I must admitthat there was nothing particularly mythicalor attractive about this place from above. Yetit was here, in the fertile ground of 1965, thata most amazing event took place. TheConference for the Education ofPsychologists for Community Mental Healthwas a seemingly innocuous gathering ofinconspicuous psychologists seeking toestablish the role of psychology in theexpanding United States Community MentalHealth System. Instead, these visionaryparticipants experienced a “deep stirring andmetamorphosis,” (p. 4) and emerged with anew expression for the profession ofpsychology (Bennett, Cooper, Hassol, Klein,& Rosenblum, 1966).However, the birth of communitypsychology cannot be narrowed down to asingular time and place, but evolved globallyin a plurality of forms. Fryer (2008a) hasproposed a European origin for communitypsychology, dating back to the work of MarieJahoda in the early 1930s. As early as the1950s, Brazilian community psychology hademerged with the involvement ofpsychologists in social action and povertyThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Giving Psychology Away76alleviation in the midst of often oppressivegovernments (Freitas, 2000). The practice ofLatin American community psychologycontinued to grow in many countries (Mexico,Columbia, El Salvador, Peru, etc.) largelyindependent of foreign influence (Montero,2008). On the other side of the globe,community psychology developed in Australiaand New Zealand (Aotearoa) as early as the1970s and now has a more widespreadapplication than in the United States with amajor focus on the social issues surroundingIndigenous peoples (Fisher, Gridley, Thomas,& Bishop, 2008). Community psychologycontinues to emerge and thrive in places fromSouth Africa to Italy (Orford, 2008), and thistrend promises to continue as we move furtherinto the 21 st century.A DefinitionDespite the global presence andwidespread impact of community psychology,it is still a relatively young field, and thuscontinues to work through growing pains as itcomes into its own. Many have proposed soliddefinitions of community psychology (Dalton,Elias & Wandersman, 2007; Golann, 1975;Orford, 2008), Drawing from these, I woulddefine the field as the following:Community psychology is thecollaboration of professionals and citizens inthe practice of rigorous research and intensiveaction focused on helping individuals andcommunities flourish in the perpetuation of thecommon good.In essence, community psychologyrequires a shift in thinking from theindividualism espoused by Western cultureand the traditional practice of psychology tothe embrace of a multifaceted, complexunderstanding of individuals within contexts.Shinn and Toohey (2003) described a “contextminimalization error” (p. 428) whichoverlooks the affects of environment and leadsto bankrupt theories and interventions. Kelly(2006) challenged us to avoid psychologicalreductionism which seeks simple solutions, butrather to embrace a degree of complexity inunderstanding human behavior. An emphasis onindividual explanations limits the ability tocreate social change (Maton, Perkins, &Saegert, 2006). These revolutionary ideasrequire more than an academicacknowledgement, but rather a seismic shift inthe foundation of our thinking. It is to four ofthese foundational thoughts that we shall nowturn. I propose that community psychologyrequires us to: Think Upside Down, ThinkLong-term, Think Plural, and Think Eco.Think Upside DownCommunity psychologists speak alanguage different from most of the mainstreampower brokers and the familiar top-downapproach. This approach has its roots in theEnlightenment and assumes an expertise on thepart of trained professionals to the exclusion ofcitizen involvement (Smith, 2008). Forexample, authority and power are assigned tothe few who make decisions which then areimplemented down the food chain. Consider thehierarchical flow charts of Fortune 500companies or the neo-liberal agenda ofWashington D.C.. These approaches haveunintended consequences and fail to effectivelyaddress the breadth of social needs. Oneexample of this comes from government aidprograms in rural Botswana. Lekoko and VanDer Merwe (2006) found that the top-down,hand-out approach fails to adequately addresscommunity needs and has byproducts ofdependency and a lack of ownership in theprocess.Community psychology presents a visionin which power is exposed and turned on itshead. Rappaport (1981) has long argued for anapproach which embraces all people as humanbeings and considers ordinary citizens to be thebest experts on life in their context. This ideahas most often been characterised asempowerment, a concept which refers to theprocess by which people achieve increasedaccess to, and control of, needed resources(Wiley & Rappaport, 2000). Unfortunately,many efforts of psychologists have modeledtop-down approaches in which the professionalThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Giving Psychology Away77experts use their power to bring change to lesspowerfuland supposedly less-knowledgeableclientele, often with catastrophic results(Prilleltensky, 2008). Further, the Westernconception of empowerment tends to beindividualistic and has different implications incollectivist societies (Jewell, 2007). Maton(2008) has explored the role that communitypsychologists can play in helping to createempowering settings, which in turn increaseempowerment in individual members of thecommunity and bring about lasting socialchange.While empowerment has been discussedextensively, community psychology is stillsearch for better definitions of power itself(Fisher & Sonn, 2007). Prilleltensky (2008)defined power as the ability and opportunityone has to influence their life, including thepower to pursue a good life, the power tooppress others, and the power to resistoppression. Yet some have criticised this viewas too focused on the needs and abilities of theindividual, preferring to describe power as afunction of large social systems within whichindividuals reside (Fryer, 2008b; Smail, 2001).Despite its definition, communitypsychologists are innately interested inexposing the complex nature of power and theeffects that inequitable power distributionshave on communities and individuals (Fisher,Sonn, & Evans, 2007).Another way of conceptualising theimperative to “Think Upside Down” is thedichotomy of oppression and liberation.Oppression concerns an asymmetric powerrelationship between dominant and subordinategroups. Liberation psychology is a conceptmost developed in Latin America which seekssocial change for marginalised groups,challenging the political system in the process.Watkins and Schulman (2008) write ofliberation psychology as a shift in thinkingfrom the individual to the community. Theysuggest that the work of liberation is amending of the “torn fabric ofinterdependence” (p. 77). One group appliedthe liberation model to their work in both theUnited States and Nigeria, discovering thepositive change that can rise from smallempowering communities (Trout, Dokecki,Newbrough, & O’Gorman, 2003).The “upside-down” approach has workedits way into the applied practice of communitypsychology. Many applied communitypsychologists work with communities andorganisations around the world to producegrassroots, bottom-up change. Social action isone tool used to challenge powerful interests bythe involvement of citizens. Further, thisemphasis on participatory efforts has opened upwhole new arenas for the work of psychologistsand for help-seeking individuals. Nowhere isthis more clearly seen than in the proliferationof mutual help groups. Based on FrankRiessman’s (1990) helper therapy principle,these groups are places where people who needhelp “function as producers of help” (p. 221).Community psychologists have been intimatelyinvolved in the research and implementation ofthese groups, a trend which may continue toincrease (Brown, Shepherd, Wituk, & Meissen,2008).Think Long-TermThe requirement to Think Upside Downturns power on its head through several meansincluding empowerment and social action. Thisemphasis requires a second shift in thinking thatis prominent in community psychology: ThinkLong-Term. While we often face urgentchallenges, community psychology holds astrong value in the way these problems areresolved. The “upside down” approach requiresthe involvement of more people and inevitablytakes more time (Putnam, Feldstein & Cohen,2003). Yet, for sustainable change to occur onemust think about how the community will farelong after the project at hand has come to anend. Thinking long-term humbly acknowledgesthat what seems like the right solution todaymay very well be responsible for futureproblems (Levine & Perkins, 1997).Collaboration and citizen participation aretwo often used practices. CollaborativeThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Giving Psychology Away78coalitions are especially powerful because theybring all the stakeholders to the table to createa localised direction for the future. Forprofessionals, it is often easy to forget howdifficult change can be for communities andorganisations. To truly achieve second-orderchange in a setting requires a completereevaluation of the relationships, rules, andstructures which comprise those systems(Linney, 1990). Resistance to change can behigh, and long-standing patterns of behaviorare difficult to reverse (Levine & Perkins,1997). This requires time, patience, andconsensus-seeking on the part of all themembers.With this in mind, it is sometimesdifficult to employ the long-term view whenseeking community change, especially whenprogram funding and personal prestige are onthe line. For change to endure, we must thinkabout how the community will be affected 5,10, or 20 years down the road. No writing ismore influential or encouraging in thinkingabout this process of change than Karl Weick’s(1984) “Small Wins.” Weick describes smallwins as limited approaches to problems whichreduce arousal and make progress possible.These minute steps often create momentumwhich opens the door for more comprehensivechanges (Weick, 1984). In Better Together,Putnam et al. (2003) elaborate on this concept,emphasising how important it is to setreasonable goals and take small steps in orderto turn these “bite-sized” changes into lastingchange over the long term. As we sit at thetable with all the stakeholders, we are oftenreminded that there is no singular solution(Rappaport, 1981), which brings us to our nextfoundational shift in thinking: Think Plural.Think PluralLife is colourful and diverse. Thus,community psychology must practice pluralthinking to be effective. The top-down, shorttermapproach discussed above leaves no roomfor multiplicity of thought. Too often,psychological practice and efforts forcommunity betterment have been aboutdiscovering a unified theory and applying itto all individuals everywhere regardless oftheir culture, neighbourhood, or familystructure. Psychology as a whole has begunto emphasise cultural competence and theappreciation of diversity (AmericanPsychological Association, 2003).Community psychologists have beenimportant leaders in acknowledging thisneed.“Cultural competence” is a buzz wordwhich refers to the ability to work withpeople from various cultures in providingeffective services (Diller, 2004). Harrell andBond (2006) have discussed the importanceof considering all cultures as multilayeredentities, which function according to differentvalues and are affected by different forces.The embrace of diversity is always morecomplex than an either-or proposition, andthe bridging of different cultures is often atrying process (Brodsky & Faryal, 2006). Forcommunity psychologists, the pursuit ofcultural competence is a journey whichrequires humility, patience, and commitment.Kim, Kim, and Kelly (2006) described thisprocess from their work with Koreanimmigrants. They remind us of theimportance of long-term thinking, givingattention to the sometimes subtlecontextualities of a particular culture orsubculture. This commitment requires theability to think upside down, think long-term,and turning to our final foundational thought,to think eco.Think EcoNearly 40 years ago, James Kelly wrotebeautifully about the foundational shift ofecological thinking which would definecommunity psychology:The spirit of the communitypsychologist is the spirit of a naturalist, whodotes on his environment, of the journalistwho bird-dogs his story, of theconservationalist, who glows when he finds anew way to describe man’s interdependencewith his environment. (Kelly, 1970)The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Giving Psychology Away79Ecological thought amends the personcenteredapproach to psychology, andacknowledges that individuals exist within avariety of powerful systems which havedramatic effects on individual wellness.Several theories have been explored fromBarker’s (1968) explanation of behavior as afunction of powerful settings toBronfenbrenner’s (1979) conceptualisation ofpersons as nested within a collection ofecological systems. Each of these metaphorsprovides a helpful explanation of thefoundational understanding ofinterdependence, which forms the basis for allecological thought (Kelly, 2006).Unfortunately, ecological thinking hasnot been embraced widely throughoutpsychology, leading to an incompleteunderstanding of individuals extricated fromtheir contexts (Kelly, 2006). Espino andTrickett (2008) have recently provided anupdated framework for applying ecologicalprinciples to interventions. However, in theirreview of the American Journal of CommunityPsychology, they found that most interventionarticles focused on the individual level ofanalysis, rather than attending to largerecological levels. Despite a long history ofecological theory, it appears that, within theWestern world, ecological thinking issomething that merits further research andimplementation into psychologicalintervention.One related area which may requirefurther research is the concept of sense ofcommunity. Sarason (1974) initially definedsense of community as “the perception ofsimilarity to others, an acknowledgedinterdependence with others, a willingness tomaintain this interdependence by giving to ordoing for others what one expects from them,the feeling that one is part of a largerdependable and stable structure” (p. 157).McMillan and Chavis (1986; McMillan, 1996)later developed a theoretical framework for theconstruct. Since then, sense of community hasbeen studied in a variety of cultures around theworld with mixed reviews. Recent work hasbegun a discussion on a new model whichreflects a multidimensional expression of senseof community (Tartaglia, 2006). Whateverconstruct is chosen, community psychology hasa mission to pursue greater understanding ofecological contexts and to help communitiesgive voice to their ideas and shape to acommunal identity that promotes well-being(Montero, 2009).Predictions for the FutureWith such a storied past and a thrivingpresent, community psychology’s future isbright. But which direction will this field travelin the future and which emerging concepts willbe discussed in papers such as these 25 yearsfrom now? Certainly, it is humbling as a novicein the field to garner predictions of futureevents. Yet, one could argue that it is on thebacks of emerging community psychologistslike me that this future will be brought intoexistence. With this responsible humility inmind, I offer two predictions about the futuredirection of community psychology.The Sustainability RevolutionIn the next 25 years, our globalcommunity will face some of the greatestchallenges in the history of our planet: thethreat of global terrorism and overzealousresponses by nation-states, the escalation of thethreat of nuclear proliferation, the impendingconsequences of climate change, and thepressures of a planet that is growingincreasingly overcrowded. Each of thesechallenges provide opportunities for a new wayof thinking, the way that communitypsychologists have been thinking for quite sometime. I choose to call this “The SustainabilityRevolution.”Sustainability is the natural evolution ofthe ecological metaphor described above as akey foundation for community psychology(Kelly, 1970). According to the United StatesEnvironmental Protection Agency (2008),sustainability refers to the provision ofresources in the present without “compromisingthe ability of future generations to meet theirThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Giving Psychology Away80own needs” (p. 2). I would expand thisdefinition to consider how the needs fordominant groups, cultures, or nations can bemet without compromising the needs ofsubordinated, minority, marginalised, ordeveloping groups in the present day.Sustainability is an environmental term, but inthe future this term should embrace a moreholistic understanding of our world,considering both biological and interpersonalrelationships. However, in order to move intoan era of sustainability, we must realise thetremendous struggle that lies ahead.The doctrines of neo-liberalism and freemarketcapitalism have spread around theworld with an emphasis on unrestrainedindividualism at the expense of ecological andhuman capital. This spread has even had animpact in places like Norway with a longhistory of focus on social concerns. A recentlycompleted discursive analysis of a Norwegiannewspaper found that talk of materialconsumption rose dramatically through thepast 20 years in that country, suggesting thewidespread impact of the consumerist ideology(Nafstad, Blakar, Carlquist, Phelps, & Rand-Hendriksen, 2009). Despite this, the tide ofsustainability may be rising in the form ofTriple Bottom Line (TBL) decision makingwhich is being considered by several worldgovernments. TBL considers not only theeconomics of any situation, but also theenvironmental and social side effects involvedin any decision (Bishop, Vicary, Browne, &Guard, 2009). This type of thinking is crucialfor any revolution of sustainability to occuragainst the massive onslaught of neo-liberalcapitalism. Myers (2003) suggested thatpsychologists can play a key role inintroducing sustainability into our globalculture. He suggested that we can enter into a“post-materialist” age by helping ourcommunities recognise the consequences ofover-consumption and the lack ofpsychological benefit from hyper-materialism.Rather, Myers promoted the creation of aculture where the “enduringly sustainable”resources (p. 209) of relationships are assignedhigher value.Naturally, community psychologistsshould be the ideal leaders for this evolution.This will require rigorous research using newmethods to generate theories of sustainability incommunity settings, building on the currenttheories of sense of community andempowerment. Community psychologists willfind themselves even more engaged at thegrassroots level, working with communities tocreate lasting social change, and in the arenas ofpublic policy to shape more responsiblegovernments.Get BilingualAs the sustainability revolution sweepsthrough the Western world, it will create newlinks between cultures, and opportunities forlearning and conflict. With consistentacceleration in the means of transportation andcommunication, the world will continue to getsmaller, increasing everyday interactionbetween members of diverse cultures. With arespect for human diversity and plural thinking,community psychology will find itself thrivingat these intersections of culture.Many of the key challenges we face canbe explained in terms of a clash of cultures.Global terrorism can be seen as a clash betweenMuslim-Christian, Arab and non-Arab, or thecolonised and the colonisers. In the UnitedStates, the continuing discussion and pressureof immigration reform presses into the publicconsciousness an awareness of diversity and thechallenge to respond humanely. From history,we can assume that these clashes of culture andideology will continue to arise. However, for usto evolve beyond the status quo to a moresustainable way of inhabiting the planet, wemust discover ways to navigate these conflictseffectively. This acceleration opens up a wealthof opportunities for community psychologists.New theories and methods will need to becreated in order to facilitate improved interculturalinteraction as an expansion of domesticcultural competence. Community psychologistscan play a key role in helping meet these needsThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Giving Psychology Away81creating broad coalitions that are vital in thenew world order. In considering the conflictsbetween Israelis and Palestinians, the colonisedand the colonisers, Chief Executive Officersand minimum wage employees, couldcommunity psychologists play an increasedrole in facilitating interaction for resolution ofthese conflicts? I would suggest that wemaintain our optimism and apply the principlesof community psychology to our biggest, mostintractable problems. Wandersman (2009) hassuggested that we develop a realistic ambitionfor tackling social issues. He explored severalprojects which began with great optimism andfailed to meet expectations, discovering fourkeys to successful participatory enterprises.This framework is helpful as we confront thesystems of oppression, inequity, andintolerance which threaten us. No doubt thesechallenges will require a long series of smallsteps, but perhaps we could work towards anenvironment where our problems are notsolved by the diplomacy of powerful worldleaders, but rather by the gathering every day,ordinary citizens.ConclusionWriting these words fills me with hope,excitement, and a sense of responsibility. Thehard, ground-breaking work of ourpredecessors has presented us with a fieldbrimming with possibilities and ready to helpshape the world of the future. This period, likethe one before it, will be an opportunity forcommunity psychologists to play an increasedrole in shaping sustainable policies, increasingcivic involvement, and fighting alongside themarginalised. A great opportunity lies beforeus. I would suggest that it is time to follow thesage advice of Miller (1969) and “givepsychology away” for the common good. Ilook forward to the opportunity to do so.ReferencesAmerican Psychological Association. (2003).Guidelines on multi-cultural education,training, research, practice, andorganizatonal change for psychologists.American Psychologist, 58, 357-402.Barker, R. (1968). Ecological psychology.Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.Bennett, C. C., Cooper, S., Hassol, L., Klein, D.C., & Rosenblum, G. (1966). Communitypsychology: A report of the BostonConference on the Education ofPsychologists for Community MentalHealth. Boston: Boston University.Bishop, B. J., Vicary, D. A., Browne, A. I., &Guard, N. (2009). Public policy,participation and the third position: Theimplication of engaging communities ontheir own terms. American Journal ofCommunity Psychology. DOI 10.1007/s10464-008-9214-8Brodsky, A. E., & Faryal, T. (2006). No matterhow hard you try, your feet still get wet:Insder and outsider perspectives onbridging diversity. American Journal ofCommunity Psychology , 37, 311-320.Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology ofhuman development: Experiments bynature and design. Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press.Brown, L. D., Shepherd, M. D., Wituk, S. A., &Meissen, G. (2008). Introduction to thespecial issue on mental health self-help.American Journal of CommunityPsychology, 42, 105-109.Dalton, J. H., Elias, M. J., & Wandersman, A.(2007). Community psychology: Linkingindividuals and communities. Belmont,CA: Thomson Wadsworth.Diller, J. (2004). Cultural diversity: A primerfor the human services (2 nd ed). PacificGrove, CA: Brooks/Cole.Espino, S. L. R., & Trickett, E. J. (2008). Thespirit of ecological inquiry andintervention research reports: A heursticelaboration. American Journal ofCommunity Psychology, 42, 60-78.Fisher, A. T., & Sonn, C. C. (2007). Power incommunity psychology research andpractice. Journal of Communty andApplied Social Psychology , 17, 255-257.Fisher, A. T., Gridley, H., Thomas, D. R., &Bishop, B. (2008). CommunityThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Giving Psychology Away82psychology in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand. Journal of CommunityPsychology, 36, 649-660.Fisher, A. T., Sonn, C. C., & Evans, S. D.(2007). The place and function of powerin community psychology:Philosophical and practical issues.Journal of Community and AppliedSocial Psychology, 17, 258-267.Freitas, M. F. Q. (2000). Voices from thesouth: The construction of Braziliancommunity social psychology. Journalof Community and Applied SocialPsychology, 10, 315-326.Fryer, D. (2008a). Some questions about "thehistory of community psychology".Journal of Community Psychology, 36,572-586.Fryer, D. (2008b). Power from the people?Critical reflection on a conceptualizationof power. Journal of CommunityPsychology, 36, 238-245.Golann, S. E. (1975). Current and futuretrends in community psychology. NewYork: Human Sciences Press.Google. (2008). Google Earth. RetrievedDecember 10, 2008, from Google Earth:http://earth.google.com/Harrell, S. P., & Bond, M. A. (2006). Listeningto diversity dtories: Principles forpractice in community research andaction. American Journal of CommunityPsychology, 37, 365-376.Jewell, G. (2007). Contextual empowerment:The Impact of health brigadeinvolvement on the women of Miraflor,Nicaragua. Journal of TransculturalNursing, 18, 49-56.Kelly, J. G. (1970). Antidotes for arrogance:Training for community psychology.American Psychologist, 25, 524-531.Kelly, J. G. (2006). Becoming ecological. NewYork: Oxford University Press.Kim, I. J., Kim, L. I., & Kelly, J. G. (2006).Developing cultural competence inworking with Korean immigrantfamilies. Journal of CommunityPsychology, 34, 149-165.Lekoko, R.N., Van Der Merwe, M. (2006).Beyond the rhetoric of empowerment:Speak the language, live the experiencesof the rural poor. Review of Education,52, 323-332.Levine, M., & Perkins, D. V. (1997). Principlesof community psychology (2 nd ed.). NewYork: Oxford University Press.Linney, J. (1990). Community psychology intothe 1990's: Capitalizing opportunity andpromoting innovation. American Journalof Community Psychology, 18, 1-17.Maton, K. I. (2008). Empowering communitysettings: Agents of individualdevelopment, community betterment, andpostive social change. American Journalof Community Psychology, 41, 4-21.Maton, K. I., Perkins, D. D., & Saegert, S.(2006). Community psychology at thecrossroads: Prospects forinterdisciplinary research. AmericanJournal of Community Psychology, 38, 9-21.McMillan, D. W. (1996). Sense of community.Journal of Community Psychology, 24,315-326.McMillan, D. W., & Chavis, D. M. (1986).Sense of community: A definition andtheory. Journal of CommunityPsychology, 14, 6-23.Miller, G. A. (1969). Psychology as a means ofpromoting human welfare. AmericanPsychologist, 1063-1075.Montero, M. (2008). An insider's at thedevelopment and current state ofcommunity psychology in LatinAmerica. Journal of CommunityPsychology, 36, 661-674.Montero, M. (2009). Community action andresearch as citizenship construction.American Journal of CommunityPsychology. DOI 10.1007/s10464-008-9224-6Myers, D. G. (2003). The social psychology ofsustainability. World Futures, 59, 201-211.The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Giving Psychology Away83Nafstad, H. E., Blakar, R. M., Carlquist, E.,Phelps, J. M., & Rand-Hendriksen, K.(2009). Globalization, neo-liberalism,and community psychology. AmericanJournal of Community Psychology. DOI10.1007/s10464-008-9216-6Orford, J. (2008). Community psychology:Challenges, controversies, andemerging consensus. San Francisco:John Wiley & Sons.Prilleltensky, I. (2008). The roles of power inwellness, oppression, and liberation:The promise of psychopolitical validity.Journal of Community Psychology, 36,116-136.Putnam, R. D., Feldstein, L., & Cohen, D. J.(2003). Better together: Restoring theAmerican community. New York: Simonand Schuster.Rappaport, J. (1981). In praise of paradox: Asocial policy of empowerment overprevention. American Journal ofCommunity Psychology, 9, 1-23.Riessman, F. (1990). Restructuring help: Ahuman services paradigm for the 1990s.American Journal of CommunityPsychology, 18, 221-230.Sarason, S. B. (1974). The psychological senseof community: Prospects for acommunity pscyhology. San Francisco:Jossey-Bass.Shinn, M., & Toohey, S. M. (2003).Community contexts of human welfare.Annual Review of Psychology, 54, 427-459.Smail, D. (2001). De-psychologizingcommunity psychology. Journal ofCommunity and Applied SocialPsychology, 11, 159-165.Smith, J. L. (2008). A critical appreciation ofthe "bottom-up" approach to sustainablewater management: embracingcomplextity rather than desirability.Local Environment, 13, 353-366.Tartaglia, S. (2006). A preliminary study for anew model of sense of community.Journal of Community Psychology, 34,25-36.Trout, J., Dokecki, P. R., Newbrough, J., &O'Gorman, R. T. (2003). Action researchon leadershp for community developmentin West Africa and North America: Ajoining of liberation theology andcommunity psychology. Journal ofCommunity Psychology, 31, 129-148.United States Environmental ProtectionAgency. (2008). Sustainability. RetrievedDecember 11, 2008, from EnvironmentalProtection Agency: http://www.epa.gov/Sustainability/basicinfo.htm#sustainabilityWandersman, A. (2009). Four keys to success(theory, implementaton, evaluation,resource/system support): High hopesand challenges in participation. AmericanJournal of Community Psychology. DOI10.1007/s10464-008-9212-xWatkins, M., & Shulman, H. (2008). Towardpsychologies of liberation. New York:Palgrave MacMillan.Weick, K. E. (1984). Small wins: Redefiningthe scale of social problems. AmericanPsychologist, 39, 40-49.Wiley, A., & Rappaport, J. (2000).Empowerment, wellness, and the politicsof development. In D. Chicchetti, J.Rapparport, I. Sandler, & R. Weissberg(Eds.), The promotion of wellness inchildren and adolescents (pp. 59-99).Washington, DC: CWLA Press.Address correspondence toemail cxkirk@wichita.eduThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Reflections on Implementing an Education Support Programme for Aboriginaland Torres Strait Islander Secondary School Students in a Non-governmentEducation Sector: What did we Learn and What do we Know?David ManderEdith Cowan UniversityLisa FieldhouseSt Brigid’s CollegeThis is a reflective paper grounded in the domain of practice. It presents some of the strategiesused to design, implement and establish an education support programme across sixteen (16)non-government residential (or boarding) schools. The aim of the programme was to supportAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander secondary school boarding students from rural, regionaland remote areas of Western Australia (WA) with the experience of studying away from homeand family. This paper is divided into three main sections: 1. A brief background of educationpolicy and surrounding context. 2. Approaches and strategies undertaken to establish theprogramme. 3. Reflections on the lessons learned during this process. We identified that nosingle strategy could avert students from disengaging with education at residential schools.Instead we contend the provision of effective support requires the implementation of multiplestrategies targeting the multiple social systems or levels which contribute to a student’s overallexperience at a residential school (e.g., the student, peer, parent, school, and community levels).We emphasise that it is vital to involve students in the implementation and development ofprogrammes so as to make support relevant to their needs.Acknowledgement of CountryWe wish to acknowledge the ‘Wadjuk People’ who are the traditional custodians of thisland that we write these words on. The Wadjuk people are one of fourteen clan groups thatmake up the collective Nyungar nation of the South West of WA. We also thank and payour respect to the many families, parents and students from the numerous lands andlanguage groups across WA that we have worked with.84Education and the surroundingcontext in AustraliaIn Australia, the National Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander Education Policy (AEP)was launched in 1989 (Commonwealth ofAustralia) and provides the original frameworkaround which all government funded educationsupport programmes specifically targetingAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander studentsare structured. The overarching emphasis ofthe AEP is to bring about equity in educationand training outcomes for Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander students through thearticulation of 21 national goals endorsed byall state and territory governments. The AEP islegislated in the Indigenous Education(Targeted Assistance) Act 2000(Commonwealth of Australia) and is also thefoundation upon which the body responsible forcoordinating strategic educational policy at anational level, the Ministerial Council onEducation, Employment, Training and YouthAffairs (MCEETYA), developed the AustralianDirections in Indigenous Education (ADIE)2005-2008 policy (MCEETYA) initiated in July2006.Unfortunately for many Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander students, particularlystudents located outside of city or regionalcentres, education in WA is further situatedwithin a broader social context of ‘overall-lifedisadvantage’.This disadvantage embodiessocial issues such as poverty, unemploymentand welfare dependency, poor health andThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Education support programme85housing conditions, a situation which has beenperpetuated by many decades of inconsistentpublic policy by all political persuasions atlocal, state and federal levels (Beresford &Grey, 2006; Nakata, 2002). Worryingly,reliable information regarding thesecircumstances has been available for sometime. For example, the Gordon Inquiry (GI)published in 2002 indicated that issues offamily violence and child abuse in its variousforms was prevalent and in some instancesreached the proportion of being an epidemic insome Aboriginal communities (Gordon,Hallahan & Henry, 2002). The inquiry linkedthe endemic nature of these issues tomarginalisation, dispossession, loss of land andtraditional culture and a history of forcedremoval of children that has left ongoing andgenerational trauma within a number ofAboriginal and Torres Strait Islandercommunities. Similarly, the WesternAustralian Child Health Survey (WACHS)identifies the current lack of equitable accessto educational opportunities available to manyAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children,as a foremost factor that preserves thecontinuation of a disturbing cycle of intragenerationaldisadvantage that embodiesnegative social issues such as alcoholism,domestic violence, gambling, substance useand abuse (Zubrick et al., 2005).Despite the clear outcomes of the GI(2002) and WACHS (2005), a cycle ofdisadvantage is still experienced by manyAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoplesand is acknowledged to have manifested into alife expectancy difference of 17 years betweenAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peopleand the rest of the Australian population(Rudd, 2008). Education is just one factor in agroup of many (e.g., health, housing andemployment) that is deeply unsatisfactory interms of overall national outcomes forAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples(De Bortoli & Cresswell, 2004; Thomson,McKelvie, & Murnane, 2006).Many education support programmesintended to offer additional assistance tostudents (and parents) have been launched overrecent decades specifically to assists Aboriginaland Torres Strait Islander children to engageeffectively with education (Appleyard, 2002;Beresford, 2001; Beresford & Gray, 2006;Doyle & Hill, 2008; Storry, 2007). However,and for all sincere efforts, many key decisionsabout the specific intervention or preventionstrategies to be used have been made in a ‘topdown’direction, rather than in a ‘bottom-up’consultative approach involving people at alocal level. Historically, and still today, thisdecision making process has severelydisenfranchised many Aboriginal and TorresStrait Islander People, as numerousinterventions have been endorsed with limiteddialogue, consultation and permission sort fromrepresentatives of local Aboriginal and TorresStrait Islander communities. In addition,persistence with this model of decision makinginadvertently increases the risk of a supportprogramme being endorsed that misses themark or is seen as another government directed(enforced) intervention, rather than being seenas a support programme that shares the sameaspirations and goals of parents, families andcommunities (Beresford, 2001; Reynolds, 2005,Vicary & Bishop, 2005).Similarly, a number of education supportprogrammes have tended to be based upon theassumption that one size fits all, rather thanacknowledging that localised and contextuallyrelevant support programmes tend to better fitand be embraced more quickly (Chaney, 2008).It has been noted that many supportprogrammes have also tended to be controlledfrom capital cities or regional centres, with keygovernance decisions being made by anappointed expert or group of experts rather thanbeing locally developed and coordinated(Appleyard, 2002; Beresford & Gray, 2006;Collins, 1999; Sarra, 2007).When consultation has taken place, bothfederal and state governments and theirrespective departments, have tended to do sowith a small, highly selective group ofThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Education support programme86Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander patronswho are assumed to be familiar with, fluent inand fully comprehensive of the context, needsand perspectives, and are expected to speak onbehalf of all Aboriginal and Torres StraitIslander Peoples and their respective clangroups. There are an estimated 500 clan groupsand 250 languages across Australia, withapproximately 35 clans in the Pilbara region ofWA alone. In taking this role these patronshave to contend with the significant pressure oftrying to guide policymakers and programmedesigners so that they are inclusive ofdiversity, while contending with theknowledge that both government andeducation frameworks still tend to categoriseAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoplesas one homogenous group‘Indigenous’ (Beresford & Grey, 2006;Merlan, 2007).It is well documented that bothgovernment and education frameworks inAustralia and WA remain largely modelled onknowledge constructs and institutionalstructures imported from European and NorthAmerican tradition (Bourke & Bourke, 2002;Groome, 1998; Johns, 2006; Nakata, 2002;Trudgen, 2000). For example, the educationalexperience in WA still remains largely foundedaround a text based knowledge exchangeprocess, which is primarily based upon thelearning of a symbol system, in this case a setof 26 letters. Assessment of learning is thenlargely centred on the reproduction ofknowledge using this symbol system via paperand pencil techniques, delivered in a classroomsetting by a person (e.g., teacher) who isexternal to the learner’s family unit.History clearly shows us that past WAeducation frameworks have purposefullyignored, devalued and excluded traditionalknowledge exchange practices such ascustomary language, dance, painting (Broome,1994; Collard, 1999), relationship with country(Vicary & Westerman, 2004) song,storytelling, totemic ancestors (Bourke &Bourke, 2002) and cultural protocols such asceremony, rites of passage and lore (Mellor,1998). It is crucial that both educators anddesigners of education support programmes areconscious of the significant difference betweenAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoplesknowledge exchange practices and Westernbased perspectives of education.For decades many Aboriginal and TorresStrait Islander parents, leaders, academics andeducational practitioners have repeatedly voicedthe challenges created for Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander students when educationframeworks are heavily based upon Westerntaken-for-granted ideals that are considered asabsolutes in service delivery methods (Bin-Sallick, 2003; Nakata, 1997a & 1997b; Pearson,2004; Sarra, 2005 & 2007; Valadian, 1980). Topresume the superiority of Western concepts ofeducation when working within an Aboriginaland Torres Strait Islander context, lends itself tothe provision of an education supportprogramme that is of little relevance to manyAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students(Nakata, 2002).Some positive progress has been made asin 2008 there were 151, 669 school studentsacross Australia that identified as of Aboriginalor Torres Strait Islander decent, representing a42% increase from the 1999 total of 106, 628(ABS, 2008). A national 117% increase in Year12 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander studentenrolments also occurred between 1999 and2008 from 2,206 to 4779 students. However,although retention rates for both male andfemale Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanderstudents from Years 7/8 to Year 12 increasedbetween the 1999 to 2008 period, frustratingly asignificant difference in retention rate figurespersisted when contrasted with their non-Aboriginal and Torres Strait peers. For maleand female students of non-Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander descent the retention ratebetween 1999 and 2008 was 67% and 82%respectively, whereas for male and femaleAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students,retention rates during the same time period were43% and 50% respectively.The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Education support programme87With a deeply unsatisfactory and persistgap remaining in retention rates betweenAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander studentsand their peers, it is not the time for educationsectors and governments to start pattingthemselves on the back for a job well done.Instead what is clear is that the task at hand hasjust began and the challenge for the future is tofind ways of creating both a more relevant andpositive experience for Aboriginal and TorresStrait Islander students so as to better supportmore young people to remain at and besuccessful at school for longer.From the above brief overview, it is clearthe subject of how best to support Aboriginaland Torres Strait Islander students from rural,regional and remote regions while at schoolremains firmly located within a social,economic and political context that is fraughtwith many competing antecedents (Beresford& Grey, 2006; Dockett et al., 2007; Johns,2006; Reynolds, 2005). In the followingsection our personal reflections on some of thesalient processes we undertook during theestablishment of an education supportprogramme in a non-government educationsector are shared and how we attempted tobuild inclusive practices into an alreadypredetermined and rigid programme fundingstructure. These reflections are our own as thetwo principle people who were employed todeliver this programme daily and should not betaken to represent other stakeholder views.Contextualising the education supportprogramme: BackgroundThe aim of the programme was to offeradditional support to Aboriginal and TorresStrait Islander students from rural, regional andremote regions of WA who were studyingaway from home at sixteen (16) nongovernmentresidential schools across thePerth metropolitan area. At this point it isimportant to note two significant differencesbetween government and non-governmenteducation sectors. 1. Constitutionallygovernment schools remain the responsibilityof state and territory governments, whilefunding distributed to non-governmenteducation sectors is the domain of the federalgovernment. 2. Government education sectorsare systems, which rely on system policy duringthe implementation of new support programmesin schools, whereas in the non-governmenteducation sector participation with newprogrammes by schools, students and parents isvoluntary.In other words, education supportprogrammes provided in the governmenteducation sector are implemented underdepartmental policy or regulation and schoolsare required to comply with this. In the nongovernmenteducation sector, education supportprogrammes tend to be provided and regulatedby the individual schools and their owngovernance boards. In some instances, multiplenon-government schools will jointly identify acommon gap in an education support servicesthey are offering and will collaborate to addressthis issue. Nonetheless, although a school mayadvocate for, support and jointly contribute tothe establishment of a certain education supportprogramme in collaboration with other schools,the decision to engage and the level ofengagement with a programme remains at thediscretion of each individual school.The programme being discussed hereoriginated from the latter pathway and was acollaborative effort involving 16 residentialschools. The concept of the programme derivedfrom one residential school wanting tominimise the dissonance that Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander students experienced withthe transition from rural, regional and remoteremotes areas of WA into the residential (orboarding) school lifestyle. The prevalence ofthis issue was assessed across other similarresidential schools and the non-governmenteducation sector identified that 16 schoolsequally expressed a similar desire to offer bettersupport. Subsequently, an application wassubmitted on their behalf as a group to therelevant federal government department toestablish a shared programme to help assist withthis issue. The submission was successful inThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Education support programme88acquiring funding to initially pilot theprogramme in 2004 and was refunded from2005 to 2008.The programme involved two fulltimepositions being funding, one male and onefemale employee, who were responsible forevery aspect of day to day operations. Eachof the 16 schools where allocated andmatched according to the gender of the twoemployees and schools. Hence, the maleemployee was responsible for providingsupport to the seven participating maleresidential schools and the female employeewas responsible for supporting the nineparticipating female residential schools. Itwas a contractual agreement imposed by thefederal department funding the programmethat an advisory committee was established tomonitor the programme’s progress.Committee members constitutedrepresentatives from participating schools,two parent representatives who had a childcurrently enrolled at any of the 16 residentialschools, the federal department funding theprogramme, representatives from tertiary andindustry sectors, and a representative of thenon-government education sector. A senioreducation consultant was allocated as anominal, part-time line manager for the twofulltime employees however, thedevelopment of key initiatives was left to begenerated and implemented by the twofulltime employees.At the beginning of 2008 over 120students across the 16 schools were accessingsome aspect of the support offered by thisprogramme. An important adjunct to note atthis point is that we also provided support toYear 12 students that had graduated with thetransition into post-school destinations. Forinstance, we would help former students withthe preparation and collation of applicationsfor tertiary institutions, as well as withgaining employment (e.g., resume andinterview preparation) and also with locatingsuitable accommodation (e.g., understandinglease agreements).When funding was reapproved after theinitial piloting period in 2004, only arudimentary programme framework and supportservice was in place and being offered tostudents, parents, and schools. It is from thispoint from which we return to and begin ourreflections.Mapping the landscape: Implementing asupport programme across multiple residentialschoolsAt the beginning we conducted a basicscoping and profiling exercise to gain a betterunderstanding of student numbers,demographics and geographic location fromwhich students were drawn across the 16schools. This involved creating a database thatidentified each student’s status as a residentialor day student and collating information such asgender, year group, scholarship/bursary or feepaying status, starting year and graduation year,as well as parent/guardian names, siblings inother residential schools, home address detailsand email accounts.This process significantly assisted us tobecome more familiar with the diversity ofstudents and of contexts from which studentsoriginated (e.g., location, family, clan andcountry). This amalgamated information wasalso useful in other ways as previously unseentrends across the 16 schools became visible. Forexample, the database anecdotally suggestedthat those students who started in Year 8 atresidential schools had a greater tendency tograduate in Year 12, in comparison to studentsthat entered into the residential schoolexperience in later years (e.g., Years 10 & 11).An important discovery from this processwas we found that a significant number of daystudents were actually from rural, regional andremote regions of WA but had relocated to staywith relatives, friends or in hostelaccommodation in Perth during the academicyear. In a number of instances the whole familyhad relocated and moved to Perth to supporttheir child’s educational needs. The decisionmaking process of whether to relocate childrenduring the academic year represented aThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Education support programme89significant challenge being confronted bymany parents residing in rural, regional andremotes areas of WA and involvedconsiderable disruption to the family unit. Itequally illustrated to us the strongcommitment and lengths that many parentswent to, to exercise their right to be able tochoose the educational pathway they wantedfor their child.It was quickly realised the servicesoffered by the programme needed to beinclusive of all students (e.g., both day andresidential students) across the 16 residentialschools rather than only focusing onsupporting the residential students from rural,regional and remote regions. This was achallenge as the programme was initiallyfunded only to support residential students,not day students. To address this wesuccessfully highlighted with the federaldepartment funding the programme that likeresidential students, many of the day studentsalthough not in enrolled as boarding studentswere also adjusting to a new environment andexperience where a temporary new home,city and school are merged together during aschool term and they were similarly spendingan extended period of time away from theiroriginal home, traditional country and family(i.e., both immediate and extended family).Supporting individual students acrossmultiple residential schoolsPrevious research has highlighted thatnew residential students face a number ofsignificant challenges while studying andliving away from home (Fisher, 1990;Morgan, 1993). Adjustments for many of theresidential students included moving awayfrom a context where Aboriginal and TorresStrait Islander children compose the majorityof students at a school, into a situation wherethey were now the minority. There was also asignificant reduction of physical contact withfamily members from daily contact, to asituation where for extended periods of timephysical contact was not possible andcommunication was limited to telephone,email and other means rather than through faceto-faceinteractions.Although previous research has shownthat some students adjust quickly and gain agreater appreciation for routine and disciplinewhile living away from home, for other studentsthe residential setting with reduced freedom,specific rules, including new and different valuesystems, is a difficult adjustment to make(Downs, 2003). To address this issue, weestablished and undertook regular one-on-oneor small-group, face-to-face meetings at eachschool with students. This involved developinga roster of school visits where regular weeklygroup meetings across the 16 residential schoolswere held to listen, to talk and to discuss issuesstudents were contending with while studyingaway from home. For example, meetings wouldinvolve talking about day-to-day factorsincluding completing homework anddeveloping study skills (e.g., goal setting,prioritising tasks and time management) andschool activities, while also providing supportwith living and family issues, peer relationshipsand during times of homesickness, lonelinessand longing for country. During these meetingswe positioned ourselves with students as moreof an educational mentor looking holistically atthe overall educational experience for eachstudent rather than just focusing on sequentialeducational milestones.As colleagues we shared a commonphilosophy towards working with young peoplewhich was to first and foremost (before ‘all’else) invest time and establish a trustingrelationship with students. How the relationshipwith each student evolved was differentdepending on individual needs, wants, interestsand expectations. To achieve the bestrelationship possible with each student weworked hard at steadily fostering a positivemicro-environment around our meetings bybeing genuine, non-threatening and nonjudgmental.It was essential from ourperspective to ensure that each student wasrecognised and felt valued as an individual.Importantly, we encouraged students to take anThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Education support programme90active role in their own education (e.g.,particularly in decision making processes) andto identify and develop their own solutions toboth perceived and real issues.Making a positive first connection withstudents was imperative. On too manyoccasions we had observed staff members atschools asking students what was wrong withthem when they were feeling down but beforethe student had the opportunity to talk, theteacher would answer the question for them orwould quickly lose attention during theresponse and minimise the significance of theresponse with a dismissive statement such as‘don’t worry mate it will be alright bytomorrow’. So our approach regularly involvedreversing roles and encouraging students to bethe teacher and ourselves the learner. Thismeant positioning ourselves at the student leveland learning about the deeper meaningsattached to situations, feelings, thoughts andissues shared with us by students when theyoccurred. Good listening skills were imperativeto achieve this. Anecdotally we noted thisstrategy served as a powerful nexus throughwhich to connect with students, as they knewthat while away from home there was someonethey could share their experiences with on theirown terms.This strategy also facilitated for studentsto build a feeling of ownership and controlover problem solving, decision making processand their own educational pathway. Priorresearch has demonstrated that collaborativepractices encourage a greater connectednesswith pro-social activities such as engaging withschool and have been found to act as aprotective-factor against the development ofrisk taking behaviour in young people such assubstance abuse and drug use (Benson et al.,1999; Jessor, 1993; Pittman et al., 2001;Resnick et al., 1997). By establishing a strongrelationship based approach at the onset ofsupporting students, we found it much easier tomaintain students’ connectedness witheducation and to more effectively target andtailor support for individual students over thelong-term.As the programme and its staff were notattached to one specific school but ratheroperated across 16 schools with many students,it was particularly critical to establish limits andboundaries early in the relationship buildingprocess and to explain clearly the type ofsupport that could be offered. Previous researchhas illustrated that adults who provide, as a partof constructing relationships with children,clear standards, guidelines, encouragement,nurturing and high expectations, are better ableto support young people to develop optimally(Catalano et al., 2002; McNeeley, Nonnemaker& Blum, 2002; Resnick et al., 1997). Inconjunction with these strategies and to furtherfacilitate this process, we also found it wasessential to be consistent, reliable and to havethe ability to effectively communicate. Bytaking these steps it minimised the potentialityof putting our relationship with students at riskourselves by not following up on informationshared and decisions made by a student, due toover-stretching our own individual capacity.As relationships were established withstudents, pressure was occasionally applied onus to act in a disciplinarian role when schoolsexperienced a difficult issue (e.g., a weekendcurfew was broken by a residential student).However, we did not see our role to include theduplication of pre-existing systems but ratherdirected towards the enhancement ofunderstanding. Hence, being a disciplinarianwas a particular role that we would notundertake as schools already had existingpastoral care structures in place. Instead wesupported students to develop solutions forthemselves and also supported schools toenhance existing pastoral care structures. Forexample, on many occasions school staffreported instances where students whereapparently ‘not following instructions and werenot doing what they should be doing’. In anumber of these cases students had actuallyconstructed different interpretations of theinstructions given to them or did not knowwhen and where the application of theseThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Education support programme91instructions started or stopped while at school.We found that miscommunication was createdby multiple factors such as the type oflanguage used or the speed and tone usedduring the delivery of the instruction or thebody language of the person delivering theinstruction just to name a few. To check thatboth student and school staff understandingswere congruent, we would work slowly andexplicitly through each step that gave rise tothe circumstance. The reason and meaningbehind a particular instruction would bediscussed and both the student(s) and staffmembers perspective would be shared, such aswhy an instruction might be considered veryembarrassing or ‘shame’ for a student. Thisassisted both students and school staff toidentify points of communication thatgenerated misunderstandings in pastoral carestructures. Importantly for staff members italso helped to highlight how and why certainpreviously invisible meanings andunderstandings were constructed by studentsand how staff could use this deeper insight intounderstanding certain types of behaviour or thestyle of support students preferred.Both role modelling and two-waysharing were essential strategies we used asthey demonstrated in action to students that wewere reliable and could be trusted as we putinto practice with ourselves what we askedstudents to do. Where appropriate, weregularly shared, discussed and role modelledhow we solved everyday problems both atwork, in our own everyday lives and withinour own family structure. To achieve this weoften involved our own families in weekendevents such as barbeques, excursions andsporting carnivals. Research has establishedthat role modelling helps a developing child tolearn new skills by watching others performthem (Ben-Arieh, 2005; De Winter, Baerveldt,& Kooistra, 1999; Doyle & Hill, 2008; Ungar,2005). It became apparent early on thatengaging in two-way sharing in both actions aswell as in words across all areas of life, helpedto consolidate ourselves as a dependable andvalued support option by students. Importantly,it provided a safe and supportive environmentthat allowed students to talk about, identify andpractice coping skills that suited them, whichassisted with adjusting to a residential lifestyleand living away from home and family.Supporting peers across multiple residentialschoolsFrom a psychological and developmentalperspective, research has demonstrated thatchildren’s participation in decision-makingprocesses can also act as a protective factoragainst participation in risk taking behaviour byyoung people (De Winter, Baerveldt, &Kooistra, 1999). Unfortunately it is the norm inmany education support programmes for thevoices of children and adolescents to be absentfrom the initial design and developmentprocess. Ben-Arieh (2005, p.575) explains thatif society accepts children as equalhuman beings, then the study oftheir quality of life should acceptthat other human beings cannotsimply by virtue of their age decidewhat children’s well-being consistsof…To ensure support programs are relevantthey must be based on children and adolescent’sexperiences (Ben-Arieh, 2005; Stumpers,Breen, Pooley, Cohen & Pike, 2005) and notsolely on what adults perceive as risks for them(Boyden & Mann, 2005; Ungar, 2005). Ben-Arieh (2005) maintains that it should be of greatconcern that policy makers and programdevelopers ask one group (adults) to report onthe behaviour of another group (children) andassume it will be more valid than speaking tothe second group directly.We noted from the scoping and profilingexercise that it was common for brothers andsisters, as well as cousins and relatives, to beconcurrently enrolled at different residentialschools across metropolitan Perth. Byfacilitating opportunities for siblings to catch upand support each other (e.g., barbeques duringweekends) this significantly helped to addressdifficult feelings such as homesickness andThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Education support programme92cultural isolation experienced by some studentswhile studying away from home. This strategywas initially instigated in response to studentswanting to spend some down time duringweekends away from the boarding houseenvironment and in a more relaxed family orhome orientated context away from some ofthe daily peer social pressures of living in aboarding house. (e.g., such as feeling like theyhad to act or behave in a certain manner).An initiative that became a core aspect ofthe programme’s overall structure was theestablishment of an Indigenous BoardingStudent Council across the 16 residentialschools. The student council involved theIndigenous students at each school nominatinga representative to attend four council meetingseach year (e.g., one meeting per term) andrequired students to attend meetings in theirown time, during an evening after school. Toencourage as many students as possible toparticipate and contribute to the councilprocess, the representative role was rotatedbetween students within each individualschool. If a nominated representative initiallyfelt intimidated, self-conscious or shame aboutparticipating in the student council on theirown, they were encouraged to bring a peerfrom their school to share this experience with.The council meetings were hosted on arotational basis between the residential schoolsand also alternated between male and femaleschools, with all students at the host schoolinvited to the meeting.The council encouraged students fromacross the 16 residential schools to meet,network and share experiences with otherstudents at other schools undertaking the sameexperience of studying away from home.Importantly, the council was charged with theresponsibility of raising awareness anddeveloping ideas to address issues such ashomesickness and cultural isolationexperienced by their peers. From ourperspective, the council was also anopportunity for students to have contact with adiverse range of Aboriginal and Torres StraitIslander role models. Accordingly, each councilmeeting involved a role model being organisedand integrated into the council’s agenda as aguest speaker. Guest speakers were selectedfrom a diversity of backgrounds, such asuniversity, private business, sporting icons,industry and government. Interestingly, during asurvey on the topic of role models the studentcouncil made it very clear that they also viewedeach other as role models, as they were sharingthe same experience of living away from homeand family while completing their secondaryeducation.As a representative body the councilnaturally became the initial consultation pointon all aspects of the programme includingoverall direction as well as annual activities andevents. The nominated council members alwaystook ideas from the other students at theirschool to each meeting and on their returnwould share back with their peers whathappened at each meeting. The council’sparticipation in decision making processes andits contribution to the overall programmedirection was an important step towardsstudents developing a sense of identity andconnection with the programme. Equally, thecouncil’s establishment validated theprogramme with new students and also helpedus to swiftly identify issues or areas thatrequired better targeted support. As the councilmembers rapidly grew in confidence, studentswould urge their council representative toorganise for their school to host the nextmeeting as students were proud of their schoolsand wanted to share this experience with theirpeers.To date, council has developed ideas forregular social, cultural, educational and sportingactivities, promoted reconciliation events, andassisted in the hosting of planned programmeevents. It has also acted in a consultancycapacity within the programme’s own steeringcommittee on topics such as role models andalso with external programmes at a nationallevel. It is worth restating here, that studentparticipation in the council was voluntary.The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Education support programme93Supporting parents, family or guardians ofstudents across multiple residential schoolsPrevious literature has clearlyhighlighted that a lack of familiarity with theexpectations of both government programmesand education systems among a largeproportion of Aboriginal and Torres StraitIslander families continues to shape theeducational futures of many Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander children today(Beresford, 2001; Zubrick et al., 2005). In thisinstance, we offered to parents an independent,supportive and alternative link between schooland family, to discuss aspects such as subjectselection, post-school destinations and pastoralcare issues. The main challenge confronting usin effectively supporting parents wasgeography. The ability to commute to parentsresiding in rural, regional and remote regionsof WA for regular face-to-face contact washeavily influenced by traveling costs, distance,diversity of locations and time.To address this, multiple home visitswere planned each year usually during the lastweeks of school holidays or in the schoolholidays. Visits were organised in consultationwith families and/or communityrepresentatives to build relationships and topromote the type of support the programmeoffered to parents (e.g., trips to the East andWest Kimberley, Pilbara and Southwestregions of WA). In addition, newsletters, CDswith photos of recent events and activities,posters and mass-mail-outs via both email andthe post were undertaken. For example,information about tertiary institutions,scholarships, apprenticeships and traineeshipsoptions were regularly disseminated tocontinually expose parents to the diversity ofpost-school opportunities available for theirchildren.One of the most important strategies wasto make telephone calls home to parents and toalso make ourselves available via the telephoneto parents. Many parents have explained to ushow reassuring it was to be able to contactsomeone regarding their child’s wellbeing andsafety, as well as receiving telephone callsupdating them on their child’s progress. To bestfacilitate this we needed to be available bothduring and outside of normal school hours, as itgave parents a more flexible time period tophone and talk (e.g., ask questions and addressissues). An outcome of this strategy was that itcontributed to breaking down the traditionalstereotype that a school or education body onlycontacts parents when a problem or somethingbad had occurred. Importantly, it helped inbuilding a rapport with parents and also gave usthe opportunity to talk with them about howthey were coping with having their childstudying away from home. Many parentscommunicated to us they found it verycomforting to receive a phone call from anotherperson who had seen and valued their child dowell at something (e.g., in a sports carnival) attimes when they were unable to attend.All these strategies contributed to increaseawareness with parents of children engaged inthe programme and notably these strategies alsoencouraged two-way communication betweenparents and the programme staff to increase.For example, an issue of great concernidentified by a number of parents was the needto organise alternative accommodationarrangements during mid-term breaks in whichthe accommodation facilities at each residentialschool closed for a long weekend break duringthe middle of each term. Some parentsexplained that it was not always feasible (e.g.,money, time, work commitments) particularlywhen living in regional and remote parts of WAfor their child to travel home during this shortfour day break (e.g., for some students it tookover 12 hours and three plane flights to travelhome). However, it was also equally difficultfor some of these parents to locate suitablealternative metropolitan accommodation as theyhad no extended family or friend networksbased in Perth.In close consultation with the studentcouncil, this issue was addressed by developingcamps which ran during these mid-term breaksto offer a safe and supervised alternative. TheThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Education support programme94overall aim was for the camps to be relaxingand fun with activities that encouraged positiveinterpersonal development such as buildingconfidence and self-esteem. In addition, anitinerary of structured activities thatencouraged the development of other skillssuch as teamwork, communication (bothtalking and listening skills), leadership andproblem solving, were built into the camps.The camps were voluntary and open toall students in the programme, however Year 8and new students to Perth were especiallyencouraged to participate in the first camp ofeach year. This created the opportunity for newstudents to become more familiar withprogramme staff and to meet other residentialstudents making the same transition. Older orreturning students participating in the campswere expected to help with encouragingyounger students and by taking on rolemodelling opportunities such as leadershiproles in teamwork activities and positivelysupport younger students, this expectationallowed older students to practice and masterleadership and role modelling skills in a safebut applied context.Supporting staff across multiple residentialschoolsWorking collaboratively with key staffmembers within residential schools was vitaland a number of strategies were initiated toallow and encourage staff from across the 16residential schools to effectively network witheach other.As with students and parents, wepositioned itself as an alternative link forschool staff to utilise if assistance wasrequired. One-on-one support was provided toteaching, residential, administration andmedical staff. A majority of staff greatlyvalued using us as sounding boards so that theycould explain and talk about issues withstudents and parents that arose. Our position inthis instance slightly changed into more of amentoring role through which we providedconstructive feedback (e.g., information aboutcultural awareness and protocols, models ofbest practice) and encouraged skilldevelopment. To compliment this, access torelevant professional development and trainingopportunities in the areas of cultural awareness,literacy, numeracy, and vocational educationwere also facilitated, as well as a quarterlynewsletter, health folder outlining alternativeand in some instances more culturallyappropriate health services, as well as thedevelopment of a specific webpage weresupplied.An email-network was also formalisedthat encouraged multiple links to be forgedbetween staff at participating schools, tonetwork and communicate with colleagues insimilar roles about various aspects ofsupporting students. This assisted with issuesfrom sharing transportation so that studentscould attend organised events (e.g., universityopen days), to schools exchanging informationabout more complicated matters such as studentselection procedures, policies, scholarships andpastoral care structures. An important step wasthe facilitation of bi-annual networking sessionsfor staff across the schools, which allowed themto come together and share, network anddiscuss the challenges and success they haveexperienced in supporting students with thetransition into residential schools.Successful intervention programmeswhich produce optimal outcomes for youngpeople are those which prior to commencementidentify context appropriate strategies for useduring the initial implementation phase (Hall &Hord, 2001; Weissberg, Kumpfer, & Seligman,2003). The development of an annual calendarof planned events and scheduled activitiesdeveloped with the support of participatingschools was a significant strategy that helped usto implement this programme. The calendarcreated a positive synergy between plannedprogramme activities and important schoolbased activities each year, with importantacademic dates such as examination weeks orschool carnivals being avoided.The calendar also allowed the programmeto implement essential transitional activitiesThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Education support programme95such as having all students from across theschools attend a traditional ‘Welcome toNyungar Country’ delivered by a localcommunity representative and/or Elder at thebeginning of each year. The majority ofresidential students in the programme wereconscious that they were traditionallyconsidered as visitors to Nyungar Country inthe Southwest. By following and respectingcorrect cultural protocol early in the first termof each year, students could acknowledge theheritage of the Country in which they studiedon and also learn about the relationship,connection and cultural practices that thetraditional owners have with the region. Thecalendar similarly facilitated the planning ofactivities for other significant dates each yearsuch as Sorry Day and NAIDOC Week.By collaboratively planning theprogramme’s annual calendar with schools thisstrategy served the dual role of providing adirect avenue through which schools couldvoice what they considered as successful overthe previous year and in turn helped guide usto better target areas where more support wasrequired. It allowed for excursions to postschoolcareer forums, as well as to universityand TAFE open days to be effectively plannedacross the schools. Notably, the annualcalendar allowed organised events to be wellattended by students, as schools had plenty oftime to prepare and plan for them (e.g., toarrange supervising staff and maketransportation arrangements).An important issue identified by schoolstaff was the establishment of an annualcareers evening specifically for the Aboriginaland Torres Strait Islander students enrolledacross the sixteen schools. A firm ambition ofthe programme and all the schools was thedeconstruction of prevalent stereotypes aboutpost-school destinations for Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander students throughexposing students to diverse career pathwaysand promoting the message that anything waspossible. The career evening format andcontent was developed through closeconsultation with the student council, as well asfrom feedback received from parents and schoolstaff. The consensus was for the careers eveningto be a dynamic and high impact evening thatreinforced the benefits of education andencouraged students to actively engage and takeresponsibility for exploring potential careerpathways they were interested in pursuing.The careers evening consisted of twoseparate parts. The first part was a sharingformat that was initiated by a warm ‘Welcometo Nyungar Country’ delivered in both languageand song. This was followed by a well-knownAboriginal comic performer from theKimberley region of WA who discussed onstage with young Aboriginal and Torres StraitIslander role models, their secondary educationstory as well as inviting them to share theirexperiences of taking the next step into postschooldestinations. This sharing processinvolved much humour however, during eachdiscussion the ability of each young role modelto successfully overcome the various challengesthey confronted in their lives was reinforcedand celebrated. This process created anatmosphere of positive affirmation around thebenefits of completing secondary education. Toextrapolate this positive atmosphere to itsfullest potential, the programme involved youngrole models from a diverse range ofbackgrounds, with a wide range of interest areasand who took different pathways to reach theirgoals. We found this strategy increased thecareers evening appeal to students andsignificantly contributed to breaking downperceived stereotypes and barriers to potentialpost-school destinations.The second part of the careers eveninginvolved information stalls manned withpersonnel from a range of governmentdepartments, non-government agencies, tertiaryinstitutions and industry sectors displayingspecific information about how to accessexisting transition pathways into post-schooldestinations. Anecdotally, we noted the positivemomentum created during the first part of thecareers evening created an uplifting atmosphereThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Education support programme96that flowed into the second part, whichcontributed to students feeling more motivatedand comfortable to explore, listen and talk withprospective organisations about the variouscareer options they offered.Developing supportive links with the widercommunityWe activity initiated and developednetworks with the wider community such astertiary institutions, as well as with relevantgovernment, non-government and industryorganisations in WA. Relationships wereestablished with national initiatives such as theIndigenous Youth Mobility Programme(IYMP), Indigenous Youth LeadershipProgramme (IYLP) and the NationalIndigenous Cadetship Project (NICP). Theseprogrammes were particularly targeted becausethey offered direct support to students with thetransition from completing secondaryschooling into entering post-schooldestinations. Similarly, networks were alsoestablished with key people responsible fordelivering other vital educational supportprogrammes such as the Remote IndigenousStudents Tuition (RIS), Indigenous TutorialAssistance Scheme (ITAS) and Abstudythrough Centrelink, as well as with local healthprofessionals.To assist with the promotion of theprogramme and to make information availablemore broadly, a webpage providing relevantinformation and links for all stakeholders aboutthe programme was developed. It listedupcoming events and activities, careerdevelopment opportunities, as well as providedadditional information on culturally sensitivecommunity based support services in areassuch as health, accommodation, other youthsupport services and legal advice. We alsopublished an information brochure forstudents, parents, school staff and communitymembers explaining areas were support wasoffered, and most importantly how to contactus.Connecting with the wider communitywas central for the success of the programmeas it equally provided a voice and representationfor the students, families and schools, whilealso allowing the wider community to identify apoint to initiate contact and consult with.Final reflectionsFrom our experience, no singlecomponent of an educational supportprogramme can avert students from disengagingwith education at residential schools. Instead,multiple strategies operating in a coordinatedand collaborative manner but which are alsotailored to meet individual needs rather than justusing a blanket approach is required. It wasclear to us that residential students benefitedmost from when families, schools, peers andprogramme staff work together to strengtheneach other’s efforts rather than workingindependently to address perceived needs,expectations and deficits. To achieve this goal,the non-government education sector,policymakers (e.g., government) and the actualstaff of education support programmes arerequired to have a strong commitment toensuring that all stakeholders, particularly theresidential students undertaking the livedexperience, feel that they are able to contributeto and share in the direction and decisions thatguides education support programmes.It is vital for education systems in thefuture to be better at being inclusive of studentperspectives (voices) during the initialconsultation process of education supportprogrammes. The current approach of includingminimal student perspectives in programmedesign and development was initially thecircumstance in our experience. The instigationof an Indigenous Boarding Student Council,conducting weekly student meetings at eachparticipating school and facilitating regularopportunities for students to network andsupport each other, provided a valid and valuedavenue for students to contribute through.From our experience, an effective supportprogramme should actively encourage andcelebrate the student role (participation) inidentifying and implementing solutions todeliver better targeted support to their fellowThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Education support programme97peers. We found that students represent ahighly valuable and accurate source ofinformation and knowledge that can be utilisedto develop innovative and effective solutionsfor difficult issues (e.g., homesickness,loneliness and peer conflict). Moreover,students have a strong sense of what is likelyto work or fail in practice, subsequentlyeffective education support programmes arethose that have the flexibility to incorporatethese ideas into their overall operations.By firmly establishing from the onset astudent focussed and relationship-firstenvironment around the programme, we weremore effectively able to target support andsupport student’s adjustment into residentiallife while they lived and studied away fromhome. We found that students greatly valuedand appreciated this relationship as it presentedas an independent alternative which studentscould access on their own terms and in amanner that they were comfortable with. Overthe long-term, we found this relationshipfostered the development of responsible andrespectful attitudes, as well as creating theopportunity to encourage students to exploreand appreciate the perspectives of others.Previous research has identified thateffective programme implementation issignificantly mediated by factors such as aprogramme provider’s personal efficacy,ability to communicate programme content,warmth, empathy, humour, relationship skillsand decision making processes (Kumpfer &Alvarado, 2003; Weissberg, Kumpfer &Seligman, 2003). We strongly concur with thisand feel that senior education administratorsneed to recognise the recruitment of highlytrained, qualified and committed staff isessential to the overall success of anyeducation support programme. A distinctionthat we would like to add is that working in aneducation support programme such as thisrequired a strong proficiency in specificinterpersonal skills such as attending skills,reflective listening skills, assertion skills, bodylanguage and conflict management skills.As qualified professionals fromdisciplines other than teaching (e.g., youth workand psychology) at times we found someaspects of working within educationdisempowering. On a number of occasions wefound that issues and models of practice that weidentified as important, were at times minimisedand overlooked (e.g., sexual health, mentalhealth, risk taking behaviour and identity).Similarly, at times we have been taken aback bystaff members undertaking roles they are notqualified to dispense. For example, a four yeartrained school psychologist trying to counsel astudent with serious mental health issues ratherthan referring on to a more appropriately trainedmental health practitioner (e.g., clinicalpsychologist). We feel, similar to the steadyshift being made in the health sector to helpmanage the mounting pressure placed onprimary healthcare infrastructure in hospitals,education sectors will also need to betterdevelop the ability to be inclusive of and valuethe skills that allied professionals bring toeducation support programmes.Effectively supporting the development ofyoung people is a dynamic and continuousprocess with education support programmesbeing most beneficial when they are customisedthrough the inclusive practice of involving allstakeholders in programme operations. Bytaking this step we found it allowed us to betteridentify and prioritise student support needs, aswell as allowing us to more cohesively supportthe key elements contributing to creating apositive educational experience which are thestudent, peers, parents (or family), the schooland the wider community.ReferencesAppleyard, S. (2002). Educational issues facingAboriginal families in rural Australia: Acase study. Australian Journal ofIndigenous Education, 30(1), 25-42.Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2009). Schools,Australia, 2008. Retrieved March 18,2009 http://www.ausstats.abs.gov.au/ausstats/subscriber.nsf/0/89FDF875BAAD7A43CThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

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Education support programme99future: Achieving improved primary andsecondary education outcomes forIndigenous students. The AMPFoundation, Effective Philanthropy &Social Ventures Australia.Fisher, S. (1990). The psychological effects ofleaving home: Homesickness, health andobsessional thoughts. In S. Fisher & C.L. Cooper (Eds.), On the move: Thepsychology of change and transition (pp.153-170). New York: Wiley.Gordon, S., Hallahan, K., & Henry, D (2002).Putting the picture together: Inquiry intoResponse by Government Agencies toComplaints of Family Violence and ChildAbuse in Aboriginal Communities.Department of Premier and Cabinet,Western Australia.Groome, H. (1998). Education: The search forrelevance. In C. Bourke, E. Bourke & B.Edwards (Eds.), Aboriginal Australia: Anintroductory reader in Aboriginal studies(p. 168-188). University of QueenslandPress.Hall, G. E., & Hord, S. M. (2001).Implementing change: Patterns,principles, and potholes. Boston: Allyn& Bacon.Jessor, R. (1993). Successful adolescentdevelopment among youth in high-risksettings. American Psychologist, 48,117–126.Johns, G. (2006). Aboriginal Education:Remote schools and the real economy.Barton, New South Wales: MenziesResearch Centre.Kumpfer, K. L., & Alvarado, R. (2003).Family-strengthening approaches for theprevention of youth problem behaviours.American Psychologist, 58, 457-465.McNeeley, C. A., Nonnemaker, J. M., & Blum,R. W. (2002). Promoting schoolconnectedness: Evidence from theNational Longitudinal Study ofAdolescent Health. Journal of SchoolHealth, 72(4), 138–146.Mellor, D. (1998). Ceremony, identity andcommunity. South Australia: Flinders ArtMuseum.Ministerial Council on Education, Employment,Training and Youth Affairs. (2006).Australian Directions in IndigenousEducation 2005–2008. Retrieved October21, 2006, http://www.mceetya.edu.au/verve/_resources/Australian_Directions_in_Indigenous_Education_2005-2008.pdfMerlan, F. (2007). Indigeneity as relationalidentity: The construction of Australianland rights. In M. de la Cadena & O.Starn (Eds.), Indigenous experience today(pp. 125-151). Oxford International.Morgan, R. (1993). School life: Pupil’s viewson boarding. London: HMSO.Nakata, M. (1997a). History, cultural diversityand English language teaching: The talk.Ngoonjook, 12, 54-75.Nakata, M. (1997b). Who's reading misplacedhopes? International Journal ofQualitative Studies in Education. 10(4),425-431.Nakata, M. (2002). Some thoughts on theliteracy issues in Indigenous contexts.Some thoughts on the literacy issues inIndigenous contexts. The AustralianJournal of Indigenous Education, 31, 7-15.Pearson, N. (2004). We need real reform forIndigenous public schooling. TheAustralian, 25 th August.Pittman, K. J., Irby, M., Tolman, J., Yohalem,N., & Ferber, T. (2001). Preventingproblems, promoting development,encouraging engagement: Competingpriorities or inseparable goals? RetrievedJune 12, 2007, http://www.forumforyouthinvestment.org/preventproblems.pdfResnick, M. D., Bearman, P. S., Blum, R. W.,Bauman, K. E., Harris, K. M., Jones, J., etal. (1997). Protecting adolescents fromharm: Findings from the nationallongitudinal study on adolescent health,Journal of the American MedicalThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Education support programme100Association, 278, 823-832.Reynolds, R. J. (2005). The education ofAustralian Aboriginal and Torres StraitIslander students: Repair or racialchange. Childhood Education, 82(1), 31-36.Rudd, K. (2008). Apology to Australia’sIndigenous Peoples, House ofRepresentatives, Parliament ofAustralia. Retrieved March 13, 2008,http://www.aph.gov.au/Hansard/reps/dailys/dr130208.pdf .Sarra, C. (2005). What to pack. Every Child,11(1), 8-9.Sarra, C. (2007). Engaging with Aboriginalcommunities to address socialdisadvantage. Developing Practice,19, 9-11.Storry, K. (2007). What is working in goodschools in remote Indigenouscommunities. The Centre of IndependentStudies, 86, 1-20.Stumpers, S., Breen, L., Pooley, J. A., Cohen,L., & Pike, L. T. (2005). A criticalexploration of the school context foryoung adolescents completing primaryeducation. Community, Work andFamily, 8 (3), 251-270.Thomson, S., McKelvie, P., & Murnane, H.(2006). Achievement of Australia's earlysecondary Indigenous students: Findingsfrom TIMSS 2003. TIMSS AustraliaMonograph Series. Retrieved March 22,2008, http://research.acer.edu.au/timss_monographs/1Trudgen, R. (2000). Why warriors lie downand die: towards an understanding ofwhy the Aboriginal people of ArnhemLand face the greatest crisis in healthand education since European contact.Djambatj Mala, Aboriginal Resource andDevelopment Services Inc., Darwin.Ungar, M. (2005). Resilience among childrenin child welfare, corrections, mentalhealth and educational settings:Recommendations for service. Child andYouth Care Forum, 34(6), 445-464.Valadian, M. (1980). Aboriginal education: ForAborigines by Aborigines? Presentationpaper at the Wentworth Lecture Series,Australian Institute of Aboriginal andTorres Strait Islander Studies.Vicary, D. A., & Bishop, B. J. (2005). Westernpsychotherapeutic practice: EngagingAboriginal people in culturallyappropriate and respectful ways.Australian Psychologist, 40(1), 8-19.Vicary, D., & Westerman, T. (2004). That’s justthe way he is: Some implications ofAboriginal mental health beliefs.Australian e-Journal for the Advancementof Mental Health 3(3). Retrieved August12, 2006, http://www.auseinet.com/journal/vol3iss3/vicarywesterman.pdfWeissberg, R.P., Kumpfer, K.L., & Seligman,M.E. P. (2003). Prevention that works forchildren and youth. AmericanPsychologist, 58, 425-432.Zubrick, S., Silburn, S., Lawerance, D., et al.(2005). The Western AustralianAboriginal Child Health Survey:Improving the educational experiences ofAboriginal children and young people.Perth: Curtin University of Technologyand telethon Institute for Child HealthResearch. Retrieved January 12, 2008,http://www.ichr.uwa.edu.au/waachs/publications/volume_threeAcknowledgementsCorresponding with the protocol outlines by theNational Health and Medical Research Council(NHMRC, 2003) the present article wherepossible will not use the term Indigenous. As apeak body on research protocols NHMRCemphasises that for the most part people preferbeing referred to by names such as Bardi orYindjibarndi as it more closely reflects thediversity of identity, as well as respecting thedistinct cultural differences between clans andlanguage groups. The use of the termAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander in thisarticle is proposed (and hoped) to be inclusiveof this diversity.The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Education support programme101Short Biography of AuthorsLisa Fieldhouse: Lisa is a Koori woman fromNew South Wales and has a Bachelor of SocialScience in Youth Work from Edith CowanUniversity (ECU). Lisa has worked ineducation since 2002 across all three educationsectors in WA (Government, Independent andCatholic sectors) and is currently employed asan Aboriginal Liaison Officer at St Brigid’sCollege, Lesmurdie, Perth, WA. Prior to thisLisa has worked in a number of governmentand non-government health agencies andcommunity youth services. Lisa is interested inall issues related to the development andwellbeing of young people, particularly thesexualisation of females, self-esteem, identityand social justice. Lisa has recently started tostudy Law part-time at the University ofWestern Australia and is also a junior Tee-ballcoach and a loving mother.School of Psychology and Social ScienceEdith Cowan University270 Joondalup DriveJoondalup Western Australia 6027Phone (08) 6304 3840email dmander@student.ecu.edu.auDavid Mander: David is currentlycompleting his PhD at ECU investigating theexperience of boarding school on maleAboriginal and Torres Strait Islander studentsfrom rural, regional and remote locationsacross WA. David has worked in both theGovernment and Independent educationsectors in WA and prior to this he worked as acommunity mental health worker with youngmen. Some of David’s interests include issuesrelated the development and wellbeing ofyoung people, cross cultural awareness,building sustainable relationships incommunity practice, equity and social justiceissues, resilience, self-esteem, and identity.David has a Bachelor of Arts in Psychologyand a Bachelor of Psychology from ECU andhis fourth year manuscript (unpublished)investigated the relationship between anxiety,gender and chronological age and thedevelopment of depressive symptomatology inchildren.Address correspondence toDavid ManderThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

102Using the SPECS Model to Explore New Paradigms in Health PsychologyTim MacKellarUniversity of Notre Dame, AustraliaThe SPECS framework recognises that psychological and political influences interact topromote health and wellbeing, perpetuate oppression or generate resistance andliberation. This interpretation of health and power dynamics has corrected much ofpsychology’s irrelevant scholasticism, facilitating the development of a new criticalpraxis that has the capacity to transform people and society. The comprehensive andreflexive nature of the SPECS model offers a solid foundation to which new healththeories may be incorporated, maintaining a high standard of professional dexterityDisenchantment with biomedical healthperspectives and the medical model has led toa search for alternative orientations thatattempt to improve services in light of anunderstanding of the psychosocial aspects ofhealth care. Many consider that healthpsychology to the present day should moreaptly be termed ‘illness psychology’ as itscentral focus is illness behavior and illnessmanagement. The growing awareness of theimportance of psychological and socialinfluences on health and illness has forcedhealth professionals to propose new ways ofconceptualising health (Marks, Murray, Evans,Willig, Woodall & Sykes, 2005). Engel’s(1997) biopsychosocial model challenged themedical model with the idea that health andillness are contingent upon physical,psychological and social variables. Howeverthere are significant problems with this modelas it remains essentially biomedical and itstheoretical basis has yet to be properly figuredout. Thus despite the fast growth of healthpsychology and its various interdisciplinaryinfluences, there has been no significantparadigm shift in clinical medicine and due toits shortcomings, the biopsychosocial modelhas not replaced the medical model in hospitalsand clinics (Marks et al., 2005).Engel’s model has never been adequatelydefined and therefore it cannot be practicallyoperationalised. Prilleltensky’s (2005) SPECS(strengths, prevention, empowerment, andcommunity conditions) model completesEngel’s (1997) in many ways, offering adefinitive conception of health that providescoherent accounts of how it is exactly thatpsychosocial processes influence health. Thesuperior construction of the SPECS modeladdresses the collective, relational andindividual processes that impact upon health,and also offers significant solutions that canbe implemented. Prilleltensky and Nelson(2002) place parochial conceptions of healthand illness under the broader concept ofwellbeing; a positive state of affairs in whichthe personal, relational, and collective needsand aspirations of individuals andcommunities are fulfilled.So far most health programs havefocussed on improving the wellbeing of theindividual but have overlooked thecommunity conditions that lead to sufferingin the first place. By always directingattention towards the individual level ofanalysis in explaining health relatedbehaviours, Murray and Campbell (2003)believe health psychology has contributed toconcealing the tremendous influence ofeconomic, political and symbolic socialinequalities in patterns of ill health bothglobally and within specific nations.Intrapsychic strategies that focus exclusivelyon personal wellbeing undermine wellbeingbecause they do not support the widerstructure that enhances wellbeing as a whole.It is very difficult for individuals to alter theirstate of wellbeing in the absence ofconcordant environmental changes(Prilleltensky & Nelson, 2002). Reactive,alienating and deficit based approaches thatengender patienthood instead of health,The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

New Paradigms in Health Psychology103citizenship and democracy have been thedominant paradigm in health and humanservices for decades. The SPECS frameworkprovides strength based, preventative,empowering and community orientatedapproaches a chance to promote personal,relational and collective wellbeing. It strives toalter disadvantageous social conditions throughcommunity based participatory strategies andaction research projects that foster leadershipand individual skills (Prilleltensky, 2005).According to the SPECS model, at theindividual level persons are considered siteswhere cognitions, feelings and tangibleexperiences of wellbeing occur. Wellbeinghere is reflected in personal control, which iscontingent upon opportunities to exercise voiceand choice, which in turn are promoted byempowerment. Signs of personal wellbeinginclude self-determination, optimism, sense ofcontrol, self-efficacy, physical and mentalhealth, meaning and spirituality and degrees ofself-actualisation. Major causes ofpsychological distress and oppression includeneurosis, anxiety and personal inadequacy, soone’s ability to cope effectively is paramountto attaining or maintaining wellbeing.Wellbeing on the individual level is thus aboutself-empowerment, personal insight andchanging one’s own behaviour, knowledge,attitudes and beliefs. It is about avoidingvictim blaming, and the internalisation ofdisempowering ideologies (Prilleltensky,2005).Relationships are sites where materialand psychological resources are negotiatedbetween individuals or groups. On therelational level, signs of wellbeing includedemocratic participation in decision-makingprocesses, respect for diversity, nurturance andaffection, support and cooperation. Relationalwellbeing encompasses lifestyle environmentalfactors such as occupational health, and theavoidance of stressors in family, educationaland social settings. Maintaining wellbeing onthis level is about creating awareness of socialpower dynamics, and re-examining thepersonal appraisal processes of triggers thatcreate stress and anxiety (Prilleltensky,2005).Communities as sites of wellbeingdisplay features including a fair andequitable allocation of bargaining powers,resources and obligations in society, as wellas gender and race equality, universal accessto high quality healthcare and educationfacilities, affordable housing, clean air, andaccessible transportation and employmentopportunities. Wellbeing at this levelstrongly parallels with Baro’s LiberationPsychology (cited in Burton & Kagan,2004) and essentially derives from policiesof social justice, advocated by socialmovements that endeavour to create andimprove institutions that deliver services toall citizens (Prilleltensky, 2005).In order to advance wellbeing at thethree levels, the SPECS model has a numberof strategies that cover the range of domainsof wellbeing and attend to the various signsand sources of the three sites.Comprehensive promotion of wellbeingmust address four corresponding domains;the temporal, ecological, participation andcapabilities. Only a small amount ofresources are allocated to prevention inmany health systems and this corresponds tothe temporal and ecological domains. Thevast majority of resources are assigned torehabilitative costs such as therapeuticinterventions, and hospital maintenance.This is the reactive approach, a remnant ofthe still dominant medical model. Instead ofwaiting for citizens to develop illness thatmedicine and psychology can only treat atvery high financial and human costs, SPECSrecognises that the best way to lessen theincidence and prevalence of suffering isthrough prevention. This model proposescost effective high quality preventativeinterventions (Prilleltensky, 2005).In order to experience wellbeinghuman beings have to experienceaffirmation first and this corresponds to theThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

New Paradigms in Health Psychology104participation and capabilities domains.Affirmation comes from among other things,an acknowledgement of a person’s strengths,voice and choice. The fields of health andhuman services continue to be renowned forconcentrating on deficits, for fosteringclienthood and patienthood instead ofcitizenship. When empowerment and strengthsare promoted the experience of affirmationgrows (Prilleltensky, 2005). The SPECSframework can thus be considered the mosteffective new paradigm for health psychologyas it adopts a broad definition of health andtakes Engel’s model much further by actuallyidentifying the diverse domains and processesthat impact on healthcare and wellbeing, andoffers detailed solutions on how to combathealthcare structural problems.However, proper appreciation of theSPECS framework requires an understandingof how notions of oppression and powerdynamics relate to wellbeing. This permeatesthe whole framework. According toPrilleltensky and Gonick (1996) theontological nature of oppression may beunderstood from various levels of analysis,from the micro personal to the macrointernational level, from both psychologicaland political orientations. Political factors referto the collective experience of individuals andgroups, informed by power relations andconflicts of interest at the interpersonal, family,group, community and societal levels(Prilleltensky, 2003). One of the politicalmechanisms accounting for oppression inemerging countries is the oppressive structureof international financial systems that lockemerging societies in a state of increasedeconomic dependency (Prilleltensky &Gonick, 1996). Such forms of oppressionusually devolve from the largest units, such asinternational governing bodies to the smallestunit, the individual.Psychological factors refer to thesubjective experience of the individual,informed by power dynamics operating at thepersonal, interpersonal, family, group and statelevels, the vehicles of which include learnedhelplessness, internalisation of hegemonicself-rejecting views and obedience toauthority (Prilleltensky & Gonick, 1996).The critical consciousness of a person,group or nation may be at varying stages inregard to different oppressing agents as anindividual may be aware of oppressiveforces at the interpersonal level, but may beunaware of subjugating influencescontrolling at the class or state level(Prilleltensky & Gonick, 1996). Cultivatinga strong sense of self-awareness createsresistance to both internal psychological andexternal political structures, beginning theprocess of liberation that is fundamental toattaining wellbeing (Prilleltensky & Nelson,2002).The SPECS model offers practicaltransformative interventions that utilisethese insights about the relationship betweenpower and oppression and wellbeing. It isthe conditioning processes that occur in themajor educative institutions that dictate thevalues and norms that create the fabric ofsociety. Prilleltensky and Gonick (1996)have proposed the formation of criticalconsciousness programs at all levels ofeducation that empower individuals andgive them greater insight into themselves,their environment and their capacity tocreate change and transformation. Statisticshave consistently demonstrated the highcorrelation between education, as impactingupon socio-economic standing, and socioeconomicstanding impacting upon health(Watts & Abdul-Adil, 1994). Thus the taskof overcoming oppression and betteringindividual and collective wellbeing startswith the process of psychopoliticaleducation and ends in a greater personalawareness and action (Prilleltensky &Nelson, 2002). Furthermore, to move fromvalues to action in critical healthpsychology, Prilleltensky (2003) proposeswe assess all our activities against epistemicand transformational psycho politicalThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

New Paradigms in Health Psychology105validity. This type of transformation is basedon a consideration of power dynamics inpsychological and political domains of health,and refers to system change whereasamelioration refers to individual or reformistchange that leaves the sources of the problemunaffected.With an understanding of psychologicaland politically oppressive processes and theirrelationship to wellbeing in mind, the SPECSmodel can be used as a foundation for theincorporation of new health concepts andalternative health modalities. The latetwentieth century has witnessed increasingcriticism of medicine and it has been arguedthat a process of de-medicalisation is takingplace (Marks et al., 2005). The apparent failureof biomedicine to solve the big medicalproblems such as cancer and AIDS has led to aheightened cynicism and a turn to alternativehealth systems. Not surprisingly establishedhealth professions are very concerned with thegrowth of complementary medicine and areattempting to undermine it by insisting it meetspositivist scientific standards of safety andpractice.Medicine sees the body as strictly amechanical apparatus composed of physicalbio-chemicals and genes. If the functioning ofthe body is diseased, medicine uses physicaldrugs and chemistry to restore the body. In thequantum universe, it is recognised thatinvisible energy fields and physical moleculescollaborate in creating life. Quantummechanics recognises that the invisible movingforces of the field are the primary factors thatshape matter (Woese, 2004). At the veryleading edge of contemporary biophysics,scientists are recognising that the body’smolecules are actually controlled byvibrational energy frequencies, so that light,sound and other electromagnetic energiesprofoundly influence all the functions of life(Lipton, 2005). This fascinating insight aboutthe power of energy forces provides anunderstanding of how Asian energy medicine,homeopathy, chiropractic and othercomplementary healing modalities influencehealth.Among the energy forces that controlbiology are the electromagnetic fields thatare generated by the mind. In conventionalbiology, the action of the mind is not reallyincorporated into the understanding of life,despite medicine acknowledging that theplacebo effect is responsible for at least onethird of all medical healing, includingsurgery (Lipton, 2005). The placebo effectoccurs when someone is healed due topersonal belief that a drug or medicalprocedure is going to be effective. Thisincredible healing ability is usuallydisregarded by conventional allopathicmedicine and drug companies that sanctiononly limited remedies for disease andillness. Based on the tenets of epigenetics,‘new biology’ emphasises the role of themind as the primary factor influencinghealth (Lipton, 2005). This perspective ofhealth undermines the idea of biologicaldeterminism, regarding interaction betweenenvironmental stimuli and the mind asresponsible for health. TraditionalIndigenous belief systems the world overresonate strongly with this concept ofhuman health (Maher, 2002), and it seemsunavoidable that as we look outside theconfined space of empirical science we willcome to embrace more alternative causalontologies and methods of healing.The concepts of new biologycomplement the SPECS model in a numberof ways as overcoming oppression andensuring wellbeing is not just a matter ofpersons acting on the environment, but ofindividuals coming into contact withexternal forces they have already mentallyinternalised. By placing emphasis onenvironmental factors in determining health,such as socio-economic standing andeducational opportunities, interpersonal andinter-group power dynamics anddiscriminatory practices, new biologyinadvertently acknowledges the wayThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

New Paradigms in Health Psychology106political and psychological factors interact toimpact upon health. Once aware of inhibitingenvironmental influences, new biology positsthat the human mind has the capacity torenegotiate and overcome these by changingthe way it perceives, constructs and interactswith the environment. Thus these scientificinsights could be incorporated into criticalconsciousness programs or at the very leastadd a new dimension to health comprehensionin community wellness programs(Prilleltensky, 2003). If incorporated into theSPECS model, the empowering nature of thesediscoveries has serious ramifications for thetemporal and ecological domains by furtheringthe likelihood of illness prevention. Theparticipation and capabilities domains wouldalso be significantly affected by the idea thatthrough educated cognitive mediation ofenvironmental influences, the individual canbecome the ultimate constructor of their healthand their reality, dramatically increasing levelsof personal affirmation, strengths and voice.While it may seem new biology and otherconsciousness raising information is of littlepractical value to third world countries andoffers no visible betterment to concretesituations, the access to the empoweringknowledge itself is actually an extremelyimportant change in the environment, creatingpositive repercussions of its own.However it is important to keep in mindthat the path towards liberation is far fromlinear, it is a process and not a state. AsPrilleltensky (2003) observes, the professionalhelper is geared toward amelioration, and thesmooth running of institutions, while thecritical change agent is focused ontransformation, liberation and theconfrontation of unjust practices. If wellbeingand liberation are to emerge these roles need tobe collaborative, and this requires peopleworking inside the system as much asquestioning it, specialised knowledge as muchas political knowledge and ameliorativetherapies as much as social change. Perhapsunder this definition of professional criticalpraxis, alterative health modalities and evenbroader conceptions of health andwellbeing, such as those implicit in newbiology may come to be accepted andeventually wield some positive influence inthe agenda for social justice.A great example of the potential ofsuch reflexive and synergistic practice is theidea of establishing in mainstreaminstitutions, community wellness groupswhere citizens afflicted by similar medicalailments can discuss the social origins oftheir problems and have an opportunity toinstigate meaningful social change. Thefocus of these groups is on how to empowercommunity members to combat oppressivesocietal conditions, so citizens experiencenot only traditional ameliorative treatment,but also the positive effects of being part ofa transformational process (Prilleltensky,2003). There is a gradual decoding of theindividual’s world as the mechanisms ofoppression and dehumanisation are grasped.Such programs, corresponding to the SPECSparticipation and capabilities domains,would institutionalise critical consciousnessprograms, undermining the dominance ofthe medical model and thus helping to deprofessionalise health and wellness. Thesocially critical nature of such questioningwould also contribute to the accountabilityof mainstream institutions towardsoppressed and marginalised groups.Ultimately this type oftransformational approach requires an effortto understand local struggle and selfliberationwithin a wider societal and globalperspective. Murray and Campbell (2003)believe all health professionals need toconsider themselves as participants in abroader movement for social change and theeradication of poverty, to move from theposition of the detached observer to that ofthe socially committed. Human rights andan active participatory citizenship arefoundational to community developmentand wellbeing, and in order to combat war,The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

New Paradigms in Health Psychology107violence, poverty, crime and ignorance on aglobal scale, drastic measures such as theelimination of third world debt, theundermining of numerous corporate interestsand increased government accountability needto be implemented (Prilleltensky, 2005). Theproblem, according to Murray and Campbell(2003) is figuring out how to connect local andcommunity efforts to mobilise resistance tosocial oppression to broader national andinternational movements.It is only when we achieve an integratedpolitical and psychological understanding ofpower, wellness and oppression that we caneffectively change the world around us(Prilleltensky, 2003). To promote liberation,critical psychology needs to engage with thepolitical and the psychological concurrently, itneeds to operate at the level of the individualand political. This means identifying processesand practices which can transform thepsychological processes associated withoppression and facilitate taking action to bringabout change in social conditions at the levelof widespread discursive practices and thesubjugating forces on the individual. TheSPECS framework recognises that thesedynamic terrains need to be negotiated in orderto promote wellbeing at the individual,relational and collective levels. The broadreflexive nature of the SPECS model not onlytakes these psychological and political forcesinto account but also provides a solid base towhich new theories of health and wellbeingcan be incorporated.ReferencesBurton, M., & Kagan, C. (2004). Liberationsocial psychology: learning from LatinAmerica. Journal of Community andApplied Social Psychology, 15, 63-78.Engel, G. (1997). From biomedical tobiopsychosocial. Being scientific in thehuman domain. Psychosomatics, 38,521-528.Lipton, B. (2005). The biology of belief. SantaRose, CA: Elite Books.Maher, P. (2002). A review of traditionalAboriginal health beliefs. TheAustralian Journal of Rural Health, 7,229-236.Marks, D., Murray, M., Evans, B., Willig,C., Woodall, C., Sykes, C. (2005).Health psychology: Theory, researchand practice (2 nd ed). London: Sage.Murray, M., & Campbell, C. (2003).Beyond the sidelines: Towards a morepolitically engaged health psychology.Health Psychology Update, 12(3), 1-11.Prilleltensky, I. (2003). Critical healthpsychology needs psycho-politicalvalidity. Health Psychology Update,12(3), 1-11.Prilleltensky, I. (2005). Promoting wellbeing:Time for a paradigm shift inhealth and human services.Scandinavian Journal of PublicHealth, 33, 53-60.Prilleltensky, I., & Gonick, L. (1996).Polities change, oppression remains:On the psychology and politics ofoppression. Political Psychology, 17,127-147.Prilleltensky, I., & Nelson, G. (2002). Doingpsychology critically: Making adifference in diverse settings. NewYork: Palgrave Macmillan.Watts, R., & Abdul-Adil, J. (1994).Psychological aspects of oppressionand socio-political development:Building young warriors. In R. Newby& T. Manly (Eds.), The poverty ofinclusion, innovation andinterventions: The dilemma of theAfrican-American underclass.Rutgers, NJ: Rutgers University Press.Woese, C. (2004). A new biology for a newcentury. Microbiology and MolecularBiology Reviews, 68(2), 123-186Address correspondence toemail timmackellar@gmail.com.The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

108A Case for More Culture in Community Psychology:The Federated States of MicronesiaDavid S. Jackson 1,2Richard J. Kim 11 The Catalyst Group, LLC2 University of Hawai‛i at MānoaDespite the notable achievements of community psychology in promoting the wellnessof diverse populations and recent “calls to action” to incorporate more culture in thediscipline, there has still been insufficient integration of cultural theories and thevaluable contributions of cultural psychology. This paper presents issues of substanceabuse and mental health in the Federated States of Micronesia and demonstrates whycultural understanding is necessary for improving the lives of Micronesians and preventingfurther problems. A more culturally-informed community psychology couldcontribute to the enhancement of this population and others through advancing culturaltheory and research, developing more culturally-appropriate interventions, andpreventing problems caused by inattention to culture.Community psychology has undoubtedlyenriched our understanding of diversity and thecorollaries that emerge at the junctions ofdifferent cultures and social systems.Contemporary advances that have shaped ourfield include the illumination of the limits ofWestern psychological knowledge (Gergen,Gulerce, Lock, & Misra, 1996) and theimportance of assuming a global perspective(Marsella, 1998) while valuing local andindigenous practices (Kim & Berry, 1993).Such contributions make our discipline wellsituatedfor tackling issues in the internationalrealm, and recent developments at this levelare encouraging.Several special journal editions haverevealed community psychology’sinternational diversity (Journal of CommunityPsychology, 1998, 3; 2002, 6; The CommunityPsychologist, 1990, 1; 1995, 3). These andother works have greatly expanded ourconceptualization of our discipline, and includeperspectives from areas such as Australia(Bishop & D’Rosario, 2002), New Zealand(Gregory, 2001), Cuba (Calvino, 1998), andSouth Africa (Ngonyama ka Sigogo, et al.,2004), to name a few. The title of the 2005Society for Community Research and ActionBiennial Conference “Community Psychologyin Global Perspective” also reflects this trend.In addition, the population of members incommunity psychology organizations outsideof the U.S. is growing and constitutes morethan half of the total membership (Toro,2005). Clearly, community psychology isestablishing a much needed place among thediverse peoples of the world.However, much less prevalent areefforts in the discipline to incorporate culturaltheories and research in community work. Inlight of the numerous cultures thatcommunity psychologists are engaged with, itis surprising that the abundance of culturalliterature available (for e.g., Cooper &Denner, 1998; Herskovits, 1955; Hofstede,1980; Kagitcibasi, 1996; Kluckhohn, 1954;Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Shweder, 1990;Triandis & Bhawuk, 1997) has not been moreintegrated. Bhawuk and Mrazek (2005) alsoraised an important question of whether thefield is sufficiently considering culture.Fortunately, the last few years have seenmore recognition of this need, as O’Donnell’s(2006) presidential address proclaimed thesignificance of culture for our discipline,stressing the need to go beyond diversity as afundamental aspect of our work. Thesignificance of the connection betweenThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

States of Micronesia109community psychology and culture was alsoreflected in the theme of the recent 2007SCRA Biennial Conference, “Community andCulture: Implications for Policy, Social Justice,and Practice.”Although cultural psychology and relatedfields have made vast contributions, it is anenormous task to develop an understanding ofthe numerous evolving cultures that exist alongwith all of the problems, solutions, andopportunities related to culture. Communitypsychology, which often tackles social issuesat the most local level, must fill this need whenworking with communities in which littleresearch or theoretical knowledge exists. Forexample, Pacific Island cultures have not beenincorporated in major theoretical perspectivessuch as those from Hall (Hall & Hall, 1990),Hofstede (1980), Kluckhohn & Strodtbeck(1961), and Schwartz (1992), although manycommunity psychologists are involved withPacific Island people and their related issues.Cultural knowledge is necessary for us toengage in our work, and thus it becomes ourresponsibility to build and share culturalunderstanding to effectively assist thosecommunities.Reinforcing the case for a greaterincorporation of cultural theories and researchin community psychology, this paper reviewssubstance abuse and mental health in theFederated States of Micronesia (FSM). Thecase of FSM, with its increasing socialproblems, reveals that our contributions toglobal issues are valuable, but they are stillinsufficient. With greater attention to culture,community psychology’s impact can be morefully realized.The first section of this paper provides anoverview of FSM as many readers may not befamiliar with the region or its people. Ofcourse, many differences exist within the FSMpopulation, but they also share manycharacteristics that are useful for examiningtheir situation as a whole (Saleh, 1996). Thesesocio-cultural elements provide a context forbetter understanding the subsequent topics ofsubstance abuse and mental illness.References to the cultural factors and socialconditions that may underlie these problemsare infused throughout most of the paper.While minimal, the current efforts to addressthese issues in FSM are also reviewed, whichunderscores the critical need for an expansionof community psychology.FSM and its cultureThe Federated States of Micronesia(FSM) provides a compelling case of a regionat the threshold of cultural changes where ourexisting frameworks may be relevant andwhere our knowledge and skills can beusefully developed and applied. However,little attention has been paid to thispopulation among community psychologists.No articles were found in communitypsychology journals that mention Micronesiaor its people.The Federated States of Micronesia area group of islands in the West Pacific Oceandivided into the four states of Chuuk (Truk),Kosrae (Kosaie), Pohnpei (Ponape), and Yap.Its land area totals approximately 700 squarekilometres; about four times the size ofWashington D.C. Its estimated population in2008 was 107,665 (U.S. Census Bureau,2008).Although limited, some populationcharacteristics are available from the U.S.Census Bureau and occasional census studieswithin FSM. In 2008, the population wasestimated to be 50.0% male and extremelyyouthful, with 56.6% of the total populationbeing between the ages of 0 and 24 years old(U.S. Census Bureau, 2008). The 2000 FSMCensus of Population and Housing hasestimated that 48.8% identify their ethnicorigin and race to be Chuukese (or its outerislands), 25.5% identify as Pohnpeian (or itsouter islands), 9.3% identify as Yapese (or itsouter islands), 6.7% identify as Kosraean,0.6% identify as Filipino, and less than 0.5%each identify as other Asian, other PacificIslander, U.S. American, or other. Likewise,FSM includes a diverse array of languages,The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

States of Micronesia110with 57.6% speaking Chuukese, 47.4%speaking English, 34.3% speaking Pohnpeian/Mwoakilloan/Pingelapese, 7.7% speakingKosraean, 6.0% speaking Yapese, 5.3%speaking other island Yapese, and less than 5%each speaking Asian or other languages.Among the population age 25 years and over,49.2% have less than a 9 th grade education,19.1% have an education between 9 th and 12 thgrades, but no diploma, and 31.7% are a highschool graduate or higher (FSM NationalGovernment, Department of Economic Affairs,Division of Statistics, 2002).Saleh (1996) provided a usefuldescription of Micronesian culture. One of thecentral features of the Micronesian identity isthe extended family, from which, traditionally,all behaviour stems. This characteristic issimilar to many Pacific Island nations(O’Donnell, 1995). Helping one’s familymembers is a fundamental value and oneoccupies a clearly defined role within thefamily unit. Self-esteem and security areanchored in identifying oneself within thefamily. Traditionally, land was also part of thefamily and was not divided and barteredamong individuals. Harmony with nature was,and remains, an important value as well (Saleh,1996).Saleh (1996) also illustrated therelational styles among Micronesians. They arefriendly people and do not like to offendothers; interpersonal harmony is fundamental.Thus, they may take some time getting toknow others to ensure that they do not upsetthem. Micronesians dislike conflict, and thetraditional social organization was constructedto circumvent contention. Micronesians valuesharing and assisting those in need rather thanmaterial wealth.The changes that have occurred and arestill occurring in Micronesia are leading to asocial system almost directly opposed to thetraditional one. The effect of repeatedcolonization has led to 1) displacement fromland through appropriation, 2) familydissolution, 3) a breakdown of traditionalculture, 4) ambiguous identification, 5) a lackof educational attainment, and 6) a culture atrisk (Saleh, 1996). It can be argued that theincreasing problems, such as substance abuseand mental health reviewed in this paper,may only be a couple of telling symptoms ofa larger trend jeopardizing Micronesiansociety.Untalan and Camacho (1997) alsodiscussed the effect of rapid social changes inMicronesia. They reiterated the importance ofthe extended family and how typicallymatrilineal lines determine patterns of landownership, residence, social position,kinship, and inheritance. However,modernization and changing family structurestoward independent nuclear families withfewer support systems, along withindividualistic practices, have undermined thepower of the extended family to ensure thewelfare of each other. These authors alsodiscuss the corresponding increases inproblems such as alcohol and drug use, teenpregnancy, suicide, and child maltreatmentwhich have emerged.Major social issues in FSMAlthough the hundreds of volcanicislands and coral atolls which make up FSMexemplify tropical paradise, the region is farfrom being trouble-free. There has beengrowing concern about substance abuse andmental health issues in the region (Gonzaga-Optaia, 2006; Hezel, 1987a, 1987b, 1989,1993; Marshall, 1990, 1993, 1997).Historically, problems of mental illness wereminimal and alcohol and drug use (besidesnative plants such as kava) may have beennon-existent. For example, cases of mentalillness even in the 1960s were perceived as“relatively few” (Hezel, 1993). Also,researchers have found that intoxicatingdrugs, including alcohol, did not exist onislands such as in Chuuk until foreign contact(Larson, 1987; Marshall, 1990), and Saleh(1994) stated that “alcohol is not indigenousto any of the islands of Micronesia” (p. 268).Recently however, these problems haveThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

States of Micronesia111intensified, with the foremost mental healthissues being schizophrenia (Hezel, 1993) andsuicide (Rubenstein, 2002). In addition,excessive alcohol and growing drug use,especially marijuana and ‘ice’, are beingdocumented in the region (Saleh, 1994; Storr,Arria, Workman, & Anthony, 2004).Much of the research presented in thispaper is based on the limited studies available,some of which are becoming dated. However,more recent presentations (e.g., Gonzaga-Optaia, 2006) and the authors’communications with local authorities suggestthat these issues continue to worsen. It is alsonoteworthy that almost all of the studiesreviewed here discuss cultural change to someextent and relate it to the problems experiencedin Micronesia. This presents a much neededdirection for research on mitigating thesenegative effects.In addition, there is still a need forresearch to confirm the prevalence ofsubstance abuse and mental illnesses on a morecomprehensive scale. The knowledge baseregarding the correlates of substance abuse andmental health among Micronesians is also stillin its infancy. While many argue thatWesternization is contributing substantially tothese problems, almost no theoretical modelsor studies were found examining therelationships among substance use, mentalillness, and their precursors withinMicronesian society. Research on culturallycompatible treatment and prevention programsis also lacking for this population, and previousefforts to adequately assess and address theseproblems have been minimal and ineffective(Robillard, 1987).Substance abuseBesides kava, a root-based drink oftenconsumed together with the community duringsignificant events, alcohol, tobacco, and otherdrugs have been unknown in much of theregion until foreign contact. Tobacco may havebeen one of the first to be introduced to theislands through Spanish trading networksaround the mid-19 th century (Marshall, 1990).Likewise, alcohol was unknown until foreigncontact (Marshall, 1993), although Nason(1975) argued that sakau (general term fordrinks containing alcohol) and achi(fermented coconut toddy) were presentbefore Western contact. Marshall andMarshall (1975) discovered that some islandsof Micronesia learned about the coconutvariety from Filipinos. Estimates of whenwhisky, wine, and beer made theirappearance range from the early to late1800’s (Marshall & Marshall, 1975; Nason,1975). It is argued that marijuana wasintroduced in the late 1960s by Peace Corpsvolunteers (Marshall, 1990), although localsdid not begin using until the mid 1970s(Larson, 1987). Today, all of these substancesare used frequently in FSM. Althoughtobacco use is undoubtedly a concern(Marshall, 1997), more research is availableon the use of alcohol and other drugs.Therefore it is the latter two that will befocused on.Marshall conducted an ethnographicstudy of alcohol and drunken behaviour inMoen in 1976 and followed up this researchon the same island in 1985 with a morecomprehensive study of alcohol, tobacco andmarijuana using multiple methods (Marshall,1990). Marshall’s study found that a majorityof men drink (85% were current or formerdrinkers), especially those between their midteensand mid-30s, while a majority ofwomen did not drink (2.3% were current orformer drinkers). Gender was the greatestpredictor of alcohol, tobacco, and marijuanause. Of current drinkers, consumption wasfound to be heavy, with 77.6% having morethan four drinks per session and 50.6%having more than 10 drinks per session. Noassociation was found between alcohol useand the biographical characteristics ofreligious affiliation, marital status,educational level, employment status, orcommunity of origin. Also, alcohol use wassignificantly correlated with tobacco andmarijuana use. Despite the high use ofThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

States of Micronesia112alcohol, Marshall found that few Moenislanders reported drinking for “pathological”reasons, and most drank for social reasons.Later, Saleh (1994) examined patterns ofalcohol use and related factors amongMicronesian college students at a Guamuniversity. The author found that Micronesianstudents, compared with non-Micronesians,were significantly more likely to have parentswho were alcoholic and friends who drink, andto consume more alcohol in one sitting. Furtheranalyses showed that, in comparison to Palauand Guam (outside of FSM), a greaterpercentage of students from Chuuk reportedbeing heavy drinkers, getting drunk morefrequently, and drinking every day. Chuukstudents also reported a higher frequency ofarguing after drinking and experiencing workor academic interference from drinking.Nason (1975) found that drinking partieson Etal Island have come to serve an importantsocial function, preserving traditional valuesand easing the strain from socio-politicalchanges. Drinking parties often coincide withpublic occasions, or the arrival of visitors orfieldtrip ships. They are male dominated andprovide a context for young men to displaymasculinity through risky activities such asgambling with blackjack, “chugging” liquor,and singing love songs (because of theiradulterous connotations). As traditional maleroles have faded, drinking parties allow men todemonstrate their masculinity and at the sametime provided an outlet for their frustrationsregarding interpersonal problems.Marijuana use appears to be servingsimilar social functions, as discovered byLarson (1987) in his study of Chuukese users.Occasionally, young women smoke marijuana,although typical smokers are young menbetween the ages of 15 to 20. Usuallyconsumed among a group of close relatives orfriends, it is understood by group members thatthey are allowed to share their personalthoughts and that it will be kept secret by othermembers. There is a high degree of trustamong those smoking together and often,smoking is a means of developing friendships.However, these bonds develop in the context ofdisapproval by authority figures and marijuanause is believed by many to cause problems inthe youths’ behaviour (such as disobedience)and discord within the family. Larson illustrateshow marijuana smoking may fit in with theChuukese cultural values of sharing andpeacefulness, but also risk-taking at the sametime. However, at a societal level, in addition toit being illegal, it is not an accepted behaviourand is still perceived as a foreign custom.Little data on frequency of marijuana orother drug use in FSM is available. FSM’sDepartment of Health, Education, and SocialAffairs, Substance Abuse and Mental HealthProgram has reported a perceived increase inthe introduction of drugs (Gonzaga-Optaia,2006). However, almost no informationcomprehensively details the extent of currentsubstance abuse within FSM.Mental healthWhile the connection between substanceabuse and mental health is well-documentedwith Western samples, the association is lessclear for Micronesians. Some literaturereviewed earlier suggests strong social reasonsfor using alcohol and drugs rather thanpathological reasons, although Hezel’s (1993)research suggests the possibility that substanceabuse may act more as a precursor to mentalillness. With such limited data, more researchmust be conducted on the possible correlationbetween drug use and mental health in light ofcultural changes in FSM.Only relatively recently has psychologicaldeviance in Micronesia been examined,although primarily under the Westernconceptualization of mental health. Beginningin 1974 from a psychiatrist and a psychologiston the Trust Territory Headquarters staff, aDivision of Mental Health was established toassess mental health in the region (Hezel,1987a). Despite the lack of evidence for theneed for or suitability of Western services, theAmerican model of health care wasinstitutionalized and practiced among theThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

States of Micronesia113people of Micronesia. By the early 1980’s,about one dozen programs were initiated withthe purpose of training mental health serviceproviders (Robillard, 1987). Also, a handful ofreports detailing the incidence ofschizophrenia, as well as the status of othermental health issues and the health care systemwere developed during this early period(Hezel, 1987a).However, early attempts at establishingmental health services were largelyunsuccessful (Robillard, 1987). Services werenot only incompatible with cultural norms;there was a lack of fit between services andcommunity needs. For example, standardWestern methods of diagnosing and treatingpatients were implemented based on anindividual-centred framework, with littleknowledge of the importance of theMicronesian’s interrelations with family andcommunity. In addition, although suicide anddrug abuse were the most salient issues, mentalhealth programs paid little attention to them.Robillard’s (1987) evaluation of mental healthservices in Micronesia was quite incisive:“The history of U.S. ‘development’of Micronesia, of which mentalhealth services is but a phase,wears a very thick pair ofinstitutional blinders, a mask sototally composed of the structuraldynamics of the centre that there isvirtually no space and time toconceive of or implement anythingbut the most conventional Americanmental health servicesystems.” (p.235)It was evident that for interventions tosucceed, knowledge of the causes andtreatment of mental illness amongMicronesians had to be broadened. Severalauthors have embarked on this undertaking andtheir analyses have generally pointed to theeffect of increasing Western influence (Dale,1981; Hezel 1987a, 1987b, 1989, 1993; Lowe,2003; Rubenstein, 1983, 1987, 1995, 2002).These authors have linked such social changesto suicide and psychosis, especiallyschizophrenia.Hezel (1987a) may have been one of thefirst to suggest that the increase in the rate ofmental illness was linked to social changes inMicronesia. More specifically, Hezel (1987a,1987b, 1989) provided insightful explanationsof the relationship of changes in social andfamily dynamics and suicide in Truk.Examining the types of suicide committed, itwas found that most related to family problems.It is the changes in values and relationshipsamong parents and children that lead toconflicts. For example, youth may increasinglydemand acknowledgement of their ‘rights’,which was never an issue in traditional society;on the other hand, parents may be pressured todemand that children prove themselves withsubstantial cash incomes rather than traditionalfood production and tending to the home.Changes in the distribution of wealth andauthority, as fathers are encouraged to earnmore money and become independent fromtheir wives’ lineages, subsequently impact theinterdependence and security within theextended family.These changes often clash with preexistingways. Under stress, historical culturalnorms such as bravado (in males), enduringsuffering as proof of love, and need forrecognition, also influence one’s decision tocommit suicide (Hezel, 1987b). The culturalnorm of avoiding conflict may also be a factorin suicide, as it provides a means of removingoneself from the situation (Saleh, 1996). Inaddition, the suicides appear to be highlyculturally patterned and influenced by previousacts, appearing to be to some extentromanticized (Rubenstein, 1987).Lowe’s (2003) more recent analysis ofadolescent and youth well-being in Chuukprovides a complementary and expandedaccount of precursors to psychosocial stress. Hediscussed the importance of identity formationfor young people and their challenges innegotiating their identities across multiplesettings. When constructing an identity in oneThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

States of Micronesia114activity setting is opposed to the identityencouraged in another setting, elevatedpsychosocial stress is likely. In the context ofMicronesia, social change that creates newsettings which reward the construction of aparticular identity and are incongruent with thereward system of other ‘traditional’ settings isa significant cause of problems. For example,the demands to support and be supported bythe family may conflict with the demands toengage in wage jobs or deviant behaviour withpeers. In support of this idea is the finding thatperi-urban areas, with a higher proportion ofconflicting settings, had higher suicide ratesthan urban or rural areas, which are morelikely to have consistency between settings.Studies have also suggested thatpsychosis is not a likely factor in suicide(Rubenstein, 1995). Of the total number ofsuicide victims, only 5 to 10% had psychotichistories. However, evidence shows thatpsychotics are much more likely to commitsuicide than the general Micronesianpopulation (Hezel, 1993).Rubenstein’s (1983, 1987) analysis ofsuicides in Truk also complements theseexplanations and reviews the findings that inthe period from the mid 1960’s to the early1980’s suicides have reached epidemicproportions. Although initially appearing to bea cohort effect, as post World War II childrenexperienced substantial societal changes,Rubenstein had to reject this hypothesis. Evenin the early 1990’s, he reported that suicideshad become the primary cause of death amongyoung Micronesian men, and their rates hadbeen among the highest in the world(Rubenstein, 1995) with rates in some areas,such as Truk, exceeding 200 per 100,000annually during the period 1978 to 1987(Rubenstein, 2002). In his most recent article,he stated that the youth suicide epidemic iscurrently in its third decade with no signs ofdiminishing (Rubenstein, 2002).Another area of concern is the possibleincreasing rate of psychosis. Compared to arate of 34 per 10,000 for the entire Micronesiain the period 1978-1980, Hezel (1993) foundthat the rate was 54 per 10,000 in 1990. Most ofMicronesia at the time had a rate lower thanother industrialized nations, although the nearbystate of Palau’s rate was considerably higher at167. Seventy-three percent of treated cases werediagnosed as schizophrenia. Over three quarters(77%) of these severe cases were male.Dale’s (1981) analysis revealedsubstantial differences in the prevalence ofschizophrenia among the populations ofMicronesia between the years 1978 and 1979.While Yap had a rate of 9.7 cases per thousand(over the age of 15), the Kapingamarangi andNukuoro people of similar Polynesian descenthave yet to identify a single case ofschizophrenia. Dale noted that theKapingamarangi mostly keep to themselves andpreserve their traditional ways, while theNukuoro have been more likely to mix withother populations. Also, the rates ofschizophrenia show a general increase frommore eastern islands (near Kapingamarangi andNukuoro) to western islands – a noteworthyphenomenon worth exploring further.Examining 2004 rates of variousdiagnosed cases of mental illness and substanceabuse, Gonzaga-Optaia (2006) reported thatschizophrenia (297 cases) and depressiveepisodes (100 cases) were the most frequent.The most recent data in 2005 found a similarpattern, but with continued increases, with 325cases of schizophrenia and 114 cases ofdepressive episodes. Because of the geographicchallenges inherent in a diffuse island nationand lack of resources for identifying all cases ofmental illness, investigators have cautioned thatfindings are not conclusive. However, becauseall psychotic cases that were included in theirprevalence rates were highly indisputable, anyerrors would most likely be underestimates.Upon inquiries with villagers, manyperceived increases in mental illness andattributed it to travelling abroad, highereducation, and drug use (Hezel, 1993). Hezel’sstudy found that 47% of the psychoticpopulation had lived more than 6 monthsThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

States of Micronesia115abroad and had more years of education onaverage than the general adult population.Psychosis was also found to be largely linkedto gender, with a disproportionate amount ofmales being affected. He also found a possiblerelationship between drug use and psychosis,although the data was limited. Possibleexplanations of these findings include beingexposed to greater stress, common toindustrialized nations, and which may beexperienced more by men who are more oftenin public roles, are experiencing greater rolechanges, and are more often socially dislocatedthan women. The cultural customs of dealingwith stress by drinking alcohol may also bebecoming more hazardous as stronger drugsare introduced.Limited recent effortsIn 1989, FSM established the NationalOffice of Substance Abuse and Mental Healthas well as offices in the four states for theprevention and treatment of substance abuseand mental illness. Almost all (98%) of theirfunding consists of U.S. Federal grants(Gonzaga-Optaia, 2006). Based on a 2005report of the World Health Organization, thereare few laws addressing mental health, exceptfor a 1970 legislation for treating involuntarypatients. However, there is a mental healthpolicy formulated in 1986 that guidesadvocacy, promotion, prevention, andtreatment; in addition, there exists a nationalmental health program and a substance abusepolicy, which were both established in 1989(WHO, 2005).The WHO report, developed inconjunction with the University of Auckland,involved a situational analysis of mental healthneeds and resources in Pacific Island countries,which outlined mental health efforts in 2005(WHO, 2005). At that time, they reported thatthere are no in-patient or long-term carefacilities in FSM; a jail is used for safe care.Doctors and staff in the state hospital havelittle experience in mental health, andprograms and services are community based,involving a community action agency, thepublic defender, police, schools, hospitals, andcourts.Programs and services primarily includeoutreach, education and counselling, dayprograms, and outpatient services, althoughthere is only a relatively small group of staff ineach state. In Pohnpei, there is an activecommunity mental health centre, whichprovides education, a day program, weeklyclinic services, phone counselling and crisisintervention, and outreach. In Chuuk, there is ahospital on the main island, which has anoutpatient clinic and conducts outreach. Theyhad 20 mental health workers as of the report.Yap conducts outpatient services island-wide,and a substance abuse and mental health unitmade up of four staff offers patient care andfamily counselling. In Kosrae, a team ofcounsellors, nurses, and police are involved inlocating and screening individuals, and makingreferrals to the hospital. Throughout thecountry, non-governmental organizations arealso involved with advocacy, promotion,prevention, and rehabilitation. However, it isyet to be determined whether such services areadequately addressing the increasing substanceabuse and mental health issues in the region.Need for culturally-informed effortsWe have many reminders of theunfortunate consequences that can result fromneglecting culture and context (Gergen, et al.,1996; O’Donnell, 1995; Sinha & Holtzman,1984). Real-world examples of atrocities thathave followed from cultural dominance abound.For instance, numerous authors have contendedthat U.S. cultural dominance and annexation ofHawaii have led to Native Hawaiians rankingamong the highest in rates in the U.S. ofnumerous physical, psychological, and socialpathologies (Hishinuma, et al., 2005; Makini, etal., 2001; Marsella, Oliveira, Plummer, &Crabbe, 1995; Nishimura, Hishinuma, Else,Goebert & Andrade, 2005; Stannard, 1992;Wong, Klingle, and Price, 2004).Our field has the advantage of beingaction-oriented and having an abundantliterature on the crucial factors for buildingThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

States of Micronesia116healthy communities such as culturalsensitivity (Dumas, Rollock, Prinz, Hops, &Blechman, 1999; Guarnaccia & Rodriguez,1996; Kagitcibasi, 1996), an ecologicalperspective (Bronfenbrenner, 1979), a focus onprevention (Felner, Felner, Silverman, 2000),participation (Wandersman & Florin, 2000),and empowerment (Zimmerman, 2000), alongwith the use of qualitative (Banyard & Miller,1998; Stewart, 2000) and multi-methodresearch (Janesick, 2003; Weisner, 1996), aswell as other important considerations forcommunity research (Glenwick, Heller,Linney, Pargament, 1990; Shadish, 1990). Onedisadvantage, however, is in the lack oftheories to help us understand the criticalcomponents of culture that operate whendifferent cultures converge.Thus, we can utilize our advantages andrespond to situations such as that within FSMin a number of ways. Particularly appropriatewould be research and intervention based on a‘ground up’ approach. To illustrate,instruments often required to measuresubstance abuse outcomes at the state level arestandardized for the U.S. population. Onequestion required of service providers, as partof government funding requirements, asksabout whether a client has been homeless inthe past 30 days. The definition ofhomelessness provided by governmentagencies is not having a “fixed address” (fore.g., see Office of Applied Studies, SAMHSA,2008, p. B-50). However, the meaning ofhomelessness is different in many PacificIsland cultures. Pacific people may be moretransient and live with various extended familymembers, while not considering themselveshomeless. Some populations do not even havestreet addresses. Obviously, the interpretationof results based on such data would provide avery different picture than what would beperceived by native people.The same definitional issues will alsoapply to concepts of drugs and mental health.Dumas and colleagues (1999) discuss the needto use culturally-acceptable definitions ofhealthy functioning because many culturaldifferences exist. Overall, any researchexamining Pacific Island populations must begrounded in the meanings used by thatparticular culture.If culturally-grounded instruments are notpossible, any instruments currently being usedmust be thoroughly examined with regard totheir reliability and validity for these Pacificpopulations. For example Kim and Jackson (inpress) reported on an evaluation of a Hawaiianculture-based substance abuse treatmentprogram which required (by the fundingagency) the use of standardized instruments. Aspart of the larger study, these authors included apreliminary assessment of the reliability andvalidity of the instrument for their sample ofpredominantly Asian and Pacific Islanders.Accordingly, Banyard and Miller (1998)make a strong case for greater use of qualitativemethods. They first argue that valuing diversityrequires understanding different ways ofattributing meaning to the world, not just themeanings of Western scientific cultures. Thisalso entails being immersed in local, historicalcontexts, rather than being a detached observer;in other words, incorporating a differentphilosophy of science. Second, in order tounderstand the complex relationshipssurrounding the individual, qualitative methodsmust be employed. Third, empowermentinvolves giving voice to marginalizedcommunities, and the most appropriate methodsfor accomplishing this are qualitative.Qualitative methods are alsoindispensable because they provide thegroundwork for research on populations thathave not yet been studied quantitatively.Moreover, qualitative research can enhancemore traditional research and can revealinconsistencies in or make sense of findingsfrom quantitative methods. Thus, use of multimethodapproaches are particularly effective,especially when examining complex ecologicalsystems (Banyard and Miller, 1998; Riger,1990; Weisner, 1996).Along with multi-method and qualitativeThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

States of Micronesia117strategies, local participation (Wandersman &Florin, 2000) must be an integral aspect ofresearch for developing successfulinterventions for non-Western populations.Often, program funding requires use ofevidence-based programs, although noevidence-based programs exist specificallytargeted to Pacific Islanders. Such researchshould also be used to guide more broad-based,long-term and multidimensional (havingmultiple components and addressing multiplelevels) strategies such as policy-making(Knitzer, 2000) and other population-basedinterventions, especially those focused onprevention (Felner, et al., 2000; Levine, 1998).Evidence also confirms the effectiveness ofprograms that consist of various interventionlevels targeted at critical periods ofdevelopment in various key settings and theirlinkages (for e.g., Reid, Eddy, Fetrow, &Stoolmiller, 1999).Some guidelines for incorporatingculture into mental health program practicesare offered by Guarnaccia and Rodriguez(1996). They explain that programs withminimal cultural sensitivity only incorporateone or a few of the following aspects, whilehighly culturally sensitive programsincorporate all:1. Assessing cultural identities:determining cultures that programparticipants identify with, with morespecific cultural identities being moreuseful.2. Using the language: requiring staff tospeak the same language, withspecific dialects being more helpful.3. Physical symbols: incorporatingphysical cultural symbols into theprograms environment.4. Events and celebrations: holdingsignificant cultural events, whichprovide opportunities for sharingcultural values.5. Views of mental illness:understanding the different views ofmental illness held by differentcultures.6. Acculturation: considering the extentthat individuals have adapted to theirnew cultural environment.7. Social factors: considering the effectsof the many other groups thatindividuals, including serviceproviders, are a part of.Along with those within Micronesia,better support may also be offered todisadvantaged Micronesians within the U.S.Although the population of Micronesians in theU.S. is relatively small, many are emigratingfrom their lands in search of greateropportunities (Untalan & Camacho, 1997). It islikely that some of them will require services,for which an understanding of their uniquebackgrounds and current issues among theirpeople is necessary. Literature on culturallyappropriate services for immigrantMicronesians is virtually nonexistent (Saleh,1996) and is another area needing development.Also, while Saleh’s article is a useful resourcefor non-Micronesian practitioners, employingindigenous practitioners who can more fullyrelate to their clients is one strategy of ensuringcultural sensitivity that should be used (Tharp,1994).Thus, within FSM, communitypsychology has much to offer. Research shouldbe an initial priority, for obtaining incidenceand prevalence rates for substance abuse andmental illness, for discovering culturallysensitive approaches for intervention, and forfurther examining the correlates of culturalchange for this population. Especially relevantcould be the utilization of a transactionalecologicalmodel (Felner, et al., 2000), as Lowe(2003) underscored the particular relevance ofthe differences between settings thatMicronesian youth encounter.On the other hand, part of ourdisadvantage is that we have not yet developedan adequate understanding of exactly whatprocesses are involved when cultures collide.We can ask questions such as: What specificcultural attributes are more at risk ofThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

States of Micronesia118succumbing to a dominant culture? Can aculture be strengthened to avoid the influenceof a dominant culture? Is culturaldisintegration inevitable? A greater knowledgeof how cultural imposition (even unintended)can lead to breakdown can be extremelyvaluable and necessary to prevent futureoccurrences.An abundance of literature exists onculture theory (for e.g., Cooper & Denner,1998; Kagitcibasi, 1996; Markus & Kitayama,1991; Shweder, 1990; Triandis & Bhawuk,1997), and perspectives can be drawn from anumber of disciplines including cross-culturalpsychology (e.g., Segall, Lonner, & Berry,1998), cultural psychology (e.g., Shweder,1995), social psychology (e.g., Kluckhohn,1954), cultural anthropology (e.g., Herskovits,1955), organizational studies (e.g., Hofstede,1980), and many others. Various models takenfrom this literature could be used as afoundation for the development of research andintervention. For example, Micronesian cultureappears to be highly collectivist, and a moredetailed understanding of its contact with anindividualistic Western culture can be furtherpursued. Models including those fromSchwartz (1992), who explicated theopposition between various cultural valuessuch as conservatism and autonomy, maycontribute to a better understanding of theparticular conflicts occurring within settingssuch as in FSM. Another relevant theory thatmight apply to FSM is Fiske’s (1990, 1992)forms of social behaviour that includescommunal sharing and market pricing. With acommon framework for understanding culturalissues, intervention efforts may be greatlyenhanced. Findings may also be extended toother Pacific Island or other societiesexperiencing difficulties as a result of culturalchange.The events unfolding in FSM appear tobear out what community psychology wouldpredict from a clash of divergent cultures.Likewise, if our frameworks offer an equallyeffective understanding of how to improveconditions in communities like FSM, it isnecessary to apply them forthwith. However, itis argued that cultural-theory based efforts incommunity psychology can be critical inaddressing needs not only in FSM, but in othernations experiencing similar challenges. Far toomany societies have experienced culturaldisintegration and the disturbing consequencesthat accompany it. The people of FSM andother parts of the world have been likewisesending a message of the distress occurring intheir region. It is one that communitypsychology is uniquely qualified to respond toand, as Toro (2005) urged, “we could ‘reachout’ much more.”ReferencesBanyard, V., & Miller, K. (1998). Thepowerful potential of qualitative researchfor community psychology. AmericanJournal of Community Psychology, 26,485-505.Bhawuk, D.P.S., & Mrazek, S. (2005, June).Where is culture in communitypsychology? A review, synthesis, andfuture directions. Symposium conducted atthe Society for Community Research andAction 10 th Biennial Conference, Urbana-Champaign, IL.Bishop, B.J., & D’Rosario, P. (2002).Reflections on community psychology inAustralia: An introduction. Journal ofCommunity Psychology, 30, 591-596.Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology ofhuman development: Experiments bynature and design. Cambridge: HarvardUniversity Press.Calvino, M. (1998). Reflections on communitystudies. Journal of CommunityPsychology, 26, 253-259.Cooper, C. R., & Denner, J. (1998). Theorieslinking culture and psychology: Universaland community-specific processes. AnnualReview of Psychology, 49, 559-584.Dale, P.W. (1981). Prevalence of schizophreniain the Pacific Island populations ofMicronesia. Journal of PsychiatricResearch, 16(2), 103-111.The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

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Manuscript preparation123Preparation, Submission and Publication ofManuscriptsThe Australian Community Psychologistpublishes work that is of relevance tocommunity psychologists and others interestedin the field. Research reports should bemethodologically sound. Theoretical or areareview papers are welcomed, as are letters,brief reports and papers by newer contributorsto the discipline. Contributions towards thefour sections of the journal are sought.The Australian Community Psychologist ispublished twice per year and online and isavailable via the website of the AustralianPsychological Society’s College ofCommunity Psychologists’ page (http://www.groups.psychology.org.au/GroupContext.aspx?ID=883).ArticlesContributions that are state of the art reviewsof professional and applied areas and reviewsand essays on matters of general relevance tocommunity psychologists. They are between4,000 and 10,000 words, including all tables,figures and references.Research ReportsThis section is for the publication of empiricalresearch reports relevant to communitypsychologists. They are between 4,000 and10,000 words, including all tables, figures andreferences.Practice IssuesThis section publishes individual manuscriptsand collections of manuscripts which addressmatters of general, professional and publicrelevance, techniques and approaches inpsychological practice, professionaldevelopment issues, and professional andpublic policy issues.Book ReviewsThe journal publishes book reviews of up to1,000 words. Books reviewed relate directly tothe major areas of practice in communitypsychology.Review and Publication of ManuscriptsThe acceptable word processing programmeformat is Microsoft Word. All manuscripts areto be submitted electronically to the:EditorLauren Breenemail: l.breen@ecu.edu.auIf authors experience any difficulty withelectronic submission, hard copy materialstogether with a disc copy should be sent to:Dr Lauren BreenCentre for Social ResearchSchool of Psychology and Social ScienceEdith Cowan University270 Joondalup DriveJOONDALUP WA 6027AustraliaAll contributions, including book reviews arehandled by an appropriately qualified AssociateEditor and all contributions are blind-reviewed.Articles submitted for review must be originalworks and may not be under considerationelsewhere.It is a condition of publication that authorsassign the copyright of their articles to theAustralian Psychological Society.All manuscripts for consideration forpublication in The Australian CommunityPsychologist must be formatted according to theinstructions for authors below.Instructions for AuthorsThe following constitutes advice to contributorsthat is relevant generally to all journal sections.Every submission must include:1. A cover letter stating the section of thejournal to which the author(s) wish to submitthe article.2. The complete manuscript including titleThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

Manuscript preparation124page, abstract, text, tables, acknowledgements,references and illustrations.Written permission from the publisher(copyright holder) to reproduce any previouslypublished tables, illustrations or photographs.Manuscripts should be arranged as follows:Title pageAbstract and keywordsTextAcknowledgementsDisclosures if requiredReferencesShort biography of author/sAddress for correspondence from readers(e.g., an email address)Tables and figures should be placed in thecorrect position within the body of the text.Number pages consecutively, beginning withthe Title page as page 1.Sections of the ManuscriptTitle Page should contain:Title: Should be short and informative.Recommended length is between 10 and12 words.Short title with a maximum of 50 charactersAuthor: This should include the author’sname in the preferred form of givenname, family name.Institution and Affiliations: This identifiesthe location where the author(s)undertook the investigation.Corresponding Author: Provide the name,exact postal address with post code,telephone number, fax number and emailaddress of the author to whomcommunications and requests for reprintsshould be sent.Specific Formatting RequirementsPaper Size, Margins, AlignmentA4 page, ALL margins 2.5cm.SpacingAll text double spacing, left aligned (notjustified) unless otherwise specified.Font & SizeTimes New Roman, 12pt unless otherwisespecified.Paper Title14pt, bold, centred, sentence case.Place one line after the paper title.Abstract and Keywords12pt, italics, left aligned.Place one blank line before and after theabstract.The abstract must be no more than 200 words.Place up to 6 (six) keywords.Normal Text12pt, Times New Roman double line-spacing,left aligned (not justified)Do not leave line spaces between paragraphsbut indent the first line of each paragraph.Long Quotes (roughly, quotes of 30 words ormore)12pt, italics, indented 1 cm left and right1st Level HeadingSentence case, bold, centred, not italics.1st Level of Subheading12pt, italics, sentence case, left aligned.Leave one line space before this level ofsubheading.Do not number subheadings.2nd Level of Subheading12pt, italics, sentence case, left aligned. Textshould continue on the same line.Leave one line space before this level ofsubheading.Tables, Figures, and DiagramsCaptions in 12pt and typed below the figure, asrequired by Publication Manual of theAmerican Psychological Association FifthEdition. These should be black and white andinserted in the correct place within the body ofthe text. Do not allow a figure or table to besplit over two pages or to be separated from itslabel or caption.Diagrams, illustrations, graphs, etc, must be'screen readable'. This means fully legible andreadable on screen when displayed at widthsthat ideally do not exceed about 750 pixels andcertainly should not exceed 1000 pixels.Page NumbersThe Australian Community Psychologist Volume 21 No 1 June 2009

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