Emilio González - Cuba Transition Project - University of Miami

Contemporary U.S. Policy Toward Cuba:A Brief AnalysisEmilio GonzálezPresentation at the seminarThe Current Situation in Cuba:Challenges for the International Democratic CommunityOrganized byEl Centro para la Apertura y el Desarrollo de América Latina (CADAL)In cooperation withUniversity of BelgranoKonrad Adenauer FoundationandThe Cuba Transition Project*Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American StudiesUniversity of MiamiThursday, April 7, 2005University of BelgranoBuenos Aires, Argentina*The CTP is funded by the Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean, U.S.Agency for International Development (USAID) under the terms of Award EDG-AA-00-02-00007-00. This seminar is made possible through support provided by USAID. Theopinions expressed in this seminar are those of the participants and do not necessarilyreflect the views of USAID.

I wish to thank the organizers of this conference, the University of Miami, theUniversidad de Belgrano and the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, for organizing such atimely and important gathering such as this. The subject of Cuba is one that inflamespassions on all sides of the political spectrum. Honorable people can disagree ondifferent aspects of Cuba’s role in the international political arena as well as Cuba’sdomestic political model, but only the most partisan of these can negate the totalitariannature of the Castro Government. In my view Cuba is not a Republic, it is not a Socialiststate, it is not a nationalist revolution and it is not an experiment in tropical Marxism. Incommercial terms, Cuba is a wholly-owned subsidiary of a small band of aging antidemocraticrevolutionaries that manage the affairs of state much like GeneralissimoTrujillo of the Dominican Republic or General Somoza of Nicaragua. There are no clearlines that distinguish when the Castro cabal stops and when government institutionsbegin.In a hemispheric context, Fidel Castro’s Cuba is a stain on the wave of democraticgovernments now flourishing, an insult to all of our collective consciences. It is withinthis context that the United States has established a decades-long policy of supportdemocracy while isolating Cuba’s anti-democratic leaders thus denying them theresources with which to foment political instability around the world.For over four decades, the policy of the government of the United States ofAmerica (U.S.) towards Cuba has been dominated by a bipartisan consistency both in theexecutive and legislative braches of the U.S. government. Since the enactment of the U.S.trade embargo and other sanctions toward Cuba in the early 1960’s to the results ofCommission for Assistance to a Free Cuba implemented by the George W. Bushadministration in 2004, all policies towards the country’s communist regime have beensupported by both Democratic and Republican administrations.One of the most important aspects of the policy of the U.S. government vis-à-visCuba is to promote a peaceful transition to a democratic regime that respects individualrights and the democratic process. The Cuban Democracy Act of 1992 (CDA), forexample, states that it should be the policy of the United States to seek a peacefultransition to democracy and a resumption of economic growth in Cuba through the1

careful application of sanctions directed at the Castro government and support for theCuban people and to continue vigorously to oppose the human rights violations of theCastro regime. 1 In order to reach these ends, the CDA seeks the cooperation ofdemocratic countries in this policy. 2 The CDA can be viewed as a reinforcement of thetrade embargo imposed by the Kennedy administration in 1961. However, it goes furtherby stating that in order for Cuba to enter a transition to democracy, the President shouldencourage the governments of countries that conduct trade with Cuba to restrict theirtrade and credit relations with Cuba in a matter consistent with the purposes of this title. 3This is a clear message to other democratic countries (e.g., Spain, Canada, and yes,Argentina for example) that by curtailing economic relations with Cuba, they can actuallycontribute to the goal of a democratic transition and an end to decades of systemic humanrights abuses.The CDA was introduced by Robert Torricelli, a former member of the U.S.Senate from New Jersey and an influential member of the Democratic Party. The bill waspassed by 102 nd Congress, which was led by the Democratic Party yet signed byRepublican President George H.W. Bush. The CDA was the first step in emboldening theU.S. trade embargo against Cuba, which is viewed as a key vehicle to help bring aboutprofound change within Cuba.Continuing to further promote the U.S. commitment to a free and democraticCuba, the latter part of the 1990’s saw the passage of the Cuban Liberty and DemocraticSolidarity (Libertad) Act of 1996. The act is commonly known as the Helms-Burton Act(HBA). The HBA is a reaffirmation of the CDA enacted into law in 1992. As a matter ofpolicy, the HBA categorizes the Castro regime’s violations of human rights as massive,systemic and a threat to international peace. 4 Additionally, the HBA authorizes thePresident to furnish assistance and provide other support for individuals and independentnongovernmental organizations to support democracy-building efforts for Cuba. 5 This1 Cuban Democracy Act of 1992, Section 1703, Statement of Policy, points 1 & 5.2 Cuban Democracy Act of 1992, Section 1703, Statement of Policy, point 2.3 Cuban Democracy Act of 1992, Section 1704, International Cooperation, point a.4 Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity (Libertad) Act of 1996, Title 1, Section 101, point 1.5 Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity (Libertad) Act of 1996, Title 1, Section 109, point a.2

support is qualified by supporting democratic and human rights groups and supportingthe visits and permanent deployment of Human rights monitors in Cuba. 6The continuity and steadfastness of U.S. policy is evident regardless whichpolitical party dominates the scene in Washington, D.C. The HBA was co-authored byJesse Helms, then a leading Republican Senator from North Carolina and Dan Burton, aRepublican Representative from the State of Indiana. The bill was signed by DemocraticPresident Bill Clinton and served to further congressionally codify U.S. sanctions againstCuba.The policy of the current Bush administration does not stray from the historicpositions taken by previous administrations. President George W. Bush, like hispredecessors, advocates further pressuring and isolating the Castro regime as a means toattain freedom for the Cuban populace. The objectives of U.S. policy towards Cuba underPresident George W. Bush are clear; bring an end to the Castro dictatorship, assist theCuban people in a transition to representative democracy, and assist in the establishmentof a market economy.In May 2002, President Bush stated that he “My Administration will oppose anyattempt to weaken sanctions against Cuba’s government” and “I will fight such attemptsuntil this regime frees its political prisoners, holds democratic, free elections, and allowsfor free speech”.President Bush has pursued an integrated policy to achieve these objectives bymaintaining and strengthening the trade embargo, breaking through the informationblockade, and ensuring that monies sent to Cuba for humanitarian purposes are notredirected to the government.To further advance these policy objectives, the President announced the creation,on October 10, 2003, of the Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba. TheCommission, headed by Secretary of State Colin Powell and Secretary of Housing andUrban Development Mel Martinez, reported back to the President on May 6, 2004. TheCommission recommended an integrated approach to Cuba policy that provides for amore robust effort to support pro-democracy opposition groups within Cuba coupled with6 Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity (Libertad) Act of 1996, Title 1, Section 109, points 3 & 4.3

measures that limit the Castro’s regime’s manipulation of humanitarian policies tobuttress its survival strategies.To underscore the fact that U.S.-Cuba policy is not unique, but is instead part of abroader policy to promote freedom and democracy throughout the world, the Presidentmade global freedom and democracy a key component of his inaugural speech this pastJanuary. The President succinctly espoused that it will the policy of the United States toseek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nationand culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in the world. 7 He also adds thatdemocratic reformers facing repression, prison, or exile can know: America sees you forwho you are: The future leaders of your free country. 8President Bush’s policy towards Cuba, through the findings of the Commissionreport, was designed to create meaningful discussion on the issue of a democratictransition in Cuba. Just as the United States has invested political capital in promotingand defending democracy and human rights throughout the world, so too must the nationsof Latin America step up and be counted. What will the nations of this hemisphere do topromote the same liberties we all now enjoy? Will the hemisphere embrace an equallyrepressive successor regime in Havana or will it press for meaningful democraticreforms?As we speak today the United Nations Commission on Human Rights is meetingin Geneva. Over the years this once august world body has degenerated in a collection ofthe world’s most egregious human rights abusers. Rather than state and vote for theobvious, too many of the new democracies in our hemisphere are quibbling over howthey should vote, what their vote means and how their vote will be interpreted amongtheir domestic political constituencies. The stakes are too high.Latin America, particularly countries who have suffered all too recent antidemocraticand personalistic political regimes, need to stand up and be counted. Thereckoning is coming and the 11 million people of Cuba now being held hostage by thelongest reigning dictator in Latin American will one day rise up and ask, “Which sidewere you on”? I look forward to your questions. Thank you.7 President Bush’s Inaugural Address, January 20, 20058 Ibid.4

About the AuthorEmilio T. González, PhD, serves as Senior Managing Director of Tew Cardenas'Global and Government Affairs practice in Miami and Washington, D.C. focusing oninternational strategic planning and government affairs.Prior to joining Tew Cardenas, Dr. González was Director for Western HemisphereAffairs at the National Security Council, Washington, D.C. In this capacity he served as akey National Security and Foreign Policy advisor to President George W. Bush and Dr.Condoleezza Rice. Dr. González remains active in international politics. He often meetswith Heads of State, Foreign Ministers, Trade Ministers, ambassadors and politicalleaders from throughout the hemisphere. Additionally, Dr. González is a notedcommentator on Hispanic and international affairs and has appeared in local, national andinternational radio and television.An international affairs specialist, Dr. González has spent most of his professional careerinvolved in foreign affairs and international security policy issues. He has served in ortraveled to almost every country in the Western Hemisphere on numerous occasions, andhas represented the United States Government on special diplomatic missions.Dr. González completed a distinguished military career that spanned nearly threedecades. During this time he served at the U.S. Embassies in El Salvador and Mexico,taught at the United States Military Academy at West Point and headed the Office ofSpecial Assistants for the Commander-in-Chief of the U.S. Southern Command.González is considered one of the most accomplished Foreign Area Officers in theDepartment of Defense.A graduate of the University of South Florida in Tampa with a B.A. in InternationalStudies, Dr. González also earned MA degrees in Latin American Studies from TulaneUniversity in New Orleans, Louisiana and in Strategic Studies and National SecurityAffairs from the US Naval War College in Newport, Rhode Island. He was awarded thePh.D. degree in International Relations from the Graduate School of InternationalStudies, University of Miami, where he also received the Graduate School Award forAcademic Achievement. He has been awarded numerous decorations from the UnitedStates and has also been decorated by the governments of El Salvador, Mexico,Colombia, Guatemala, the Dominican Republic, Honduras and Nicaragua. Dr. Gonzálezis a Knight of Malta.