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Sami F. MusallamTHE STRU66L£ FOR JERUSALEM:A PROCSRAMME OF ACTION FOR P£ACEPASSIAPalestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs

PASSIA the Palestinian Academic Society for the Study ofIntemational Affairs, is an Arab, non-profit Palestinianinstitution with a financially and legally independent status./I is not affiliated with any govemment, political party ororganisation. PASSIA seeks to present the Question ofPalestine in its nationaL Arab and intemational contextsthrough academic research dialogue and publication.PASSIA endeavors that research undertaken under itsauspices be specialised scientific and objective and that itssymposia and workshops, whether intemational or intra­Palestinian be open se/f-critical and conducted in a spirit ofharmony and co-operation.Dr. Sami F. Musallam is the Director of the Jericho Office ofrosser Arafat, President of the Palestinian National Authority.This paper represents the free expression of its author anddoes not necessarily represent the judgement or opinions ofPASSIA. This paper is presented as part of the PASSIAResearch Studies Programme of 1996, which is kindlysupported by the Friedrich Ebert Foundation (FESJ­Jerusalem.Copyright © PASSIAFirst Edition - May 1996PASSIA PublicotionTel: 972-2-6264426 • Fax: 972-2-282819E-mail: passia@palnet.comP.O. Box 19545 • Jerusalem

Ch.pter IIThe B.ttle 'or Jerlls.lem: Soverelsnty VI.Rellslolls Slipervision 754.1 The Jordanian-Israeli Agreement 754.2 The Israeli Position 784.3 The Jordanian Position BO4.4 The Palestinian Position 844.5 Debate at the Arab league 934.6 The Islamic Position 994.7 Grass-roots Reactions 1004.8 Inter-PlO Differences 1044.9 Jordanian-Palestinian Dispute over the Waqf 105Ch.pter 5The Bilttle lor Jerllsillem: The Jorclilnliln·lsruliPuce Tre.ty 111ConclllsionThe Bilttle 'or Jerlls.lem: A Prosrilmme 0'Action 'or Peilce 1 19

CONTENTSPrefaceIntroduction 3Chapter ,TIle Sermon on .. had 21Chapter ITIle Jerusalem Letter 37Chapter 3TIle lattle for the Institutions In Jerusalem

PrefaceThis study onJerusalem is an attempt to highlight theimportance of the Holy City in the peace process. In thissense it is neither a historical. nor an academic. nor apolitical studyl. II an is engaged Palestinian Jerusalemile'scontribution to the peace process.The study is called the "Struggle for Jerusalem," because first,the concept of struggle is a process, and second, becauseJerusalem is the centre and quintessence of peace. WithoutJerusalem there can be no real peace. At best, peace willbe imposed from the outside, carrying the seeds of its owndestruction. Consequently, the quicker the Palestinian andIsraeli parties arrive at an understanding on Jerusalem, thequicker the peace process will be finalised. The struggle forJerusalem is also a learning process of how to share a citythat no one wants to be re-divided, but where each partyhas divergent views on who should have sovereignty in thecity, and w hich both want as their eternal capital. II is also alearning process of how to create coexistence between twopeoples, the Palestinian and the Israeli-Jewish peoples.The study is also an atfempt to provide a programme ofaction and ideas that will help Palestinian decision-makersinitiate policies to pre-empt Israeli policies on Jerusalem.Until now we have reacted to Israeli policies on Jerusalem;we need to initiate policies.1 The views expressed in this paper are solelv those of the author and Ihould be in flOway be construed as the pOlition of the PlO/PNA .

The Struggltl for JerusalemThe study consists of an introduction. five chapters and aconclusion. The Introduction is mainly a study of Israelimeasures in Jerusalem. It also draws attention to othermatters such as the United Nations resolutions on Jerusalem.and Israeli settlement policies. Chapter I deals with the"Sermon on Jihad" made by President Vasser Aralat in SouthAfrica. Chapter 2 discusses the meaning and significance ofthe letter on Palestinian institutions in Jerusalem addressedto the late Norwegian Foreign Minister Johann Juergen Holstby Shimon Peres. Chapter 3 deals with the campaignlaunched by the Israelis against Palestinian institutionscontrary to this letter. Chapters 4 and 5 deal with theconflict between the Palestinian and Israeli sides on thequestion 01 sovereignty as against religious supervision in thecity. a question which was aggravated by the Jordanian"claim" to Jerusalem and the Jordanian-Israeli peaceaccords. The study concludes with an attempt to providethe Palestinian decision-maker with a programme of actionnecessary for correcting the imbalance between Israelisand Palestinians in Jerusalem.2

IntroductionSince the signing of the Declaration of Principles lOOP) bythe PLO and the Israeli govemment on 13 September 1993.and the establishment of the Palestinian National AuthorityIPNA) in the Gaza Strip and Jericho Area. the issue ofJerusalem has increasingly become the focal point ofnegotiations between the two. Jerusalem has become theissue par excellence on which the success or failure ofPalestinian-Israeli peace depends. Both Israel and the PLOare making Jerusalem the yardstick by which the truthfulimplementation of the DOP and the Gaze-JerichoAgreement is measured. At the same time. both Israel andthe PLO have totally different viewpoints and policiestowards the city.For the Palestinian side. Jerusalem is the capital of the as yetuncreated State of Palestine. which was declared by thePalestine National Council IPNC) on 15 November 1988. Inthat session. the PNC also accepted two United Nationsresolutions as the basis for a just. permanent andcomprehensive settlement. The first was General AssemblyResolution 181 1111) of 1947. better known as the partitionresolution. by whic h Palestine was partitioned into twostates. Arab and Jewish. The second resolution accepted bythe PNC was Security Council Resolution 242. which inferalia. reiterates the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territoryby force and calls for a just. comprehensive and lastingpeace in the area and for the withdrawal of Israel from Ithe)territories occupied in the course of the 1967 June war.The PLO - which until that PNC session rejected Resolution242 because it calis for the withdrawal of Israel only fromIthe) territories occupied in 1967 - changed its posifion on3

The Struggle for Jerusalemthe resolution and accepted it as the basis for a just.comprehensive and permanent solution to the Middle Eastconflict. The resolution also became the basis of theAmerican initiative proposed by President George Bush inMarch 1991 in the aftermath of the Gulf War. That initiativewas based on the concept of land for peace and theimplementation of Security Council resolutions 242 and 338.The invitation to the Madrid Peace Conference of 18October 1991 states that both the just, lasting andcQmprehensive peace as well as the permanent statusnegotiations "will take place on the basis of Resolutions 242and 338".Resolution 242 was a central issue in the negotiationsbetween the PLO and Israel. Both sides accepted in Article Iof the DOP that the permanent settlement will be based onSecurity Council Resolutions 242 and 338. Equally importantin this regard is that the DOP states in Article IV that theoccupied Palestinian territories of the West Bank and theGaza Strip constitute "a single territorial uni\' whose integritywill be preserved during the interim period." The relationshipbetween the stipulations of Resolution 242 and that of theDOP with regard to Jerusalem is therefore very clear: Theresolution calls upon Israel to withdraw from the territories itoccupied in the June 1967 war, including East Jerusalem,and the DOP conside" the occupied territories as "a singleterritorial unit".The Palestinian position on Jerusalem is also supported bythe American position as expressed in the leiter ofassurances from the US Administration to Palestiniannegotiato". The principles in US foreign policy towards theissue of Jerusalem were stated clearly:4

Introduction"The US understands how much importance Palestiniansattach to the question of East Jenlsalem. Thus we want toassure you that nothing Palestinians do in choosing theirdelegation members in this phase of the process willaffect their claim to East Jerusalem or be prejudicial orprecedential to the outcome of the negotiations.The US is opposed to the Israeli annexation of EastJerusalem and extension of Israeli law on it and theextension of Jewsalems municipal boundodes. Weencourage all sides to avoid unilateral acts that wouldexacerbate local tension or make negotiations moredifficult or preempt their final outcome.The US believes that Palestinians of East Jenlsolem shouldbe able to participate by voting in elections of an intenmgoverning authority. The US further believes thatPalestinians from East Jerusalem and Palestinians outsidethe Occupied Territodes who meet the three cntedashould be able to partiCipate in the negotiations on finalstatus. The US supports the right of Palestinians to bringany issue including East Jenlsalem to the table.The US believes that no party should take unilateralactions that seek to predetermine issues that can only bereached through the negotiations. In this regard the UShas opposed and WIll continue to oppose settlementactivity in tem"odes occupied in 1967 which remain anobstacle to peace.] "1 Mid~~st Mirror, October 24, 1991 .5

The Struggle for JerusalemThe PLO position on Jerusalem is also supported by theUnited Nations. Following the occupation of the West Bankand the Gaza Strip, East Jerusalem was annexed by Israel,which embarked on a policy of Judaisation aimed atchanging the demographic character of the city. All thesemeasures were condemned by the United Nations. Inresolution after resolution, the General Assembly and theS'ecurity Council of the United Nations have declared allmeasures taken by Israel to change the status of Jerusalemnull and void. Security Council Resolutions 252 of 1968 and271 of 1971 attest to that position. Nor did the United Nationsaccept the Israeli Basic Law on Jerusalem of 1980 by whichIsrael reaffirmed its annexation of East Jerusalem anddeclared it to be its capita\. In Security Council Resolution476 of 1980, the Security Council rejected the Israeli BasicLow and, in the same year, Resolution 478 called on statesthat have diplomatic missions in Jerusalem to move themout of the city. This is a doubly important resolution becausethe Security Council included West Jerusalem, occupied in1948, within its domain of action. There were no foreigndiplomatic missions accredited to Israel in East Jerusalem.The non-Arab consulates general in East Jerusalem whichwere there before the war of 1967 continued in their workafter the war with a changed mandate. dealing with thePalestinian population with an autonomous status vis-a-vistheir respective embassies and ambassadors in Tel Aviv, thecapital of Israel Hence. Resolution 478 (1980) questionseven the Israeli position in and on West Jerusalem.The United Nations General Assembly added in its resolution35/169E of 15 December 1980 another element to resolution478 (l980), by which it also rejected the Israeli Basic Law onJerusalem and confirmed Resolution 478 (1980). The element6

Introductionadded was that the General Assembly not only consideredthe Israeli action a violation of international law but alsothat it did not excuse Israel from the application of theFourth Geneva Convention on Jerusalem.Since then, the question of the applicability of the FourthGeneva Convention to the Palestinian territories occupiedby Israel since 1967, including East Jerusalem, has becomean overriding theme in United Nations resolutions. This wasreaffirmed in Resolution 672 of 1990, adopted on 12 October1990 following the acts of violence committed by Israeliforces against Palestinian worshippers in al-Haram al-SharifinEast Jerusalem. Resolution 681 of 20 December 1990specifically included East Jerusalem as part of the occupiedPalestinian Territories that are also covered by the FourthGeneva Convention.More recently, following the massacre perpetrated by aJewish extremist at the Holy Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron on25 February 1994, the adoption of Resolution 904 wasdelayed for 22 days in an attempt by the US Administrationand Israel not ,to mention East Jerusalem as part of theoccupied Palestinian territories. Finally, the US forced a voteby paragraph on the resolution in order not to vote on theparagraph that included East Jerusalem. Nevertheless. theresolution was passed, reaffirming that East Jerusalem is partof the Occupied Palestinian Territories, with the USabstaining on that paragraph.It is hence clear that international legitimacy favours thePalestinian side on the issue of East Jerusalem. Yet Israelcontinues actions on the ground in order to create new failsaccomplis in Jerusalem in the hope that these changes will7

The Struggle for Jerusalemforeclose any attempt by the Palestinian side to demand itsshare in .Jerusalem. The main mechanism in the hands ofIsrael is legal actions, typically using security as a pretext,This includes confiscation of Palestinian land andestablishing settlements thereon in Jerusalem.The area of the city of Jerusalem prior to the 1967 war was6.5 km2. After nearly three decades of Israeli occupation,the city has grown to an area of 70.5 km 2 , 2 a ten-foldincrease. This shows the extent and scope of confiscation ofPalestinian land in East Jerusalem that is being carried outby the Israeli occupation authorities. A look at theconfiscated Palestinian land in East Jerusalem and theIsraeli settlements established on that land, will show that theaim of the Israelis is not only to maintain control of the city,but also to do away with the Arab Pales~nian communitiesin the area by culling social and economical links betweenthem . and by destroying the infrastructure of the Palestinianvillage. 3Israel has created a cordon sanifaire of Israeli settlementsaround East Jerusalem known as the Ma'ale Adumim bloc,comprised of Ma'ale Adumim itself. Giv'at Adumim, MashorAdumim, Kfar Adumim, Alon, and Sha'ar Mizrahi. This is themost important and largest bloc of Israeli settlements in theWest Bank (including Jerusalem) and the Gaza Strip,extending to the east in the direction of the Jordan Valley,and to the north towards Ramallah. It enables Israel toencircle Jerusalem from the east: Israel hopes to sellie2 Khalil Tufakji, How did they uttle in Jetuu/t!Jml The Jud.J.ati(}n of JeruSlllem, F.ctslind Rgutes, Jeruulem: Arab Stud;.,. Society, 1995, unpuaUlhed paper, p. 4 .3 Tufitkji, Settlemenu in the Wut Blmk: Aimtl and Re$ult8 . (Arabic) . Jerulalem: ArabStudMlIL Society. 1995. p.2.8

Introductionaround one million Israelis in the greater Jerusalem area bythe year 2000. 4In short. Israel has used its dominating hand in order tocause a tremendous demographic change in EastJerusalem, where it has increased its population from zeroIsraelis before the war of 1967 to 160,000 at present. 30,000housing units have been built for Jewish settlers in EastJerusalem in 15 settlements. In comparison, Israel has builtonly 555 housing units for the Palestinian Arabs in EastJerusalem over the same period. This has tumed the IsraeliJewish popUlation into the majority population in EastJerusalem for the first time in history.Other methods have been used successfully by Israel inorder to decide the fate of Jerusalem. The IsraeliGovemment and the Israeli Municipality of Jerusalem haveused various devious methods in order to facilitate theconfiscation of Palestinian land and property in the HolyCity. Under the pretext of developing Arab villages orneighbourhoods, the Israelis developed a "master plan" forthe city. This was used to strangUlate the Arab presence inthe city, limit and control Palestinian construction andhousing plans, and prevent population increase amongPalestinians.This mechanismexpansion ofneighbourhoods.of control wasthe area ofIsrael doesused to prevent naturalPalestinian villages ornot allow Palestiniancommunities to expand horizontally (beyond the borders ofthe village or city, town or neighbourhood) or vertically4 Ibid., p. 2.9

The Struggle for Jerusalem(more than four stories. whereas in Israel eight stories areallowed for residential purposes). Second. these villages orneighbourhoods are liable to find themselves surrounded byIsraeli settlements. further preventing expansion orcommunication with other Palestinian villages andneighbourhoods. This has severe economic and socialeffec1s on the Palestinian community.Third. Israel has declared certain areas as 'green areas' forpublic use. This should include Palestinian neighbourhoods.However. when Israeli neighbourhoods need expansion.Palestinian green areas are put at their disposal. s Inaddition. the Israelis have encouraged Palestinian landowners to sell their property by levying exorbitant taxes.By all these means Israel has been able to lake control ofwhat amounts to more than 23% of the total area ofJerusalem over the last 27 years. while the Palestinianpopulation has struggled to maintain only 4% of the area ofthe city.6As Israeli redeployment from areas of the West Bank drewnearer. in accordance with the Oslo. Cairo and Tabaagreements. the Israeli authorities developed new methodsto tighten their grip on Jerusalem. These methods meant theconfiscation of more Palestinian land in the West Bank andJerusalem. Israel developed by-pass roads under the pretextof providing security for Israeli settlements and settlers. Theaim of these by-pass roads is to link Israeli settlements.5 Tufak;i, How did they $ettle in Jefus./eml, pp. 5-6.6 Ibid. p. 7 .10

Introductionmaking it unnecessary for seltlers to use roads used by thePalestinian population.This policy reinforced the isolation of Jerusalem from theWest Bank. Israel buill a major by-pass road aroundJerusalem. starting in the setttement of Beit EI to the north ofthe city. going then eastwards across many Arab Palestinianvillages to the settlement of "Vered Yeriho" at the outskirts ofJericho. This by-pass road closes Jerusalem from the north.Another section of the road goes west to the Modi'insettlement established on the Palestinian village of Latrun.From there the road crosses the green line near Bet Shemeshand then heads southwards towards the Palestinian villagesof Sourif and Beit Ummar in the Hebron district. returningnorthwards in the direction of Bethlehem and from thereeastwards towards Ma'ale Adumim. and Vered Yeriho.completing the circle around Jerusalem.'The dangers emanating from the Israeli policy of encirclingJerusalem are very clear. Israel aims to exclude thePalestinian people and any of their official or non-officialrepresentations from Jerusalem. Faisal Husseini. responsiblefor the Jerusalem file in the PNA. summarised Israeli policy ashaving three aims: 81. To cause Palestinian institutional identity, activityand presence in the Holy City to whither away.Israel forces the citizens of the city to deal only withthe Israeli instituHons. This makes the Palestinian7 Statement made by Dr. Jbrahim aI-Fanni, published in WAFA, 3 August 1995, p. 8-9.8 This point was made in a conversation with the author. Husselni has also made hisposition very clear in public statements. See his statement .t the meeting of the ArabThought Forum in Jerusalem, a/-Ouds, 7 September 1995, p. 4 .11

The Struggle for Jerusalempopulation of the city accustomed to not dealingwith the Palestinian institutions in the city. This in turnwill obstruct and lead to the cessation of the work ofthese institutions and their eventual closure.2. To isolate the city from its Palestinian milieu bydetaching it from Palestinians living around the cityand from the Palestinian community at large:The military check-points which Israel has installed atthe entrances of the city prevent any Palestinianfrom entering the city unless he or she is a holder ofan Israeli identity card or a permit to enter the city.Palestinians from other parts of Palestine have noopportunity at all - except if by luck they are allowedto come to pray on a Friday or a Sunday - to makeany transactions in the city. This makes Palestiniansliving outside the city accustomed to carrying outtheir business outside Jerusalem. Simultaneously, thispolicy also will make Jerusalemites accustomed toliving without daily contact with the Palestiniancommunity outside the city. Commerce and trade inthe city has to look for new markets in Israel itself andfor new customers in the city rather than thePalestinians from the surrounding neighbourhoods.3. To isolate the city internationally:This means making the international communityaccustomed to dealing with the Palestinians withoutJerusalem and to dealing with Jerusalem as theIsraelis dictate: a city dominated by Israel and whosefate is decided by Israel. Many countriesunfortunately have started to bend to Israeli12

Introductionpressure. such as by canceling visits to Orient Houseby foreign dignitaries visiting Jerusalem.More recently. Israel has adopted further measures againstthe Palestinian presence in the city. described by an Israelijournalist as the "policy of twisting arms".9This policy is manifested in the following ways:1.) The Israeli decision to confiscate 530 acres of landfrom Palestinians in Jerusalem in May 1995. whichwas faced with total rejection by the PNA. the ArabGovernments. the Islamic Countries. the Non~aligned Countries and the United Nations. PresidentYasser Arafat quickly and decisively pre-emptedany Israeli execution of the confiscation orders.Faced with the threat of suspension of the peaceprocess with the Palestinians. the recalling of theJordanian Ambassador in Tel Aviv for consultation.a meeting of the Jerusalem committee. a summit ofthe Islamic countries. and a decision by the UN.Israel found itself obliged to suspend - but not toannul - its decision to confiscate these lands.2.) The allempts by Israelis to sellie. with theconnivance of the Israeli Government. two hills inthe Bethlehem area. This met with protests byPalestinians everywhere. Clashes between settlersand Palestinians at the site forced the Israeli9 Gideon Levi, wThe Conflict over Emblems w , H .... feu, 3. September 1995, as publishedin Arabic in WAF A : Digest of the IS/MIl; Press , S September 1995, pp . 4· 6, quotation istaken from p. 6 .13

The Struggle for JerusalemGovernment to deploy its police force to controlthe situation and evict the settlers. The Israeligovernment. however, promised the settlersanother piece of land nearby.3.) The demand by the Israeli Jerusalem Municipalitythat Palestinian schools in East Jerusalem should notuse the emblem of the PNA on their text-books. ThePalestinian side agreed to put white labels over theemblem.4.) The campaign launched in Israel against thePalestinian institutions in the Holy City. This was aclear demonstration of the Israeli aim ofdomination of the city and its feverish attempts toexclude the PLO/PNA from the city. Israel's policy isa gross violation of the commitments made byShimon Peres in his letter to the late NorwegianMinister of Foreign Affairs Holst supporting the workof Palestinian institutions in the city. Incontravention of these commitments, Israelescalated its campaign at all levels:At the municipal leveL Likud Mayor Ehud Olmertactively sought to hamper the activities ofPalestinian institutions. He was joined by rightistpoliticians on the national level, such as Sharonand Netanyahu, as well as by the settlermovement. There were even cases in which thegovemment itself took official action to contributeto the campaign. For instance, Police MinisterMoshe Shahal prepared a law to close down allPalestinian institutions in the city that he claimed14

Introductionrepresented. functioned as part of. or were fundedby the PNA. Shahal's policy mef protests fromPalestinian institufions in Jerusalem. PNA officials.and even some Israeli officials and organisationswho questioned the legality and logic of such amove. In the final analysis. the lisl of "suspected"institutions came down to three: Orient House. thePalestinian Health Council and the PalestinianBureau of Statistics. A modus vivendi was achievedwith the three institutions. and the Israeli ministersuspended his legal action.5.) The celebrations for "Jerusalem 3000". which are anabsurd example of rewrifing of history. Israeldecided unilaterally to celebrate the anniversary of3000 yea~ of the alleged establishment of the cityof Jerusalem by King David. For this purpose Israelorganised the celebrations under the pretext thatthe event is a cultural one where all religions andwalks of life can coexist and participate. Yet the liewas too big to be accepted. even among thefriends of Israel. Jerusalem was not established byKing David. It predates King David by at least fwothousand yea~. Jerusalem was established by theCanaanites. whose king gave Jerusalem its name.The European Union decided to boycott thefestivities so as not to fall into any political trap setby the Israelis. Their presence at the Israeli festivitieswould have been interpreted by the Arab andPalestinian sides as siding with the Israelis on thequestion of Jerusalem. hence they would beaccused of taking a position on the future of thecity before the start of the final status negotiations15

ThB StrUgglB for Jerusalembetween the Israelis and Palestinians. The Christianchurches in the city decided to boycott thefestivities for similar reasons. The PNA, Palestinianinstitutions, and public and private figures spokevehemently against these festivities and called for aboycott.Israel was angry that this "culturar' event wasboycotted by its friends. The Israeli daily YediotAhronot was clear in condemning the boycott. Itpraised those who attended the celebrations andthreatened those who boycotted them with having"to pay the price in the days to come".IOMany Israelis did not miss the true intentions of theIsraeli govemment. A leading Israeli columnist andpeace activist. Uri Avneri. wrote frankly that."the event is not for reconciliation. It is an attempt atspiritual occupation. and civiHsational usurpation. It is anattempt to suppress half of the people who are not partof the celebrations ... These are celebrations to convinceourselves and the world that Jerusalem is Jewish only ... Itaims at falsifying history, stealing away the civilisationsthat left their imprint on Jerusalem and to destroy thepeace process".11In short, had Israel succeeded in making thesecelebrations a success, it would have created10Yediot Achronot. 5 September 1995, aa translated in WAFA, Digest of the /sllJeliPres:s , 5 September 1995. p . 2., 1 Uri Avneri. "Jerusalem the 3000". reprinted as the editorial of WAFA. the PalestineNews Agency Bulletin. see WAFA . 5 Septembor 1995. p. 2· 4.16

Introductionanother fait accompli in Jerusalem by which itwould have unilaterally influenced the fate of thecity before the start of the final status negotiationswith the PLO/PNA. These celebrations constituted afurther contradielion of the spirit of peace andreconciliation as well as a violation of the letter ofassurances and the Oslo Agreement.These Israeli policies have to be checked and changed ifIsrael wants peace with fhe Palesfinians and the Arab world.and if Israel wants to be accepted as a state in the regionand not an outside imposition. Without Jerusalem there canbe no peace. Recent negotiations on Hebron amply showhow difficult it is to arrive at a compromise solution tosensitive and emotion-laden issues. The negotiations onHebron stand as an alarm to what we should expect to facewhen the time comes to discuss the situation in Jerusalem.Effective immediately. the PNA and all those who wantpeace in the region. should bring about a freeze of anyaelion by Israel aimed at changing the demographic.political. social. cultural and economic charaeler ofJerusalem. Needless to say. political pressure andinternational lobbying should be used to achieve that end.The PNA should start a reform programme to reelify thedamage to the Palestinian society caused by Israeli pOliciesduring the long years of domination and occupation. Thisreform programme can be carried out in two phases; in theshort term. to rectify immediate needs. and in the long term.to formulate a master plan for Jerusalem. In this regard, thecreation of a Jerusalem Fund is appropriate. The aim of sucha fund should be similar to that of the Holst Fund, and should17

The Struggle for Jerusalemhelp cover the operating costs and the budget ofPalestinian institutions in Jerusalem. Support for such a fundshould be from the PNA. the Arab countries and the donorcommunity at large. For that purpose. Palestinian institutionsin Jerusalem should present their programmes of action forJerusalem and the needs of the people they serve.The PNA should be able to immediately present andrepresent the needs of the Jerusalemites in any negotiationswith Israel. particularly the following:1. An Israeli commitment to respect the pledgesmade by Peres in his letter to Holst on the freedomof operation of Palestinian institutions in Jerusalem.2. An Israeli commitment to facilitate the work ofPalestinian institutions in Jerusalem such as:• allowing free access to these institutions by theirsfaff. especially if fhey come from other parts ofPalestine .• guaranteeing financial resources for theseinstitutions, for example by allowing hospitals.clinics and doctors to make use of the Palestiniansocial services. medical care and health insurance.3. Reimbursing all financial expenditure made bythese institutions for Palestinian needs by the PNA.4. An Israeli commitment to transfer funds collected astaxes from Jerusalemites back to the jerusalem18

IntroductionFund or any other Palestinian financial authorityresponsible for Jerusalem.5. An Israeli commitment to lift the siege imposed onJerusalem and remove the check points at theentrances of Jerusalem. This is in the interest ofpeace, coexistence and building bridges betweenthe two peoples. Free access to the city andfreedom of movement in and out of the city arenecessary in that process.6. Israel needs to act decisively against the rising tideof Jewish fundamentalism and extremism in theJerusalem area, especially in that these threatenthe peace of Palestinian society, individuals andgroups. Israel should be able to prevent theirprovocations and disturbances of the peace of thecity, and to curb and defeat the blackmailingpolices and practices of the extremists.The above is a brief introduction to outline the unilateralIsraeli policies affecting the fate and future of Jerusalem inspite of agreements reached with the PLO/PA. The comingchapters deal with the major topics that have characterisedthe conflict over Jerusalem recently, namely since the returnof President Yasser Arafat to Palestine.19

CHAmR1The Sermon on JihadIn May 1994. while in South Africa to attend theinauguration of President Nelson Mandelo. President Arafatvisited a mosque in Johannesburg to meet representativesof the Muslim community. The meeting was arranged todiscuss the agreement between the PLO and Israel Signedfive days previously in Cairo. In defending the agreement.President Arafat made the following comments. which wererecorded and made available to Israel Radio by anunidentified person:"You have to understand our main battle isn't how muchwe can achieve from them here or there. Our main battleis Jerusalem ... You have to come and to fight and to starta Jihad to liberate Jerusalem. the first shrine. And. this isvery important." 1Israel Radio broadcast the statement on 17 May 1994.Immediately following the broadcast. a concertedcampaign of defamation and criticism against Arafat andhis statement emanated from Tel Aviv and Washington.accusing him of insincerity to the Declaration of Principles(DOP) and the Cairo Agreement. signed twelve days earlier.The PLO in Tunis and elsewhere witnessed a rush ofdiplomatic contacts from west em. especially American.diplomats. with PLO officials to verity the accuracy of thisstatement. On 18 May 1994. nine US Congressmen sent aletter to Arafat on the issue. accusing him of jeopardising1 Uri Avneri, "Jeru .. lom the 3000", reprinted as the editorial of WAFA, thePalestine New. Agency BuRetin, lee WAFA . 5 September 1995, p. 2-4.21

The Struggle for Jerusalemthe whole peace process and calling into question hiscommitment to a peaceful resolution of the Arab-Israeliconflic!. Critics further accused Arafat of wavering oncommitments he made when signing !he OOp, foremostamong which was that the final status of Jerusalem is to bedetermined by negotiations.For such critics, two terms in Arafa!'s statement deservedattention: the term Jihad itself and the call "to liberateJerusalem". Both were taken to mean "holy wa( or "armedstruggle", which imply encouraging "violence" and"terrorism". In a press briefing US Secretary of State WarrenChristopher, called on Arafat to adhere to his commitmentsin the OOP calling for putting an end to "violence andterrorism".2All the critics jumped on the sentence mentioned above,taking it out of context and exaggerating its meaning.Critics based their arguments on the negative images andstereotypes already held about Arafat and the Palestiniannational movement, hoping to see themselves vindicated intheir hatred of Arafal.As an example of this campaign of vilification, the Womenin Green (the Israeli group which distributed the taperecording)designed the jacket for the tape with aphotograph of Vasser Arafat wearing a Kuffiyya. thePalestinian head-dress, and a Nazi helmet. with theinscription of "Jihad', in Arabic and English, followed by"Beware Israer' in Hebrew.2 WAFA. a/·Rasd a/·ftha';. 19 May 1994, p. 6, IWAFA, the Palestine New .. Agency,Broadcasts Monitoring Service, in Arabicl . hereafter cal&ed .f.RlJ3d.22

The Sermon on JihadYet, in the statement before the Islamic community inJohannesburg, Arafat made his strongest defence ever infront of a foreign audience of the Cairo Agreement. In fact,he was mobilising support for the agreement. calling on thisMuslim audience and the entire Muslim Ummato supportthe agreement. Arafat mustered all his charisma, prestigeand Islamic credentials for that purpose. He used historicalanalogies from the experience of Prophet Muhammad inorder to show the audience that the signing of a peaceaccord with a bitter enemy was not wrong. Furthermore,Arafat defended the Jews and the agreement signed withIsrael, saying "we are not against the Jews", using a versefrom the Holy Quran in support of this.Arafat's statement that " ... you have to come and to fightand to start a Jihad to liberate Jerusalem, your first shrine"must be put in the context of the Islamic audience.Furthermore, this is the terminology used when talking aboutJerusalem whether by Palestinian Muslims or Christians.Arafat also used the occasion as an educational session inpolitics, and as a call for wider political participation. Hewas attempting to convince the audience that theagreement and the pledges were determined by historicalnecessity following the Gulf war and the heavy price thatthe Palestinian people, especially in Kuwait. had to pay.Hence the acceptance of the Bush initiative and invitationto go to the Madrid Peace Conference, despite the "verybad conditions" imposed on the PLO and the Palestiniandelegation. He reminded the audience that the future ofJerusalem is one of the issues to be discussed andnegotiated in the final stage of negotiations during a time23

Th9 Struggl9 for Jerusalem"not exceeding the beginning of the third yea(. This is inaccordance with the DOP.It is also true that Arafat questioned in the strongest possibleterms the Israeli claim to Jerusalem as well as their claim thatthe city is their etemal capital. There is nothing in theagreement that forbids Arafat from doing that. It should benoted that Arafat. who was speaking without notes. made aterminological mistake here. Instead of describing Jerusalemas the etemal capital. he described it as the "permanentstate". This was also the first occasion when Arafat informedthe audience of the secret leiter which he received fromthe Israeli side on Jerusalem (see Chapter 2/. He furtherclaimed that the "scene" he made during the signingceremony in Cairo on 4 May 1994. was because ofJerusalem.This episode shows very clearly how the Palestinianinformation machine and public relations failed. It couldhave been one of the strongest exercises in public relationsboth to the domestic audience. including thefundamentalists. and extemally. to the Israeli public and theinternational community. This unfortunately did not happen.The tape-recording was not even made available to thePalestinian information departments. let alone thePalestinian public. And. when the news broke in theintemational media. the reflex action was one of escapism.shying away from commenting on the tape or evenacknowledging its existence. The episode is yet further proofthat ignorance is the strongest enemy within. even for a justcause. Even Yasser Arafat gave various explanations of themeaning of Jihad in on effort to dilute the impact the24

The Sermon on Jihadstatement left on the international scene and with the Israeliinterlocutors and public.At the expense of brevity. and because the statement wasnot published in full anywhere in an easily accessible form 3 .fallowing is a transcript of the full text of the Jihad statementmade by Arafat in Johannesburg. as taken from the taperecordingbeing distributed by 'Women in Green" in Israel.(In Arabic' )"In the name of God. Most Gracious, most Merciful, Gloryto (God) who did take His Servant for a journey by nightfrom the Sacred Mosque to the Farthest Mosque. whoseprecincts We did bless - in order that We might show himsome of Our signs: for He is the One who hearth and seeth(all things"), Saddaqa Allahv al-Adhim. (Svra. XVII. l.p.693).Brothers. I have to thank yov for giving me this opporlvni/yto come here to pray together and 'inshallah' (God bewi/ling). we Will pray very soon in Jerusalem. (applavse).the first shrine of the Islam. I speak with my poor langvagein English bvtl wi/llry to do my best. sMy brothers. offer the signing of the Agreement and wehave to vnderstand that offer the Gvlf War the mainconspiracy is to demolish completely the Palestinian issve3 On 23 May 1994, the Israeli daily, Ha-AftUz published a Hebrew translation of thisspeech. Thil was translated Into English in FBIS on 24 May 1994.4 All references to the ve(les of the Quran we. made by Chilirman Arafat in Arabic. TheItatement was in English. The Engli.h translationl of aU these veraes are taken fromAbdullah Yu.uf Ali, The Holy Ou,'"", T"xr, Tf""sJ"rion lind Commenrllry, Publicati9ns ofPresidency of Islamic Courts and Affairs, State of Qatar. n.p., n.d.5 The text is rendered here as spoken by the Chairman, without any linguistic correction • .25

The Struggle for Jerusalemfrom the. agenda of the international new order. This is themain conspiracy and if was not easy because our peopleas you know. had paid the price of this Gulf War. As youknow. our community in Kuwait. which was the biggestand richest community in Kuwait. had been kicked outfrom Kuwait. Not only that. after that. we have beenfaced by this initiative declared by President Bush for theMadrid Conference. and it was not easy. and now we hadaccept to go to Madna Conference in spite of the verybad conditions we had accepted to go to MadridConference. Why? Not to give them the reason and theexcuse to exclude the cause of Jerusalem. the cause ofPalestine. This has to be understood. And now after thisagreement which is the first step and not more than that.Believe me there are a lot to be done. The Jihad willcontinue and Jerusalem is not for the Palestinian people. itis for all the Moslem Umma. all the Moslem Umma. You areresponsIblefor Palestine and Jerusalem before me.(Applause). "But We delivered him and (his nephew) Lut(and direc1ed them) to the land which We have blessedforthe nations." (Sura. XXI. 71. p . B37). Addressing thisAyya. verse to Abraham. But We delivered him and (hisnephew) Lut to the land which has been blessed for thewhole world.Now offer this Agreement. you have to understand ourmain bailie is not to get how much we can achieve fromthem here or there. Our main bailie is Jerusalem.Jerusalem. the first shrine of the Muslims. (Applause). Thishas to be understood for everybody. And for this I wasinsisting before Signing to have a leller from them. fromthe Israeli that Jerusalem is one of the items which has tobe under discussion. and not the state. the permanent26

Th8 SfN'fflon on Jihadstate {sic} of Israel. No. It is the permanent state {sic} ofPalestine. {Applause}. Yet, it is the permanent state {sic} ofPalestine. And in this letter. it is vety important forevetybody to know. I insist to mention. and they hadwritten it. and I have this letter. I didn't declare, I didn'tpublish it till now. In this letter. we are responsible tor all theChristian and the Moslem and the Islamic holy sacredplaces. And I had insisted to mention the Christian holysacred place before the Islamic holy sacred placebecause I have to be faithful to the Agreement betweenOmar Ibn AI Khattab. Gad bless him, Khalifa Omar and thePatriarch Sophronius. You remember this agreementbetween the Khalifa Omar and the Patriarch Sophronius?For this I was insisting to mention in this letter the Christianholy places beside the Islamic holy places. And here weare. I can't, and I have to speak frankly, I can't do it alone,without the support of the Islamic Umma, I can't do I~alone. And nat to say like the Jews "Go thou, and thy lord,and fight ye two". (Sura V, 27. p. 2491. "Go and your Godto fight alone': No, you have to come and to fight and tostart a Jihad to liberate Jerusalem, your first shrine. Andthis is vety important. And for this. , in the Agreement. Iinsist, with my colleagues, with my brothers. to mentionthat not exceeding the beginning of the third year, anddirectly atter the signing of the Cairo Agreement, to startdiscussion the future of Jerusalem, the future of Jerusalem.And You saw me in the {inaudible}, while I was hesitating,when I was, you remember the scene, you remember thepicture, because I was insisting to mention Jerusalem, AndI said o.K., I don't want only from Rabin this promise. No. Iwant this promise from the co-sponsors. Christopher andKozyrev, and the witness Pr,"sident Mubarak. And, this hadbeen done which is vety important for evetybody to know.27

The Struggle for JerusalemNow, here we are. There is, and everybody has tounderstand that, there is a continuous conspiracy againstJerusalem. Dudng the next two years, which hod beenmentioned not exceeding the beginning of the third year.they were, they will try to demolish and to change thedemographic of Jerusalem. This is very important, unlesswe have to be (inaudible;, cautious and to put it in ourpdodties and nothing were to be pdodty than Jerusalem.To put it in our first pnori/y, not only as Palestinians, not onlyas Arabs, but as Muslims and as Christians too. I hadmentioned this to the Pope and to the Patriarch of Istanbuland the Archbishop of Canterbury. Because I told themthat if you wont to make your holy Sepulcher. holy sacredChnstian places. ox. corry on wlfh the IsraeliS, with theJews. We are not against the Jews. We have to rememberwhat had been mentioned in our Quran: "Of the people ofMoses there is a section who guide and do justice in thelight of truth." (Sura Vii, 159, p. 389/. 'That among thenotion of Muso a notion or port of Ihe notion, whichbelieve in just day, the day of control." And for yourinformation, there are two Jewish sects in Poles tine, inSamaria, in Nablus and Naturei Carta, in Jerusalem. Theyare refusing 10 recognise /he Siole of Israel, and Ihey areconsidering themselves as Palestinians. I am saying this togive Ihe proof Ihal what Ihey are saying, thai it is theircapitol, no, it is not their capital, it is our capitol, il is yourcapilal, it is the first shrine of the Islam and of all ,theMuslims. But, we are in need of your support everywhere.And this is the message of the people of Palestine from ourpopulations in Jerusalem, colling for you for everybodyhere, not only here, everywhere. And, 10m sure, sooner orafter. we Will pray in Jerusalem together. {Applause/'28

The Sermon on JihadThis agreement I am not considering it more than theagreement which hod been signed b etween our prophetMuhammad and Qureish. And you remember KhalifaOmar had refused this agreement and considering if "Solhad-daniwa': in English I don't know what this is themeaning of this "Solh od-doniwo': but I think it is theagreement of the vel)l low class, something like that, Ithink so, yes. But Muhammad God bless him, hadaccepted IY. And we are accepting now this peaceaccord but, to continue our way to Jerusalem, to the firstshdne, together, and not alone. And we have to sayclearly and obviously, that there is a vel)l, vel)l, very. vel)ldifficult circumstances ahead. I WIll give you one example.Do you remember affer the massacre took place in theHoram of Hebron? Do you remember? Twenty-two daysthe Securiiv Council was hesitating to accept theresolution to condemn this massacre. You remember?Twenty-two days! You know why! For one word I wasinsisting to put in this Resolution - throughout the occupiedPolestinian land, tem"fories, including Jerusalem. They weretrying to bargain with me, to cancel Jerusalem. I refusedand I got If. And yau remember.Again, I have to thank you, I have to thank you from myheart, from my heart and I am telling you fronkty. frombrother to brother, we are in need of you, we are in needof you, as Muslims, as Mujahedeen. And, in this occasion, Ihave to tell myoid friend myoid brother Nelson Mandelo,to thank him for giving me this invtlation to come, to visitSouth Africa for the first tIme. It is a part of your struggle, apart of your struggle, I am here. And, I am telling again, byyour names, by the names of the Islamic Umma, that we29

The Struggle for Jerusalemwill be beside him. and we are sure Ihal he will conlinue 10be beside us. Again. I have to say 'We will. without doubt.help Our aposlles and those who believe, (both) in thisworld's life and on the Day when the witnesses will standforth. Saddaqa Allahu 01- 'Adhirn. (Sura XI. 51. p. 1277j."And We wished to be gracious to those who were beingdepressed in the land. to make them leaders (in faith)and make them heirs, to establish a firm place for them inthe land". (Sura. XXVIII. 5, p. 1002-3}. God be willing. Godbe willing. he will establish a firm pface for us in the land.God be willing. God be willing. God b e willing. Bratherstake nate of the verse "Never does God depart from Hispromise", (Sura XXx. 5, p. /052J. "And to enter your Templeas they had enfered it before, (Sura XVII. 7. p . 695J. - theywill enter the Mosque as they have entered it before. "Andto enter your Temple as they had entered it before. andto visitwith destruction all that fell into their power",Saddaqa Allahu AI-'Adhirn. (Sura XVII. 7. p. 695j. Neverdoes God depart from His promise. Never does Goddepart from his promise. Together. hand in hand. Side byside until victory until Jerusalem, until Jerusalem, untilJeNsa/ern. Thank you . ..Israeli officialdom. however. reacted to this stafementwithout taking into consideration the full text and the Islamiccontext of the speech. Thus. they failed the test of sincerity,good faith and mutual trust which the success of the peaceprocess depends on and which in themselves are necessaryfor building confidence.On the same day that the Jihad statement became public,Rabin and Peres expressed their anger and apprehension. Ina press briefing following his meeting with Christopher. in30

The Sermon on JihadJerusalem. on 17 May 1994. Rabin responded to a questionon this statement by saying that "if indeed he has called fora Jihad it is a serious violation of what he hod pledged inthe letter to me". 6 The letter referred to is the one that led tothe mutual recognition between the PLO and Israel. Robinwent on to say that such a statement "will cast doubt on thecontinuation of the process between the PLO and Israel. Wewill not accept a violation of the PLO commitment that it willnot engage in violence and terror."7 Christopher. standingnext to Robin. accepted the answer of Rabin and said hewas waiting for clarification and continued "I simply wouldendorse what the Prime Minister said".8In a press briefing after meeting Christopher. Peresdescribed Aratat's statement on Jihadto be "incredible andinconceivable",9Shulamit Aloni. Israel's Minister of Culture andCommunications. and the leader of the Meretz party. who isknown for her usually courageo us positions colling for moreopen and dired relations between Israel and the PlO.joined the bandwagon of critics. She said that if Aratat"goes far in his illusions the peace process might stop". Shewarned Arafat that he would not succeed and the peaceprocess "might continue with other officials in the Palestinianleadership".10 Benjamin Netanyahu. the New York-bornleader of the Likud party. called on the Israeli government6 Wireleu File (news bulletin published by the US Embassy in Tunis, Tunisia!, 19 May1994, p . 7, col. 1.7 Wireless File. 19 May 1994. p . 7. col . 1.8 Ibid.9 Wireless File, 18 May 1994. p . 9 , col. 1.1 0 a l-/~ud , 18 May 1994, p. 7 .3 1

The Struggle for Jerusalemto respond to the Aralat statement by closing down the PLOoffices in Jerusalem and preventing Faisal Husseini and SariNusseibeh, two Palestinian leaders from Jerusalem, fromjoining the PNA.11The Israelis lost no time in asking for clarification of the Jihadstatement. The occasion was soon at hand. ChairmanArafat and Peres were invited 10 participate in acommemoration ceremony in Oslo to honour the people ofNorway for their contribution to peace in the Middle East.The ceremony was on the 18 May 1994, a day after the newson the Jihad statement was released, The Norwegian chiefpeace negotiator T erje Rod Larson, confirmed that theJihad statement would be "one of the issues that theNorwegian side will discuss with Vasser Arafat when hearrives"1 2 in Norway. Also, Christopher said at a press briefingin Coiro following his meeting with President Mubarak, thathe had instrueled the US Ambassador in Oslo to ask Arofatfor clarific ations on the statement. 13Indeed, Vasser Arafat and Peres discussed, among otherthings, these issues at their meeting in Oslo. Both confirmedthis at their press conference held jointly in Oslo followingthose meetings.For his port, Arofat gave the fo llowing interpretation of theJihad statement, He said that his recent statement on Jihadshould be taken in its "religious and not political meaning",and that he was c o ntinuing his efforts to achieve peace in11 al-Rasd, 18 May 1994, p. 7 .1 2 iJl-RflSd. 18 May 1994, p . 11 .'3 al-RlJSd, 19 May 1994, p. 6.32

The Sermon on Jihadthe Middle East. Arafat added that some people were tryingto embarrass him by "indecent means", He addressed thejoumalists saying that he might say in "an Islamic religiousmeaning"14 that he is continuing in his Jihad in order toarrive at peace. so that "Christians. Muslims and Jews willpray together in Jerusalem",1 5 He further blamedfundamentalists for changing a religious expression into apolitical one. and said that he '1s not responsible for that", Toallay the fears of his interlocutor. Arafat reiterated on thisoccasion that he and the Palestinian people are"committed ta the implementation of the peace process"1 6and that he "rejects any violence in this peace process"l?Peres. for his part. "took note" of the clarifications made byChairman Arafat on this issue and welcomed Arafat'scommitment to peace,I8 He affirmed the necessity thatboth the Palestinian and Israeli parties should implement theDOP in "text and spirit", 19 He added that Chairman Arafat "isstill committed to the DOP and the ending of violence. terrorand wa(. and declared that "we would like to see thePalestinians as neighbours to us living in peace andprosperity",2014 al-Rasd, 19 May 1994, p. 5 .15 PLO, Unified Information Department, al-Taqri, al-llami, 19 May 1994, p. 3, amimeographed daily news bulletin in Arabic, published by the PLO Unified InformationDepartment for internal circul .. tkln , Mreafter called The Information Report .16 al-Rasd, 19 May 1994, p.5 .17 The Information Report, 19 May 1994, p. 2.18 The Information Report, 19 May 1994. p. 2.19 al-Rasd. 19 May 1994. p. 5 .20 The Information Report. 19 May 1994. p. 3 .33

The Struggle lor JerusalemTaking note of Arafat's clarification does not necessarilymean that it was acceptable in the Israeli political context.After being apprised by Peres from Oslo of theseclarifications, Rabin's spokesman declared that these are "aform of escapism" and that there was no reason for the callfor Jihad which "only increases the difficulties of continuingthe peace process.'';>1Chairman Arafat further developed the meaning given tothe concept of Jihad in a talk he gave at a meeting ofPalestinian entrepreneurs held in Tunis, at the beginning ofJune, to drum up support for the economic build-up in theterritories governed by the PNA. Chairman Arafatdifferentiated between two types of Jihad the first being the"smaller jihad' or "a/-jihad a/-Asgha/' and the "greater jihad'or "a/-Jihad a/-Akbal'. He told the audience that he hadmeant the second type which means, according to theProphet Muhammad, the "Jihad of the soul andcooperation with people". 22To differentiate between the "smaller" Jihad and the"greater" jihad is customary and not uncommon ineveryday modes of expression when one wants to underlinethe difficulties that lie ahead. Thus, Arafat's interpretation ofJihad is well engraved in the cultural milieu, religious beliefsand subconscious of the community. II is a concept that isnot exclusive to armed struggle, irrespective of how theWest conceives of it. During a seven-hour-Iong telephoneconversation between the delegations of Norway, Israeland the PLO that made it possible to agree on the DOP,21 ~Ra.sd. 19 May 1994. p. 6 .22 The Informatton Report. 1 June 1994. p. 3.34

The S(Jrmon on JihadAbu Mazen used the two terms "smaller" and "greater" Jihadto undertine the difficulties in the secret negotiations andthose lying ahead. On the telephone line were Holst andPeres. talking from Stockholm, Arafal, who was on the linefrom Tunis. and Rabin, who was in direct connection withboth from Tel Aviv. At hand were also the members of therespective delegations. In his memoirs. Abu Mazen recalledthis episode:"Soon, we had remembered thatthe phase of the'smaller Jihad' has ended or is about to come to an e nd.II will be followed by the phase of Ihe 'grealer Jihad'.How are we going to conduct our business? How tosucceed in this challenge? Is it possible that wesucceed'f"23Thus we see that Israel completely failed to understand themeaning of this important sermon delivered by PresidentYasser Arafat in defense of the DOP and the CairoAgreement. The Israeli government could have benefitedfrom Arafa!'s defence of the statement in order to show thegood will of the Palestinians and their efforts to push forwardthe peace process. Instead it took the phrase "the Jihadtoliberate Jerusalem" out of context and threw it in the face ofIsraeli and international public opinion as if it had caughtPresident Arafat and the PlO committing a breach of theagreements. This sermon was one of the most importantspeeches in defense of peace. It could have become thekey to starting a campaign on the importance andnecessity of participation and partnership in Jerusalem. Yet,official and non-official Israel locks the will and the23 al-Hayat. 26 S.,ptember 1994. p. 7. col. 1.35

The Struggle for Jerusalemresolution to adopt the appropriate decision on peace inJerusalem and for Jerusalem. This peace cannot be realisedexcept through participation and partnership. It seems thatIsrael wants to reaffirm the stereotypes and images. rancourand animosity. as well as historical and religious differencesin the Holy City by asserting that Jerusalem is its eternalcapital. Official and non-official Israel know very well thatsuch a position amounts to a declaration of war onPalestinians. Arabs and Muslims everywhere. It alsoconstitutes a provocation to Christians the world over. Withsuch a position Israel contradicts the Oslo agreement andthe US Letter of Assurance which affirm that any unilateralmeasure taken by one party cannot decide the final statusof the situation in Jerusalem.36

CHAPTER IThe Jerusalem LetterDuring the three weeks between the initialling of the Osloaccord between the PlO and the Israeli negotiators on 19August 1993. and the signing of the DOP in Washington D.C.on 13 September 1993. three letters were to have beenexchanged between the two sides through the lateNorwegian Minister of Foreign Affairs. Johann Juergen Holst.forming on integral part of the peace agreement. Yet onlytwo letters were signed and exchanged. the third beingdelayed by Israel.Without the exchange of these letters. the DOP mostprobably would not have been signed.] All three leiterswere doted 9 September 1993, four days prior to the signingof the DOP. Two letters were signed during the shuttlemission of Holst between Jerusalem and the PlOheadquarters in Tunis. The thirdletter, which originallycarried the some dote as the other two of 9 September, wasonly signed and exchanged after the signing of the DOP.In Tunis. Chairman ArafatSigned the first leiter on theevening of 9 September 1993. in the presence of both thePalestinian negotiating team in Oslo and the Norwegianteam accompanying Holst. The letter was addressed toRobin, and, for the first time began "Dear Mr. Prime Ministe('.In the letter, Chairman Arafat committed himself and thePlO to convene the Palestine Notional Council (PNC) ossoon os possible, in order to amend and/or cancel thosearticles in the Charter of the PlO that ore against the1 Similar fears tor the Oslo tarks . and consequently lor the DOP, were expreued in aninterview with Mahmoud Abbu tAbu Mazen!. the architect of tne 0,10 talks . See interviewin .'·Hayar, a daily Arabic newl5paper publi,hed in London, 13 September 1994, p. 7.37

The Struggle for Jerusalemexistence 01 the state 01 Israel. Chairman Aralat alsocommitted himself to ask the Palestinian people to res ort topolitical means in solving the problems with Israel.Minister Holst flew to Israel the following day and handedthe letter over to Rabin and Peres. following that. Rabinsigned the second letter. doted also 9 September 1993. butactually signed on 10 September. During the signingceremony in Jerusalem. Rabin was flanked by Holst andPeres. In that letter addressed to Chairman Arafat. Rabin. inthe name of the govemment of Israel. declared hisrecognition of the PlO as the representative of thePalestinian people. The letter was addressed to ChairmanArafat and started also with "Dear Mr. Chairman". The letterwas delivered to Chairman Arafat directly by Minister Holst.The date and place of the signing of the third letter. whichhas become known as the Jerusalem letter. since ChairmanArafat referred to it as such in Johannesburg. is moreproblematic. The letter was also originally dated 9September 1993 and signed b y Peres. Thus. it was supposedto have been exchanged with the other two letters. Unlikethe other two. however. the letter was addressed to "DearMinister Holst". who was to convey its contents to its realdestination. Chairman Arafal. The letter was supposed toremain secret because it carried certain Israeli commitmentson the issue of Jerusalem. Yet the letter was not delivered indue time before or immediately following the signing of theDOP in Washington on 13 September 1993.The matter was not abandoned by the PlO. farouqQaddoumi. head of the Political Department of the PlO.met Minister Holst on 29 September 1993 at the UN in New38

The Jerusalem LetterYork. where both were attending the General Assembly.2Qaddoumi reminded Holst that the leiter on Jerusalem"which was supposed to form an integral part of the leitersexchanged with Israel." had not yet been signed by Peresand delivered to the PlO. os agreed upon in Oslo.Qaddoumi put this position in a leiter to Holst summing uptheir discussion in New York3. Qaddoumi warned that "Israelhas failed to sign and deliver the leiter about Jerusalem"and this "makes the agreement incomplete".Yet at the meeting in New York. Qaddoumi. had delivered adraft of the said leiter to an astonished Hols!. who promisedto work on the issue with the Israeli side. Later. Holst had theleiter delivered to Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen). thearchitect of the Oslo talks and the DOP.In this leiter. Peres confirmed the importance of the wellbeingof the Palestinians and of their institutions in EastJerusalem. The leiter reads os follows:"Dear Minister Holst.I wish to confirm that the Palestinian inslilutians of EastJerusalem and the interests and well-being of thePalestinians of East Jerusalem are of great importanceand will be preserved.Therefore. 01/ the Palestinian institutions of EastJerusalem, including the economic, socia/' educational,and cuI/ural. and the holy Christian and Muslim p laces.2 This episode was rfllatfld to the author by Mr. Zuhdi labib Tflrzi in an interview in Tunison 14 September 1994. Mr. TeuL an advisor to Chairman Arafat, accompanied Mr.Qaddourni to the Genflral A5IIembly alld attended the meeting in New York .3 The letter was made available to the author by Mr. Qaddoumi.4 .Jerusalem Post, 18 June 1994. p 1.39

The Struggle for Jerus~/emare performing an essential task for the Palestinianpopulation.Needless 10 say, we wl11 not hamper their activity,· onthe contrary, the fulfillment of Ihis important mission is 10be encouragedSincerely.Shimon PeresForeign Minister of IsraelThis leiter evoked controversy between the PLO and Israelon the one hand, and within Israel itself on the other. TheIsraeli media and the opposition (LikudJ demanded the governmentto altest as to whether such a leiter existed or not.The controversy was evoked by the statement thatChairman Aralat made at the Islamic Mosque inJohannesburg, South Africa. There, he told the audience: S"And, for this I was insisting before signing (the CoiroAgreement] to have a letter from them, from theIsraeli[s) that Jerusalem is one of the items which has tobe under discussion...And in this letteL ... 1 insist tomention, and they had written it, and I have this letter, Ididn't declare, I didn't publish till now. In this letter. weare responsible for all the Christian and the MUslim andthe Islamic holy sacred places."In short, Chairman Arafat made a "secref' letter public,which he was not supposed to do according to the Israelipoint of view.5 See text above in the etatement on Jihad.40

The Jerusalem LetterThen later in his statement. Chairman Arafat said that the"scene" he made in Cairo during the signing ceremony wasbecause of Jerusalem. Arafat said further that he needed tomake thaI "scene" because he did not think he could trustRabin's promises on Jerusalem. Arafal wanted the promiseto be confirmed by the two co-sponsors. the USA and Russia.with Egypt as the witness. He said:"r don't want only from Rabin this promise. No. I want thispromise from the co-sponsors, Christopher and Kozyrev,and the witness President Mubarak."The debate in Israel following the airing of Arafat's statementon Israel Radio on 17 May 1994 was immediate. In the pressbriefing following his meeting with Christopher. Rabin deniedthe existence of such a letter. and denied that he or "anyother Israeli".6 gave any promises on Jerusalem following thesigning of the Cairo Agreement on 4 May 1994. Heconceded that he had written a letter on 8 May. four daysalter the signing ceremony in Cairo. and that he had madeit available to the Knesset. Rabin. however. did not saywhether he addressed it to Aralat or to anyone else.In this reply. Rabin said:"If the matter involves a letter following the Cairoaccord, th en that letter was written by me on May 8and was submitted to the Knesset. It contains noreference to Jerusalem. There was no le tter from me orfrom any other Israeli, foll owing the C airo accord. thatdeals with Jerusalem, Furthermore, the OOP agreementthat was signed in Washington on September 13. 1993.says that issue s connected with a permanent settlement6 Wirelen File , 18 May 1994, p. 7, col. 141

The Struggle for Jerusalem- and the' DOP offers examples of such issues, includingthe status of Jerusalem - could be broughf up during thenegotiations over a permanent settlement. "7Rabin even instructed one of his closest associates, PoliceMinister Moshe Shahal, to deny the existence of such a letterin the Knesset. only to apologise for him later when the letterwas made public for making the deniaL8Peres, himself, who signed the original letter also denied itsexistence, claiming there was no basis for Arafat's claim, In asimilar press briefing, following his meeting with Christopher,he said about Arafat's statement: 9"And what he has said about the letter. to the best ofmy knowledge and understanding there is no basis forthat ... We're going to verify the exact things that hadbeen said and w e'd react a ccordingly."The PLO did not leave the Rabin-Peres denials withoutresponse. Farouq Qaddoumi wrote a letter to Christopher,dated 30 May 1994, rebutting these denials w Qaddoumimentioned in his leiter that he was sending the clarificationsto Christopher because Rabin's statement was made inChristopher's presence. Qaddoumi then quoted the text ofRabin's statement to the press mentioned above, followedby the whole text of the letter, sent by Peres to Holst. citing7 Wireles s File, 18 Mav 1994, p . 7. col. 1 in Htlbrttw. col. 2 in English.8 Jerusalem Post. 18 Juntl 1994. p . 4. col. 2.9 Wireles s File, 18 May 1994. p . 9. col. 1.10Mr_ Qaddoum; made this letter a'lailable to the authof _ References to the lettel alemade with his permission .42

The Jerusalem Letterthe date of the letter as 9 September 1993. Oaddoumi thenwrote.'This letter is an integral part of the commitments by thegovernment of Israel. Israel has failed to comply withthis commitment which is most important and sensitive."Oaddoumi went on to enumerate the measures ofrestrictions and isolation that Israel had imposed on thePalestinians of East Jerusalem "contrary to the spirit andletter of the above" letter. These measures included theclaims which Israel maintains on Jerusalem, the Israeli "BasicLaw" on Jerusalem, which has been declared "null and void"by the international community, the expropriation ofPalestinian land, expansion and construction of more Jewishhousing projects in and around Jerusalem, the threats bythe Israeli Prime Minister to close down Palestinianinstitutions, such as the PECDAR(Palestinian EconomicCouncil for Development and Reconstruction) in Jerusalem,the arming of Israeli worshippers in Jericho, the armedsettlers in Gaza and the failure of the Israeli forces to confinesettlers to their settlements.Oaddoumi reminded Christopher that Jerusalem would beamong the issues deferred for the time being to bediscussed "not later than the beginning of the third year"(following the DOP), and that the aim of such negotiationswould be to lead to a "permanent status on the basis of theimplementation of UNSC Resolutions 242 and 338"; that thereport of the U.S. Department of State to Congressdesignates East Jerusalem as part of the OccupiedTerritories; and finally that the DOP recognises the rights ofthe Palestinians residing in Jerusalem to participate in the43

The Struggle for Jerusalemelections for the "Council" of the "Palestinian Interim Self­Government Authority fPISGA)". Thus,Qoddoumi concludedthat it is"a molter of right that the PLO affirms its position onJerusalem and will maintain this position until a'permanent status' is negotiated and agreed upon bythe parties to the DOP:'Qaddoumi ended with the following call to Christopher:"It is necessary that the co-sponsors 11 of the peaceprocess should prevail upon Israel to comply with itscommitments in order to ensure the smoothimplementation of the DO P in its entirety, as well as theinitial stage as agreed in C airo on May 4. 1994."The argument over the Holst leiter arose for the followingreasons:First and foremost was the issue of Jerusalem, held by boththe Israeli and Palestinian sides to be the centrepiece oftheir political life, culture and existence. Each party wastrying to improve its position on the struggle for the city inthe lead up to the negotiations on final status issues,Arafat disclosed the existence of the secret leiter, aboutwhich everyone else was kept in the dark, Yet without thisleiter, the DOP most probably would not have been initialedin Oslo. Hence the three leiters mentioned earlier have tobe taken together as port of the agreement. These leiters11 A copy of the letter wu sent to Mr. Kozyrev , Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ruuia.the other co-sponsor.44

The Jerusalem Letterwere necessary to save the peace process and the Oslotalks from failure.Arafat confused the issue when he said that he insisted onhaving the letter on Jerusalem before signing the CairoAgreement on 4 May 1994. This caused confusion on thevenue as well as on the date of the letter. In JohannesburgArafat said he was"insisting before signing [the C airo Agreement} to havea letter from them that Jerusalem is one of the issueswhich ha s to be under discussion".Yet this request is not that problematic because Arafat andQaddoumi. as well as Rabin and Peres. mentioned in variousstatements that Jerusalem is one of the issues deferred untilthe final status negotiations that should start not later thanthe beginning of the third year. This is also inscribed in theOOP.Aratat also made a direct link between his public refusal tosign the Cairo Agreement and the issue of Jerusalem. Yet.the real reason Arafat did not sign was because theagreement which he had reached with Rabin the previousnight on the size of the Jericho area to come under thePNA. was not shown in the text or appended maps of thefinal agreement.Arafat used this episode to underline the fragility of thenegotiations between the PlO and Israel. in which promisesmade by the Israelis are habitually broken. In causing a. scene' in Cairo. Arafat was attempting to underline thispoint to the two co-sponsors of the peace process and45

The Struggle for JerusalemEgypt. and to gain their support in inducing Israel to stick toits agreements.Arafat's statement shows further that there is no agreementon the actual date of the Holst letter, adding moreconfusion as to which letter is being referred to. Arafatcomplicated the problem by making a direct link betweenthe letter on Jerusalem and the Cairo Agreement signed on4 May 1994. Yet the letter was dated 9 September 1993.before the signing of the DOP. In fact. the letter was signedand sent at the latest one month later. through Holst. Israelpublished the text of the letter with the date of 11 October1993. after the signing of the DOP.1 2 Qaddoumi differed withboth the Chairman's linkage to the Cairo Agreement andwith the Israeli version. and put the date as 9 September1993 in his letter to Christopher mentioned above. eventhough it was he who reminded Holst on 29 September thatthe PLO had not yet received the letter from Peres. Thismeans that the Peres letter, which originally c arried the dateof 9 September. was sent some time between 29September 13 and 11 October 1993.Faced with this leak. Israeli officials went into a series ofjustifications to show that Aratat was not telling the truth.First. they claimed that the letter was addressed to Holst andnot to Aratat.14 While this is true. this does not detract fromthe fact that there is a letter on Jerusalem. and that letter12 Text of lotter in the Jerusalem Post, 18 June 1994 . p. 1.'3 Abu Malen, in his memoirs on the negotiations in Oslo, published a fa csimile of thele tter also dated 11 October 1993.'4 IntelView w ith Shimon Peres. "Peres: our tas k. is to create a situation" . JerusalemPost, 16 July 1994, p.9, col.5 . The Jerusalem Post quoted Rabin to the same effect.Jerusalem Post. 18 June 1994. p . 4 . col. 3 .46

The Jerusalem Letterwas intended to reach Arafat as part of the Israelicommitment to the OOP. Second, Israeli officials pointed outthat the leiter was not signed until offer the OOP. Again, thismight be true, However, the Israelis never made clear whenthe leiter was actually signed. Rabin and Peres used theChairman's linkage to the Cairo Agreement to deny thateither of them, or "any Israeli" as Rabin claimed, had signeda leiter on Jerusalem following the signing of the CairoAgreement. However, the leiter exists, having been sentafter the OOP.The domestic campaign against the Israeli governmentintensified, The opposition accused the government of acover-up and questioned its credibility.15 Benny Begin, aLikud member of Knesset and son of the late Israeli PrimeMinister Menachem Begin, accused the Rabin Governmentof "stupidity", saying that the leiter "severely impairs Israel'ssovereignty over its capital",16 meaning Jerusalem. ArielSharon, a Likud member of the Knesset and former Ministerof Oefence (during the invasion of Lebanon in 1982) termedthe letter "madness" and accused the government of lyingand of "confirm(ing) and conferring) legitimacy onPalestinian institutions in Jerusalem".l 7Peres attempted to control the damage caused to hiscredibility and that of the government. and tried to minimisethe importance of the dispute over the letter by claimingthat the "dispute over the letter was a molter of1 5 Jerusalem Poat, 18 June 1994, p . 1.16 Jerusalem Poat, 18 June 1994. p . 4 , col. 1.'7 Ariel Sharon, "Method and Madness "" Jerusalem Post. 25 June 1994, p.6 .47

The Struggle for Jerusaleminterpretation."18 He also denied thot the government hodlied when it said that it had published all documentspertaining to the OOP because "0 leiter is nat adocumenf'.19 Israeli officials blamed each other for theissue. Officials of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs confided tothe Jerusalem Post that the letter was written "with thepremier's authorisation".20 Others said that the Oslo talksleading to the initialing of the OOP would have "collapsed" ifIsrael did not send the letter21 This position is correct, as thepromise of the letter was the sine qua non for the initialing ofthe Oslo Agreement. leading to the signing of the OOP on 13September 1993. Finally. once Peres was forced to admit theexistence of this letter. he justified his position by saying thatwhen the letter was secret "it had strength. but once it wasrevealed. it became weak"22 When queried further aboutwhether he had any other regrets. he said that he regrettedonly that'll became public".2318 Jerusalem POtlt, 18 June 1994, p. 4 , col. 2.19 Jerusalem Post, 18 June 1994, p. 4, col. 2.20 Jerusalem POlt, 18 June 1994, p. 1. col. 3.21 Jerusalem Post, '8 .rune 1994, p . 4. col. 1.22 InteNiew with Peres, Jerusalem Post, 16 July.23 Ibid.48

CHAPTER JThe Battle For The Institutionsin JerusalemAt stake in Jerusalem. in addition to many other issues. is thePalestinian institutional presence in the city. namely thecapability of the Palestinians to maintain and build theirinstitutions without Israeli interference. However. whetherIsrael recognises or will recognise that presence isquestionable. Arafat's statement on Jihadwas not the causeof the conflie! that ensued on the question of Palestinianinstitutions and institution-building in Jerusalem. On thecontrary. it was a statement of foe! on the extent to whichthe Israeli authorities were suffocating that presence andinstitution-building. Arafat. in his statement. spoke of twokinds of conspiracy against Jerusalem. political anddemographic.On the political level. Ar:Jfat described an attempt "toexclude the cause of Jerusalem"l from the negotiating tableof the international peace conference in Madrid andelsewhere. Hence. Arafat was insisting on its inclusionanywhere possible in the negotiations and in theagreements that were signed with the Israelis. whether atthe Madrid conference or on the multi- or bi-Iateral tracks orthe United Nations.On the demographic level. Chairman Arafat charged theIsraelis with attempting "to demolish and to change thedemography of Jerusalem". There is indisputable evidencethat the policies of Israeli governments. whether Labour orLikud. demonstrate Chairman Arafat's charges in this regard.1 An references are from theJihlld statement of Chairman Arafat; seo text in Chapter 1 ,49

The Struggle for JerusalemHis reference to the secret leller on Jerusalem has to beunderstood in this context.Peres, in the letter to Holst, committed Israel to preservingthe Palestinian institutions in East Jerusalem, to nothampering their activity and to encouraging their work.Yet, all the activities of the labour coalition governmentsince the signing of the letter have been a negation of thespirit and text of these comrnitments. The Israeli governmenttried to change the facts on the ground and to create newfails accomplis in the city. It imposed a siege on the city,separating it from the rest of the Occupied Territories bybarring Palestinians from the West Bank and the Gaza Stripfrom entering or passing through Jerusalem. Israel continuedexpropriation of Palestinian land and property in the city.whether of private ownership or owned by Muslim orChristian religious endowment (Woqf) establishments. Israelhas built housing complexes for Israelis in the city andfinanced and encouraged the establishment and theexpansion of settlements there. Israel continues to subduethe Christian and Islamic holy places and to change theArab c haracter of the city.The Israeli government c hose two areas, one local and theother international. to show that it is determined to maintainexclusive control of the c ity of Jerusalem. notwithstandingthe stipulations of the DOP that call on b o th sides to refrainfrom unilateral actions in Jerusalem affecting its final status.On the local level. the target of attack was Orient House.On the international level, the meeting in Paris on 9-10September 1994 of the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee (AHLCJiO

The Battle for the Institutions in Jerusalemand the Consultative Group of the donor countries and theWorld Bank was Israel's target.3.1 The Attack on Orient House and other PalestinianInstitutionsOrient House -object of right-wing Israelis' defamationcampaigns and attacks - has become a symbol ofPalestinian presence and vitality in Jerusalem.Internationally it has become well known for its activities.integrityand as the meeting place for Palestinian localleadership and foreign visitors. Orient House was describedby Filos/in o/-Thowra, the official weekly magazine of thePlO, as "the Palestinian Government House in Jerusalem"2As described by its owner and director Faisal Husseini, OrientHouse started out as "the main office" of the Palestiniandelegation to the peace process. 3In order to be effective and efficient in executing thismandate. specific departments were created or attachedto Orient House. such as the Arab Studies Society. foundedby Faisal Husseini in 1979 as a documentation centre, andthe Palestinian Human Rights Information Centre (PHRIC).Orient House itself includes political desks and employspolitical officers responsible for various areas such as Arab,European, African, Asian and American offairs, in addition toother departments that serve the interests of the Palestinianinhabitants of the city. Orient House provided logisticalsupport tothe Palestinian negotiating team in terms ofcommunication facilities (telephones and fax machines),2 Filasrin a/. Thawfa. 19 June 1994. p. 11. Hereafter cited as Pale stine IArab ic ' .3 Jerusalem Post. 23 JulV 1994. p . ! 551

The Struggle for Jgrusalemmeeting or conference rooms. typing and printing. It alsohouses the Technical Committees that prepare thegroundwork and drafts for the Palestinian negotiation teamson the appropriate issues to be dealt with by the variouscommittees in the negotiations.Faisal Hussein;' the founder and director of Orient House. isthe leading Palestinian figure in the Territories. As an activistin the struggle for the Palestinian cause and as a member ofthe Palestinian leadership he has been imprisoned or putunder house arrest by Israel on numerous occasions sincethe Israeli occupation of the West Bank in June 1967.Husseini led the Palestinian team that met with former U.S.Sec retaries of State George Shultz and James Baker. He wasappointed by the PLO leadership as coordinator general ofthe Palestinian negotiating team in the peace process. andfollowing Israel's recognition of the PLO in September 1993.was assigned head of the Palestinian delegation. Husseinitook the Jerusalem porttolio in the Council of the PNA. Inaddition. Husseini was the 'undeclared' leading personalityin the Fatah movement in the Territories until 1993 when itwas made public that he was a member of the FatahCentral Committee, the highest body of the movement. Asa leading personality in the Territories. he rec eived foreignvisitors. such as foreign ministers, officials of internationalorganisations and other visiting dignitaries at Orient House.Husseini was also the interlocutor of Israeli officials on issuesaffecting the Palestinian population in the Territories,inciuding Jerusalem. He was also assigned by ChairmanArafat. following his first meeting with RGlbin in Cairo on 10October 1993. as the head of the Palestinian side of the jointIsraeli-Palestinian committee on the issue of Jerusalem.52

The Batele for the Institutions in JerusalemFollowing the return of Chairman Arafat to Gaza on 1 July1994, the political significance of Orient House decreased.This development is only natural. since Chairman Arafatmade his headquarters in Gaza. and the various ministries ofthe PNA are functioning either fromthere. Jericho orRamallah. Consequently, the point of reference for localand foreign activities in all fields shifted from Orient House toGaza.Becauseofappropriatelypopulation ofJerusalem willthis development, Orient House wasredirected to serving the PalestinianEast Jerusalem. According to the DOP,be first discussed at a later stage of thenegotiations and as yet the PNA has no authority over theaffairs of the city. Assigning this role to Orient House wos onacknowledgement of the limitations imposed by the DOP onthe PNA. Husseini. who is a minister of the PNA was givenresponsibility for Jerusalem but no declared portfolio.In this capacity, therefore, Orient House is not part of thePNA. This was confirmed by Husseini who said that "we willnot be part of the Authority in Gaza and Jericho and theautonomy agreement".4 He did not exclude. however. thepossibility that once the negotiations on the final status ofJerusalem are successfully concluded, Orient House "mayserve as a PNA office"5 in jerusalem.The reorientation of Orient House has been an importantdevelopment for the Palestinian population of Eastjerusalem. Since the PNA has no offices in the city yet. andsince the Palestinian population has no other Palestinian4 J6rusalem Post, 23 July 1994, p . 15.5 Jerusalem Post, 23 July 1994, p . 15.53

The Struggle for Jerusalemreference point there, Orient House is viewed as a "kind ofgovernment office that represents their interests"6 vis-a-visthe Israeli authorities, be they the Government or the Israelimunicipality of Jerusalem which in the words of Jan AbuShakra from the PHRIC, "has been ignoring the problems ofthe Palestinian population"? and consequently is not viewedby them "to represent their interests",BAs a result, the functions of Orient House extend over a widerange of issues. These include political activity in the peaceprocess, monitoring Israeli measures and practices in EastJerusalem, taking care of economic and religious affairs,monitoring human rights abuses by Israeli authorities in thecity as well as in the other Occupied Palestinian Territories,carrying out research, providing assistance and givingadvice to Palestinian individuals and institutions who arethreatened or feel threatened by the Israeli govemmenfand the Israeli municipality, and providing legal assisfance,3.2 Israeli Accusations against Orient HouseThe Israeli Government tries to hamper and obstruct thework of Orient House by all means possible, It uses a policyof intimidation accompanied by legal measures to achieveifs goal of forbidding Orient House from either executingpolitical functions on behalf of the PNA9 or becoming a"shadow municipality"JO for Palestinian Jerusalemites,6 Jerusalem Post, 18 June 1994, p. 5 .7 Jerus~m Poat, 23 July 1994, p. 1 S.8 Jerusalem Po,t, 18 June 1994, p. 5 .9 Palestine (Arabic), 19 June 1994. p . 8 .10 Jeruu)(lm Post. 23 July 1994. p. 1'5 .54

The Battle for the Institutions in JerusalemThe Israeli accusations against Palestinian institutions, and inparticular against Orient House, in Jerusalem were ofpolitical. diplomatic and security natures.i. The political dimension:TheIsraeli authorities want to make it clear to thePalestinians in East Jerusalem, and to the PNA in particular,that they will not accept any sharing of sovereignty orfunctional responsibility for the city. This will remainexclusively in Israeli hands, and Israel will not tolerate theestablishment of Palestinian institutions in Jerusalem thatserve the PNA in the rest of the West Bank or Gaza, or thatwill be considered as affiliates of the PNA. Police MinisterShahal said in the Knesset that the government will nottolerate "any Palestinian national activity"l l or for thatmatter that of any other Palestinian institution. The Israeligovernment thus blocked the establishment of the PalestineBureau of Statistics and the opening of a PECDAR office inthe city.Israel interprets "national activity" as activities serving orlinked to the PNA. Accordingly, such institutions have tomove out of Jerusalem and relocate in the Territories. Thereis unanimity on this position in the Israeli political. militaryand security apparatuses. According to sources at the IsraeliMinistry of Foreign Affairs "all institutions connected withGaza and Jericho have to go to Jeric ho and Gaza".12 AnIsraeli security source also said that the criterion for asking aPalestinian institution to move out of Jerusalem is "whether11 Palestine (Arabic), 19 June 1994, p. 8 .1 2 Jerusalem Post, 18 June 1994, p. 9.55

The Struggle for Jerusalemthe primary target of the function of that or this institution isGaza or Jericho or outside:"3To bolster this position, a series of administrative and legalmeasures were made by the Israeli Government tocriminalise institutions which do not conform to the Israeliposition in order to bring them before the Israeli courts. Theobject is to thwart what they view to be attempts toconsolidate the Palestinian foothold in East Jerusalem.For example, administrative measures were appliedimmediately by Bezeq, the Israeli telecommunicationscompany. The company refused to install telephone lines tothe PECDAR office in Dahiyat al-Barid, a suburb north ofJerusalem, which administratively falls outside the municipalboundaries of Greater Jerusalem designated by the Israeliauthorities. Instead, the company told PECDAR officials thatit was prepared to install as many as seven lines if PECDARmoved to Jericho. 1 • PECDAR rejected this offer, Bezeq didnot install telephone lines for the office, and PECDAR staffused mobile telephones instead.The Jerusalem Posl reported that Prime Minister Rabinconvened an "inter-ministerial committee on Jerusalem, andcalled for limiting Palestinian institutions in the city" 15 in May1994, and that his office told the paper that "Palestinians willrequire Israeli authorisation to create any futureinstitutions"16 in East Jerusalem. Rabin declared that he hadasked the Israeli A tlorney-General. Michael Ben-Yo' ir, to lookinto taking legal measures against the Palestinian institutions1 3 Jerusalem Post, 18 June 1994, p . 9.14 Jerusalem Post . 18 June 1994, p . 9 .15 Jeruulem Post. lSJune 1994, p . 1 .1 6 Jerusalem Post, 18 June 1994. p . 1.56

The Battle for the Institutions in J srusafemin Jerusalem and to punish with imprisonment those who arefound to violate them P For his part, the Attorney-Generaldeclared that these measures would be based on the"principle of the so vereignty 01 the Sta te 01 Israe l on a llJerusalem. including East Jerusalem, in such a way thatno organisation or foreign country ca n ha ve a c tivitiesw ithou t getting prior a uthorisation from the Isra e liauthorities." 18Israel's Justice Minister, David Uba'i, developed the concepto f "foreigners" to include the Palestinians, whether of EastJerusalem or of the PNA. Uba'i said that '1t is c ustomary thatforeigners do not engage in a ctivity in ano ther c ountry'sterritory without the permission of the hast country."Therefore. he went on to say that"political a c tivity that is undertaken on behalf of th ePalestinian Authority or the PlO. and I emphasise this. willno t happe n w ithout permissio n,, 19.These statements clearly show that Israet is trying to preemptany Palestinian demands on East Jerusalem. Liba'i'sstatement adds insutt to injury to the Palestinians becausehe c onsiders them "foreigners" in their own c ountry. HananAshraw i, then director o f the Independent C ommission forCitizens' Rights, a Palestinian human rights organisation,criticised the Israeti legislation saying it "could create hostilityand harm the peace process"20 Commenting on earlierstatements, ,uch astho se of Ben-Yair dnd Uba'i, Samir1 7 Palettine IArabic). 26 June 1994 , p . 23.1 a Information Report, 16 June 19 94, p. 3 .19 Jerusalem Post . 30 July 1994. p. 24.2 0 Jerusalum P0 5t . 30 July 19 94. p . 24 .57

The Struggle for JerusalemAbdallah of PECDAR said 'jl is illogical" Ihal institutions of thePNA will ask the Israeli authorities for authorisation to work inJerusalem 21 . These measures were codified into law by theIsraeli government in November 1994. following the visit ofTansu Ciller. Prime Minister of Turkey. to Orient House duringthe first official visit made by a Turkish Prime Minister to Israel.The Israeli government was outraged by Ciller's visit toOrient House and tabled a bill at the Knesset to outlaw anyactivity by Orient House or other Palestinian institutions inJerusalem. and to forbid any foreign dignitary or visitor fromvisiting Orient House without prior consultation andarrangements with the Israeli authorities. The bill was passedby the Knesset on 7 November 1994 in its first reading. 22 Alsoimportant in this regard was the fact that Prime MinisterRabin raised the issue at his meeting with Chairman Arafaton 8 November 1994 at the Erez checkpoint between theGaza Strip and Israel. In a move unprecedented since thesigning of the DOP. Rabin informed Arafat of the legalmeasures that his government intended to undertake in thisregard. 23ii. The diplomatic dimension:Orient House has functioned as the seat of the Palestiniannegotiating team. Faisal Husseini received foreign visitorssuch as the foreign ministers of the USA. Russia. the EuropeanUnion. Japan and Egypt. In November 1994. Husseini.received Turkish Prime Minister Tansu Ciller. French Minister ofSocial Affairs. Simone Veil. 24 and other foreign dignitaries.such as representatives of the United Nations and other21 Information Report, 31 May 1994, p. 8.2 2 al-Quds. 9 November 1994. p . 4.23 a/-Ouds. 9 November 1994. p. 4.24 a/-Ouds. 8 November 1994. p . 1.58

The Battle for the Institutions in J(Jrusa/(Jminternational organisations. Discussions on the peaceprocess and on bilateral relations, especially technicalassistance to the Occupied Palestinian Territories, weretypically con dueled during these meetings.These visits added to the prestige of Orient House on theinternational level and gave it a measure of diplomaticimmunity vis-

The Struggle for Jsrusa/smIsraeli Mayor of Jerusalem and Moshe Peled, Knessetmember from the extreme right Tzomet party2 7Israel never objected to such activities or meetings at OrientHouse before signing the DOP in September 1993. They werehoping that the Palestinian leaders in the Territories w howere members of the negotiating team would develop andmature into an alternative leadership to the PlO as the solelegitimate representative of the Palestinian people. Indeed,the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs organised or helped toorganise such meetings for visiting foreign delegations atOrient House with Husseini or other members of thePalestinian team. Responding to criticism in Israel of the visitof the Canadian Housing Minister David Dingwall to OrientHouse on Monday 18 July 1994, the Canadian Ambassadorto Israel. Norman Spector. said that the Israeli Ministry ofForeign Affairs "set up recently" meetings for a Canadianparliamentary delegation at Orient House when it visitedIsrael and the Territories. 28The change of Israel's position by the authorities came onlyafter the start of the implemention of the DOP, namely thevacating of the Gaza Strip and the Jericho mea, in whichthe PNA started establishing itself. The change gainedmomentum following Chairman Arafat's return to Gaza on 1July 1994. Cries from Israeli officials about the illegal natureof such meetings at Orient House or at any other Palestinianinstitution in East Jerusalem were made on a daily basis.They started what Israeli Telecommunic ations Minister2 7 al-Quds . 7 November 1994. p . 5 and ~/·H.yat . 7 November 1994. p . 3 .28 Jeru&alem Post, 23 July 1994, p. 24.60

Th6 Battl6 for the Institutions in J6rusa/6mShulamit Aloni termed "a hysterical campaign" against thediplomatic activities of Orient House.29According to the Israeli government. activities on behalf ofthe PNA. or aimed at serving Gaza and Jericho. should bemoved out to these two places or should stop immediately.Shimon Peres told reporters "that foreign dignitaries couldvisit Orient House. but it must be clear that the businessdiscussed is unrelated to Palestinian self-rule."30 Hence. hesaid. "all measures at our disposal. including legal ones"would be taken by the Israeli government to preventPalestinians from "tuming East Jerusalem into a base for theirself-rule government for the Gaza Strip and Jericho." He thusinstructed Joel Singer. the Foreign Ministry's legal adviser tostudy the legal aspects of such meetings and to fashion "aguide" on how to deal with the new PNA. "ranging fromjurisdictional issues to diplomatic etiquette".31The Americans were quick to bow to the Israeli change ofpolicy. According to reports. some US Congressmenexpressed their apprehension that if USAID set up itsheadquarters in East Jerusalem this would encouragePalestinian claims to East Jerusalem. Therefore. BrianAttwood. the Director of USAID. assured these congressmenthat this would not be the case.32 Secretary of StateChristopher also assured members of Congress that the USAdministration would not discuss with the PLO in Jerusalemeconomic assistance destined for the self-rule areas. Themeetings. he said. would take place in Gaza and Jericho.3329AI_S.bilh, the leading Tuni.ian daily paper quoted report. of international news~~ncles on the Aloni statement, MS.tJMI, 13 June 1994, p, 7.Jeruulem Post, 23 July 1994, p. 24.31 Jerusalem POlt, 23 Jut., 1994, p. 24.32 Information Report, 25 June 1994, p. 5.33 Information Report, 29 July 199

The Struggle for JerusalemHowever, President Clinton's decision not to visit EastJerusalem while in Israel following the signing of theJordanian-Israeli Peace Treaty was welcomed by the PNAand regretted by the Israeli Government. This decision wasin line with the position adopted by the US that Jerusalemstill is a disputed issue. Hod President Clinton visited EastJerusalem, accompanied by the Israeli Mayor of Jerusalem,this would have been a de facto recognition of Israelisovereignty over the city. If he did not go with the mayor, asthe Palestinian side was asking, that would have beeninterpreted by the Israelis and their friends in the USA asgiving in to PLO demands on Jerusalem. Neither wasacceptable to the President. So even the private visit of Mrs.Clinton to the Old City was canceled at the lost moment.34iii. The Security DimensionAccusations were mode by various Israeli officials, whichwere reported widely in the Israeli press, that Palestinians inEast Jerusalem were engaged in security- and policerelatedactivities. The target. once again, was Orient House.Three major accusations were made by the Israelis: First. thatthere was on attempt to form a Palestinian "policeframework" in East Jerusalem: second, that arms were beingcarried by guards at Orient House, the implication beingthat they jeopardise Israel's security and terrorise thepopUlation, while the Israeli authorities are there legitimatelyto protect the popUlation; third, that Palestinian securityofficials prevented Israeli security officials from carrying outtheir duties in and around Orient House, and that Israelwould not permit this to happen in the future.34 See ~History Erects a earrier to Clinton Jerusalem Tour-, Intornatlonal Herald Tribune,28 October 1994, p. 1: and the same subject in the Arabic pres. '.0 4/-aud$, 28October 1Q94, p . 1 and AI-ShlHqltl-Aws." 29 October 1994. p. 4 .62

ThtJ Bactle for the Insticucions in JeruStlfemThe first accusation was made aller the Israeli policedetained a Palestinian bodyguard who worked at OrientHouse and five other assistants for allegedly attempting toestablish a police force in East Jerusalem. The Palestinianswere accused of "mistreating" Palestinians, detaining andinterrogating others who were suspected, among otherthings, of robbery and illicit drug possession. They were alsoaccused of blackmailing people in the city.35The second accusation was more specific in nature, dealingwith the carrying of arms by bodyguards at Orient House.Police Minister Moshe Shahal threatened that anyPalestinian guard or security man found to be carrying armsat Orient House would be detained and put on trial.36 Hedeclared at a hearing in the Knesset that he "will nottolerate Palestinian police operations in Jerusalem"37Third. based on these accusations and in view of the scufflethat took place between Israeli and Palestinian security menduring the visit of the Turkish Prime Minister, the IsraeliGovernment decided to limit the semi-independentactivities of the Palestinian security apparatus at OrientHouse. Their aim was to make it clear to the PNA that noterritory or property which Israel considers to be inside Israelwill be closed to Israeli security officials and that no one canprevent them from executing their functions. The secondaim was to make it clear to Palestinian officials that no onewould be able to visit Orient House without prior Israelicoordination and approval. Rabin, Peres and Shahal made3 5 ./-/Y$d. 28 June 1994, p . 3, .nd Jerusalem Post, 9 July 1994, p. 2 .36 Palestine !Arablcl. 19 June 1994, p. 8 .37 JertJulem Post, 9 July 1994. p . 2 .63

The Struggle for J6I1JSa/emthis clear in their statements. 38 Shahal declared that theIsraeli police and security forces would increase theirpresence around Orient House."Palestinian officials at Orient House rejected theaccusations. First. they said the case of the Palestinianbodyguard was an individual case which neither they northe PNA supported.'" Second. guards at Orient House donot carry arms and ''we do not have armed guards andhave never requested them:'·' Third, security guards atOrient House are known to the Israeli officials, and wereallowed at Orient House to protect members of thePalestinian peace team when death threats were issued bythose opposed to the peace process.·2 Fourth. officials atOrient House denied that any interrogation activity hadtaken place at Orient House. What the Israeli officialsdescribed as interrogation was the conciliation procedurecarried out by Palestinian officials at Orient House whoprocess and follow up complaints from East Jerusalemcitizens and try to solve them either directly or throughconciliation committees depending on the severity andseriousness of the complaint.'"3.3 The Palestinian ResponseThe Palestinian response to the Israeli campaign ofaccusations and defamation against the work and activities38 .JJ-Quds, 9 November 1994, p . 1.39 .'-Ouds, 7 November 1994, p. 1.40 iJl-R.sd, 28 June 1994, p. 3.41 Jeruulem POlt, 18 June 1994, p. 9.42 Pale.tine IArabicl.19 June 1994, p.l1: Jerusalem POIt. 18 June 1994, p.9.43 Wafa. 11 Augu.t 1994. p. 7 .64

The Battle for the Insatuaons in JeruslJlemof Orient House and other Palestiniansteadfast. reasonable and courageous.institutions wasAt a news conference held at Orient House in May 1994.Faisal Husseini made the following points:1. Israel was attempling Ihrough Ihis campaign todetermine the issue of Jerusalem before the final stalusnegotiations on this issue.2. Israeli accusations were a flagrant violation of the DOP. 4"3. Palestinian institutions in the city expressed thePalestinian presence in Jerusalem. The Palestinians werenot trying to impose this existence as a foit accomplibecause the P.alestinians and their institutions werealready there in Jerusalem as a matter of "genuineexistence"45.4. The Israelis attempted to change the siluation on theground and create new foils accomclis in the city byincreasing settlements and seWers in the city, makinggreat demographic changes and imposing a siege onJerusalem. 46 This being the objective of the Israelicampaign, Hussein; continued that the Palestinians will"reject any attempt to shrink or weaken" the Palestinianpresence in Jerusalem." Any attempts by the Israelis totransfer Palestinian institutions or presence in the City44 Information Report, 26 June 1994. p. 23.45 Inform.tion Report, 3, M.y 1994, p . 7; .nd P.Ie.tlne (Arable). 2e June 199 .. , p. 23.46 W.f., 31 "by 19M. p . B.47 Information Report, 3, M.y 1994, p. 7; and p.le.tine (Ar.blcl, 26 June 1994, p . 23.65

The Struggle for Jerusalemwould be met "with oppropriate measures", warnedHusseini. 485. The Israeli campaign of intimidation against Palestinianinstitutions in Jerusalem aimed at diverting attentionfrom the Israeli measures in the city. and at impedingtheir functions 49 Confiscating the work permits of theemployees at these Palestinian institutions. especially atOrient House. and denying employees access to thecity aims at "impeding and shrinking their functions".516, The Palestinian side rejected Israeli measures adoptedfollowing the visit ot the Turkish Prime Minister, WAFAdescribed these measures as "0 show of force".S2Husseini declared Orient House to be open to anyonewho wants to visit it "without protection", but those whowant to visit it under Israeli protection have tocoordinate that with the Israelis. He then warned that''whoever wants to close Orient House or lay siege to it isin fact closing and laying Siege to the peace process"S3.7. Despite these Israeli measures, Husseini emphasised. asolution for Jerusalem would be found at the final statusnegotiations, 'We want the city to be an open city", hesaid, where the relations between the two peoples willbe consolidated and not broken. He went on to say thatwithout its return to Palestinian sovereignty. no realpeace can be achieved in the area. since Jerusalem is48 Informetion Report, 31 May 1994, p. 7.49 Wafa, 31 May 1994. p . 6 .51 Wafa, 20 August 1994, p. 11 .52 Wafa, 7 November 1994, p. 3.53 II/-Qud$, 7 November 1994, p . 1 .66

The Battle for the Instjtutions in Jerusalemthe "political. spiritual and historical capital of thePalesllnion stote".543.4 The Paris MeetingIsrael pur.;ued its policy of attempting to deny any sort ofPalestinian claim to Jerusalem on the intemational level aswell. Israel blocked the meeting of the Ad Hoc liaisonCommittee and the Consultative Group of the donorcountries and the World Bonk that took place in Paris from7-9 September 1994. The Israeli delegation objectedvehemenlly to the inclusion of development projects forJerusalem in the assistance programme presented to theWorld Bank and the donor countries by the Palestiniandelegation.The Palestinian delegation presented requests for economicand construction development projects in East Jerusalemand investment in the areas of education and health.Because of the impasse between the two positions, theWorld Bank decided to postpone the Paris meeting for adote to be fixed after resolving the differences between thePalestinian and Israeli sides,At the meeting, the Israeli side objected to the Palestinianprojects and declared in a press statement that "manypages" of the programme on Jerusalem "are unacceptableto us" and that "anything that includes Jerusalem will not bedealt with in this meeting."55 One Israeli Foreign Ministry54 Wafa. 31 May 1994. p . 6.55 al.Qud$, 10· 11 September 1994, p. 5 .67

The Struggle for Jerusa/smspokesman said "we do not object to the principle of foreigninvestment in Jerusalem"56. Consequently, what the Israelisreject is the involvement of the PNA in such assistoncedestined for Palestinian institufions or institution-building inEast Jerusalem.This Israeli position caused a shock in the Palestinian arenabecause it indicated unequivocally the plans and positionsIsrael harbours for Jerusalem. which will make it willing toadopt any measure to thwart Palestinian claims to EastJerusalem. On the Israeli rejection of the projects for EastJerusalem. Nabil Sha' ath said that he would understand theIsraeli position if the Palesfinians "were putting barracks orpolice stations in Jerusalem", but the projects were intendedto repair schools and hospitals and hence the "minimumrequest is that Israel cannot practice a veto on that"57.The dismay on the Palestinian side was caused by thepercepfion that Israel's position was premeditated, and thatit created this problem in the AHLC-CG meeting because itwanted to put an end to what it interpreted as intemationalsupport. directly or indirectly, for the Palestinian posifion onEast Jerusalem. Amin Haddad, director of the PECDARDepartment of Assistance. and member of the Palestiniandelegation to the Paris meeting, confirmed 5S that the Israelidelegation, as all other delegations to the ConsultativeGroup meeting knew of the Palestinian position andreceived a copy of the Palestinian proposals before themeefing took place. He charged that the Israelis had notinformed the Palesfinian leam in Jerusalem of any problems56 Intonnation Report, 12 September 19904, p. 8-9.57 International Herald Tribune, 10-11 September, 19904, p . 1.58 .1. Hayat, 10 September 19904, p. 1.68

The 88ttJB for the Institutions in J6rusal~·they had with the Palestinian proposals. Haddad accusedthe Israelis of acting ''with bad intentions" vis-a-vis thebuilding of the Palestinian economy.Observations from Palestinians behind the scenes of theAHlC-CG meeting show clearly that the Israeli positiondemonstrates the real attitude of Israel to the peaceprocess. to Palestinian institution-building efforts, and to thework and assistance the donor countries are providing inthat regard.farouq Qaddoumi, Acting Chairman of the Board ofGovernors of PECDAR. headed the first ever Palestiniandelegation to the meeting in Paris, although he did notattend the meeting because he is also the head of thePolitical Department (the Ministry of foreign Affairs) of thePlO. whose functions and post are not recognised in theDOP. Qaddoumi used the occasion to meet with frenchofficials to discuss the peace process and bilateralPalestinian-french relations. In a statement on the collapseof the Paris meeting, he accused Israel of putting obstacleson the rood of the peace process and of intimidating thedonor countries not to deal with PECDAR. Thus he warnedthat the peace process ''will stumble and even might bedestroyed" if the donor countries do not give assistance tothe PNA.59Another high-ranking PlO official. Salim Zonoun, ActingSpeaker of the Palestine National Council (PNC) - thePalestinian parliament in exile - put the responsibility onIsrael for the failure of the Paris meeting. charging that Israel59"'_Quds, 1 D-l1 September 1994, p. 5. Mr. Qaddoumi made the same remark. in hisopening st.ement at the meeting of PECOAR in Cairo, Egypt . See .t.Ouds, 19September 1994. p. 4.69

The Struggle for Jerusalemknew that the PLO had been financing the institutions in EastJerusalem in coordination with Jordan through theJordanian-Palestinian Joint Commission. Now Israei. he said,is putting obstacles before the PNA.60Amin Haddad charged Israel of not wanting to have theParis meeting of the Consultative Group in the first place,and that this was the reason why they raised the issue ofinternational assistance to Palestinian institutions in EastJerusalem. If the Israelis wanted to iron out the differenceson this issue they could have discussed them with PECDARofficials in Jerusalem before the meeting in order to settlethe problem. 61 Hence, he said, the aim of Israel is "toundermine the mechanism of work of the donor countries".He asked whether the Israelis wanted "to starve thePalestinian people and cause the failure of the PalestinianAuthority and the peace process?"62The Consultative Group decided to adjourn the meeting fora later date because of the "political differences" betweenthe Palestinian and Israeli sides, as Caio Koch-Weser, VicePresident of the World Bank with responsibility for the MiddleEast and North Africa, declared when adjourning themeeting. 63Rumours of putting aside political differences on bilateralissues, including Jerusalem, circulated as the issue was beingdebated behind closed doors in Paris. At least one reporf6 4claimed that Koch-Weser had declared that the heads of60 a/-Ouds, 13 September 1994. p. 5 .61 al-HaYIIt. 10 September 1994, p. 4 .62 itl-Hayat. 10 September 1994, p. 4 .63'ntemational Herald Tribune. 10-11 September 1994. p. 8.64 Paul Ta.,tor reporting on the meeting from Pari., a/-Oud$,l 0-' 1 September' 994, p.5.70

The Batde for the Institutions in Jerusalemthe Palestinian and Israeli teams agreed to "put aside theJerusalem projects." But the differences continued and themeeting was adjourned.Norway. which heads the AHLC. was ready to help. Itorganised a special ceremony for 13 September 1994 tocommemorate the first anniversary of the signing of the DOPin Washington. The guests of honour were PLO ChairmanArafat and Israel's Foreign Minisfer Shimon Peres. The hostwas the Norwegian Minister of Foreign Affairs Bjorn TorGoda!. The three signed yet another agreement for theimplementation of the DOP which they called the OsloDeclaration.Article 4b of that Declaration reads as follows:Both sides accept the request by the AHLC chairmanthat they shall not bring before the donor community(the AHLC or the Consultative Group) those politicalissues that are of disagreement between them. They willdeal with such issues between them. They will deal withsuch issues between themselves. based on theDeclaration of Principles and subsequent agreements.This declaration could have not been arrived at without thePalestinian side backing down from the issue of Jerusalem.The declaration calls on both parties to avoid bringing uppolitical issues before the donor community. but in this casethe political issue of disagreement was Jerusalem and it wasbrought up by the Palestinian side.Criticism of Chairman Aralat for signing the Oslo Declarationwas made on the Palestinian and Arab fronts lor variousreasons. Homos. for example, described the declaration as71

The Struggle for Jerusalem"a testimony to Aralafs capitulationist policies andapproach 01 succumbing to the Zionist policies"65. Aneditorial in the lebanese daily al-Hayaf. written by its editorin-chiefJihad al-Khazen. charged '1neptitude inleadership"66 on the Palestinian .side because the status ofJerusalem had been left to the final status negotiations inthe DOP. Consequently, raising this issue at this stage hadplayed into Israeli hands in enabling Israel to increasepressure on the PNA.High-ranking officials in the PlO and the PNA expressedsimilar views. Some press reports claimed that the Minister 01Economy in the PNA. Ahmad Qrei'a (Abu Ala" , hadtendered his resignation to Chairman Arafat because of theplacing of Jerusalem on the agenda 01 the Paris meeting. 67There is no evidence to support these claims, but the factthat they were mentioned shows that there was differenceon this subject in the leadership. Faisal Husseini criticised thePalestinian po ~ ition on this issue. In an interview with theQatari paper al-Sharq in Cairo on 15 September 1994,Husseini said"the PlO tried to change an eXisting situation, but in factJerusalem is not included in the area of self-rule. Theprojects financed by the donor countries are targetedfor these areas only."68Despite these criticisms, and in view of the continuous Israeliattempts to claim Jerusalem for itself, the Palestinian positionis basically sound in bringing up the question of Jerusalem in65 Infonnation Report. 16 September 1994. p. 2-3 .66 m-.H.yat. 13 September 1994, p. 20.67.I-Qud!l. 16 September 1994, p. 5 .68 klfonnatkm Report. 16 September' , 994. p. 2.nd .Qud!l, 23 September 1994, p . 5 .72

The Battle for the Institutions In Jerusll/small fora. This undercuts the Israeli claims and remains aconstant reminder to the Israelis and the internationalcommunity that Jerusalem is an unresolved issue that Israel istrying to decide through force before the negotiations onthe final status of the city commence.73

CHAPTER 4The Iilttle For Jerusillem:Soverelsnty vs. Relislous SupervisionOn 25 July 1994, King Hussein of Jordan, Prime Minister Rabinof Israel and U.S. President Bill Clinton signed the WashingtonDeclaration, ending the state of war and belligerencybetween Jordan and Israel that had lasted since 1948.President Clinton called the agreement "a new currency ofhope ... in a region of peace". Rabin described it as "theclosest thing to a treaty of peace," and King Husseindeclared himself committed to "an end to the state of warwith Israel."lWhen the news was made public, Chairman Yasser Arafatwas one of the first to welcome the declaration,congratulating Rabin, King Hussein and President Clinton. 2Yet the euphoria on the Palestinian side did not last long asit became apparent that the agreement gave Jordan a"special" role of supervising the Islamic holy sites inJerusalem. This implied excluding the Palestinians from theefforts to find a solution for Jerusalem. Worse, it was furtherproof that Israel was bent on determining the final status ofJerusalem before the start of the negotiations. ChairmanArafat and the Palestinian leadership were determined tothwart that development.4. 1 The JordiJnkm-/srHii AgrswntJntWhat was it about the Jordanian-Israeli agreement thatupset the PlO leadership and what where the steps takenby the PlO to counter this? What was the position of Jordanthat triggered an atmosphere of tension and reciprocal1 Wireless File, 26 July 1994, p. 6.2 Information Report. 26 July 1994, p. 9.75

The Struggle for Jerusalemescalation in word and in deed? And what were Israel'smotives. what its objeclives?The Palestinian shock. surprise and rejection was caused byparagraph 3 of the Declaration. which reads os follows:Israel respects Ihe present special role of the HashemiteKingdom of Jordan in the Muslim Holy shrines inJerusalem. When negotiatons on the permanent statuswill lake place. Israel will give high priorily to theJordanian historic role in these shrines. In addition thetwo sides have agreed to act together to promoteinterfaith relations among the three monotheisticreligions. 3This paragraph is significanl in thai each of ils Ihreesenlences slales a policy. II contains a stalemenl of fact:that Israel "respects" Ihe already exisling role of Jordon. Itcontains a promise: Israel "will give" priority to Jordan'sposition. Finally. it contains a programme for aclion: bolhIsrael and Jordon have agreed "10 oct togethe(' to promoteinterfaith relations.Also interesting is what this paragraph omits. namely theChristian holy places. Hence. Ihe role of Jordon is confinedto the Islamic holy sites in Jerusalem. This situation was nolonly rejected by the PlO when il negotiated the Osloagreement with Israel. but on the contrary. the PlO insistedon including the Christian holy places os parf of thecommitment made by Israel in the Jerusalem letter sent tothe PlO. As a man 01 vision and history. Chairman Arafatwas walking in the footsteps of Caliph Omar. the second ofthe four caliphs who ruled the Islamic Umma following thedeath of the prophet Muhammad. who made a covenanton Christian rights in Jerusalem following the Islamicconquest of the city 1400 years ago. This has always beenalluded to by Chairman Aralat in his speeches. including3 Wireless File. 26 July 1994, p. 7.76

Jerusalem: Sovereignty vs, Religious Supervisionthat on Jlhadin Johannesburg. This was reiterated after theWashington Declaration was made public.Taken as stated in the Washington Declaration. we find acommitment that excludes from the outset any "third party".namely the PLO. from a particular role on religioussupervision. no mailer how important or peripheral thatsupervision might be.Secretary Christopher's comment that the issue is "primarily areligious statement. I don't think it should cause trouble"4only underlined that the issue was more than a religious one.In facl, his statement that Jerusalem is left to the final statusnegotiations between Israel and the PLO clearly shows thatthis clause was put into the Washington Declaration withulterior motives.The Americans thus agreed to have one of the outcomes ofthe final status negotiations be decided a priori betweenJordan and Israel. while, at the same time, asking the PLO tostick to the DOP and discuss Jerusalem only in the final statusnegotiations.This exclusion clause is detrimental to the Palestinian peopleand the PLO, as they are the holders of any right orsovereignly over Jerusalem in all its aspecls. The Jordanianintervention could not have come at a worse time for thePalestinians. Even in Israel this point was not missed. On thecontrary, it was said that Peres intended by such an aclionto drive a wedge between the Jordanians and thePalestinians. In the words of the Jerusalem Post."Diplomatic sources say [Peres] wants therebyI emphasising Jordan's connection to Islamic holy placesin Jerusalem] to demonstrate that PlO Chairman Yasser4 Wirele •• File, 26 July 1994, p. 12,77

The Struggle for JerusalemAralat does not have a monopoly on representing Arabfeelings."s4.2 The /sT"",i PositionThe Israeli .. concession" of giving religious supervision toJordan on the Islamic holy sifes represents fhe official policyof both the Israeli govemment and opposition towardsJerusalem. Paragraph 3 of the Washington Declaration wasthe application on the ground of this policy, which wasstated repeatedly by Israeli officials, The policy holds that thecity is to remain united and under total Israeli sovereignty.Peres expressed his support of this policy when he said that"Jerusalem is closed politically and open religiously. Thismeans it will remain united, and only as Israel's capital,not two capitals. It will remain under Israeli sovereignty.However. when it comes to the needs and rights ofvarious believers. we are open to proposals."6He reiterated this position in connection with the debate onIsraeli proposals to withdraw from the Golan Heights. Peressaid in a press conference in Washington that, unlike theGolan, Israel is not ready to compromise its position onJerusalem since "the city is not for sale", affirming that in thenegotiations Jerusalem will continue to remain closedpolitically but open on the religious level. 7Rabin expressed the same position, saying the city wouldcontinue to remain unified under Israeli sovereignty andwould continue to remain Israel's capital. Further, he saidthe role Jordan can play is on the religious level only and5 Jeruulem Po.t, 23 July 1994, p . 2 .6 Jeruulem Post, 23 July 1994, p . 2.7 Informatron Report. 5 October 1994, p 17 .78

Jerusalem: SoVtueignty vs. Religious Supervisionthat during the final status negotiations on Jerusalem. Israelwill give Jordan the priority in supervising the holy sites. 8Ehud Olmert. the Israeli mayor of Jerusalem and a leadingfigure in the opposition likud party welcomed the Israeli­Jordanian declaration. in particular the granting to Jordanof the right of supervision of Islamic holy sites. He said themost important issue was to give supervision over the holyplaces to religious associations which have no political aimsand which do not claim sovereignty on the ground. andthat Israel should not allow the PlO to come near these holyplaces with political aims. 9The Israeli position is thus clear: one of its main objectives isto decide a priori the outcome of the final statusnegotiations on Jerusalem and 10 hold back the PlO fromthe city. The lactic to achieve this is to diversity and towiden the custodianship of the holy places. whether Muslimor Christian. On the Islamic holy sites. the Israelis were keento widen the sharing functions as much as possible. whetherby giving thai role to Jordan or by indicating a role forMorocco. because King Hassan II is the head of theJerusalem Committee of Ihe Organisation of IslamicConference. or by hinting such a role for Saudi Arabia orother Islamic countries like Indonesia. 10As for the Christian holy places. the Israelis are clearlyseeking other players in order to negate PlO representationof Muslims and Christians. The Israelis had that in mind intheir discussions with the Vatican that ended with anagreement on exchange of diplomatic relations betweenTel Aviv and the Vatican. Peres told reporters that "if we8 Information Report, 29 July 1994. p . 12· 13.9 Information Report, 29 July 1994, p. 3 .10 For Rabin's statement on this subject, see Information Report, 26 July 1994, p .4 , 29July 1994. p.13. and 22 August 1994. p . 20.79

The Struggle for Jerusalemreached an agreement with the Vatican on conductingtheir religious affairs. I am sure we can reach an agreementwith other religions."!!For the Palestinians. the behaviour of Israel was an addedproof of the continuous Israeli behaviour to annul the leiterand break the spirit of the DOP in its favour. The statementsmade by the Israelis following the signing of the DOP onlyconfirmed their views that Israel is bent on unilaterallydefining the final status of Jerusalem without anyconsideration of what the final status negotiations mightharbinger for Jerusalem.4.3 The JordiJnilln PositionYet. if this was the Israeli position. then the Jordanianposition was neither welcomed nor understood by thePalestinians. It was felt that the blow had come from fellowArabs and Muslims against the efforts to make the issue ofJerusalem the quintessence of the status of negotiations withIsrael on the implementation of the DOP and an eventualpeace treaty.The exclusive role that Jordan sought was made very clearlyat the highest level in Jordan. which was forthright indenying sovereignty over the Islamic holy places inJerusalem to anybody except itself (and of course theIsraelis from whom they were taking that right). Therefore.they only could recognise God's sovereignty overJerusalem. King Hussein was quoted to have said that"sovereignty of the holy places belongs to the Almighty inheaven"! 2. Jordanian Prime Minister Majali said in an officialspeech at an official ceremony altended by SecretaryChristopher and Foreign Minister Peres tt1at "Sovereignty11 .Jeruaalem Post, 23 July 1994, p. 2.12 11:1id.80

JerUSMflm: Soverflignty vs. R6Iigiou$ Supflrvisionover the holy places of Jerusalem is only for God, and in hisname, we should respect and honour that right."13Putting aside God's sovereignty over Jerusalem - nobodydoubts that he is supreme everywhere anyway - what thenare the reasons for Jordan's claim to an "exclusive" role and"righf' in Jerusalem?Rabin stated that giving Jordan a special role was an Israeliinitiative. 14 This could be true since Israel was the "donor"party, albeit giving something that it does not legitimatelyown. This explanation is not satisfactory in view of thedevelopments.The published statements of Peres, Majall and PresidentClinton indicate a reason for granting Jordan a special rolewhich has even escaped the PlO and observers of thepeace process. President Clinton was direct in naming thereason, while Peres dnd Majali talked about historicalallegories. Yet the message was clear: the only reason forJordan's claim to a special role in supervising the holyplaces was not religious, but the assassination of KingAbdallah in Jerusalem at al-Aqsa Mosque on 20 July 1951.One cannot escape the conclusion that what was promisedand given to Jordan was a kind of "compensation" thatcame 45 years after the assassination.The speeches made at the ceremonies leading to thesigning of the Declaration, suggest the importance of KingAbdullah's assassination in the Jordanian-Israeli deal onJerusalem.On 20 July 1994, the US-Israel-Jordan Trilateral EconomicCommittee met on the Jordanian side of the Dead Sea. Themeeting was attended by Secretary Christopher, Prime13 For the tut of M-JaJi' • .peech ... Wirele •• Fie. 22 July 1994. p. 10,14 ,"formation Report. 22 AUgUfl 1994. p. 20,81

The Strugg/tl for JerusalemMinister Majali of Jordan, who was also the JordanianForeign Minister, and Peres, who made his first public visit toJordan since 1946.At the ceremony, Peres paid tribute to the Hashemites fortheir unending efforts to realise peace with the Zionists andlater with the Israelis. His statement was full of symbolism. Thedate July 20 was not chosen haphazardly, he said, but wasa significant date in the history of the Hashemites' search forpeace with the Jews and the Israelis. The importance of thedate was confirmed by both Peres and Majali, and later byPresident Clinton.Peres said 20 July, on which the meeting of the trilateralcommittee was taking place, "must remind us of a place, ofa date, of a destiny,"15 On this date in 1919, Emir Faisal Binai-Hussein, King Hussein's great uncle, met with Dr. ChaimWeizmann, "the leader of the Jewish people".After emphasising the importance of that meeting, Pereswent on to talk about King Abdalloh and his grandson, KingHussein of Jordan. He commended King Abdullah for his'1arsighted vision and appropriate judgement" and for hispolicy to "offer peace before war, peace instead of war,peace to end war." Peres declared that Abdullahnegotiated with the Israelis on these issues, which "laid afoundation for a unique relationship, hidden and open,between Jordan and Israel."Having said that. Peres disclosed the importance of thedate. On July 20, 1951. King Abdullah was assassinated infront of "his young grandson", King Hussein. Hence, "nothingcan mark his life and death more than the arrival of peaceon the very same day." Then Peres lauded King Hussein who15 Wlrele .. FUe, ~2 July 1994, p . 7.82

JsrusaJsm: SOV9f'eignty vs. Religious Supervision"inherited the destiny" of his grandfather. and who haddemonstrated "stamina in face of uninvited dangers"16.MajaJi agreed with Peres' speech. saying:"Indeed as you mentioned. Mr. Foreign Minister. 43 yearsago on the same day. the very date. the founder of theHashemite Kingdom of Jordan paid with his life the priceof his vision of peace in the holy city of Jerusalem at al­Aqsa Mosque, at a time when emotions were runninghigh and events were dictating violence and wartare.The late King Abdallah was the voice of reason. and thestatesman who advocated wise judgement. (Hepossessed oj deep sense of belonging to his Sharifian AIal-Bayt lineage. and his relentless efforts to achieve ajust and honourable peace." 17Majali went on to describe the attachment to peace andthe fruits that peace will bear in terms of cooperation andcoexistence and better future. Then he came to thequestion of sovereignty. which he gave to God but askedthe "sons of Abraham" - Jews. Christians and Muslims. "theadherents to the three monotheistic religions" - to find asolution to the issue of Jerusalem.At the signing ceremony in Washington D.C. on 25 July 1994.President Bill Clinton announced that King Hussein hadwritten to him after their first meeting. In that letter the Kingreminded the president about his grandfather and hisassassination at al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem. Then thePresident said that in the Declaration to be signed. the roleof the King as custodian of the Islamic holy places hadbeen preserved. The President said the following: 1816 All quotation. from Pent. speech lire from Wirele .. File, 22 July 1994, p. 8.1 7 Wlrel ... File, 22 July 1994, p. 9.18 Wintle .. File, 21 July 1994, p. 11 .83

The Struggle for Jerusalem"Your Majesty, after our first meeting you wrote me aheartfelt leiter in which you referred to your reveredgrandfather, King Abdullah. You told me that hisuntimely assassination at the entrance to Jerusalem AIAqsa Mosque had come at a time when he was intenton making peace with Israel. Hod he completed hismission, you said to me, your region would have beenspared four decades of war. Today, 43 years after.Abdallah's grandson has tulfilled his legacy.And in the declaration you will sign, your role asguardian of Jerusalem's Muslim holy sites, AI Aqsaamong them, has been preserved. And Israel hasagreed to accord a high priority to Jordan's historic roleregarding these holy sites In final status negotiations."No sooner was this declaration made than other stepsfollowed to underline Jordan's acquisition of its specialstatus over the holy places in Jerusalem. King Husseindeclared that he was going to visit the holy places andIsrael. stating to the German magazine Der Spiegelthat "thevisit can take place at any time."19 Rabin, Peres and theIsraeli Mayor of Jerusalem had ali extended invitations tothe King to visit Jerusalem. The King's statement was viewedas an acceptance of the Israeli invitation. In addition. on hisway back from london, the King personally piloted his planeto fly over Jerusalem's holy sites.4.4 TIHI Palestinian PositionThe Palestinian response to giving Jordan the special role ofsupervision over the holy places was swift and characterisedby condemnation and astonishment. Chairman Arafatimmediately tried to circumvent this arrangement and hisstatements were very clear in rejecting this Jordanian-Israeliunderstanding.19 Der Spiegel, No. 34, of 22 Augun 1994, p. 124.84

Jerusalem: Sovereignty vs. Religious SupervisionIn a statement issued on 25 July 1994, distributed on theofficial letter head of the Chairman of the PNA. a Palestiniansource condemned this arrangement between Israel andJordan on Jerusalem. However, the progress made on theJordanian-Israeli frack was welcomed. 20The source gave the following reasons for thecondemnation of the arrangement:First. because Israel is an occupying state the Israeligovernment has no right to give any role or to make anycommitment on Jerusalem. Further, Israel has no right todispose with such an issue under intemationallaw and theresolutions of internationallegitimocy, including those of theSecurity Council, the UN, the Arab league, the Islamic.African and Non-aligned Movement summits.Second, Israel's actions constituted a clear violation of theIsraeli-Palestinian agreement where it had been agreed thatthe final status of Jerusalem and its holy places would bediscussed with the Palestinian side at the final stage of thePalestinian-Israeli frack. Israel's behaviour decided a priorithe fate of Jerusalem. Israel. by such action, tries to ignorethe fact that the issues of Jerusalem is a "Palestinian, Arab,Christian and Islamic issue".Third, Jerusalem is occupied territory and an indivisible partof the rest of the Palestinian Occupied Territories. This hadbeen recently confirmed by Security Council resolution 904(1994) adopted in March 1994 following the massacrecommitted at the Holy Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron on 25February 1994. The source called on the Arab and Islamicstates and the intemotional community, especially Jordan,"to be on the alert because of the seriousness of the issue ofJerusalem in all its aspects."20 AU quotlltionl are taken from the statement made by tho PM .. tin~ informationaource itS pubiished in WAFA, 26 July 1994, p. 2.85

The Struggle for Jerus(J/emFinally. the source expressed the opinion that the Jordanian­Israeli arrangement came as a "surprise for all."21On the level of the PNA. this issue and that of Jerusalemhave become a standing item on the agenda of the weeklymeeting of the Council of Ministers of the PNA.22 The priorityis to underline the fact that Jerusalem is a Palestinian issue tobe dealt with only by the Palestinians on all mailers. whetherreligious. political or otherwise. The other aim is to defuse themounting tension and escalation in Palestinian-Jordanianrelations. The Council has sent delegations to Jordan toreach a mutually acceptable position on this issue threetimes. At the first meeting of the PNA. following theWashington Declaration. the Council of Ministers decided todispatch a delegation to Jordan to discuss this issue.23Despite the talk about brotherly relations and the necessityof cooperation and coordination between the two sides.the continued atmosphere of rising tension over who shouldadminister the Muslim Waqf and over the signature of theJordanian-Israeli Peace Treaty on 26 October 1994.suggested that these delegations came back withoutconclusive results. Faisal Husseini. who was in the firstdelegation said that the Palestinian delegation apprised theJordanian side of its position. According to Husseini. theJordanian side said "there is no question about Palestiniansovereignty over Jerusalem. But Jordan wishes to continuethe role it has played in Jerusalem for a long time."24Statements made by Chairman Arafat on the issue leavelittle doubt that the Israeli-Jordanian understanding is21 WAFA. 26 July 1994. p. 2.22 The PNA Council of Minister. meetings take place on every Saturday of the week..See for example, WAFA, 30 July 1994, p. 2 and WAFA, 7 August 1994, p. 2.23 WAFA. 3 July 1994. p. 2.24 WAFA. 9 August' 994. p. 6.86

Jerusalem: Sovereignty vs. R8Iigious Supervisionunacceptable to the PNA. In a move unprecedented sincehis retum to Gaza, Arafat convened on extraordinarymeeting of the top generals of the Palestinian police andsecurity forces to discuss the issue and its repercussions. 25The statement mode after the meeting by its spokesmanColonel Khaled Mismar suggested that not only the Issue ofJerusalem was discussed but also the readiness to defendthe city, by any means, despite the severe limitations put onthe military capability of the Palestinian security and policeforces by the DOP. Yet Mismar declared to the press that''we are honoured to detend Jerusalem and we will notbargain over it".26Chairman Arafat was very clear on the subject in all thestatements he made to the various delegations that cameto express their welcome on his retum to the homeland.From his statements, the arguments of the PNA for rejectingthe Jordanian-Israeli understanding an Jerusalem can beoutlined. In front of a delegation from the Israeli-PalestinianProgressive Movement for Peace 27 , Arafat said thatJerusalem would continue to be Arab and would not beconfined to an issue of holy places. He underlined that it isnot appropriate to talk only of the Islamic holy sites. Thereare also Christian holy places for which we as Palestiniansare responsible because we are 'truthful to the Covenant"signed between Caliph Omar, the second Muslim Caliphafter the death of Prophet Muhammad 1400 years ago, andthe Byzantine Archbishop of Jerusalem at the lime,Sophronius. This theme of adhering to the Covenant ofOmar is a theme which Chairman Arafat has always referredto in his speeches and statements. He also wamed that"some people will create for us from time to time obstacles25 WAFA, 27 July 1994, p. 2.26 WAFA. 27 July 1994, p. 2. tt is "so note\olllOf1hv th~ Per .. used the same tenn in hispre.s conference two month. later when he saidcapital. Information Report, 5 October 1994. p. 17.27 WAFA, 27 July '994, p. 3 .that Is,. wIU not bargain over It_87

The Struggle for JerusMemon the road of building our National Authority".28 Before adelegation of the Union of Palestinian Writers he said..... our right in Jerusalem is not represented in raising aflag on the Dome of the Rock or the Holy Sepulchre. It isa sovereign right and it is an issue of land. It is ahistorical and legitimate right that cannot bebargained. No one has the right to talk about ornegotiate over Jerusalem except the Palestinian side asrepresented by the PlO··.29He wamed in another statement that "our march is longbetore we can raise the Palestinian flag over the mosquesand churches of Jerusalem:'30 In the presence of adelegation from the industrial and commercial association.Chairman Arafat was more defiant. He told the delegation"let them decide whatever they want. Jerusalem willcontinue to remain an Islamic-Christian-Arab Palestiniancity. We are the only owners of decision·making and ofauthority on all the holy places in it:' 31Chairman Arafat also declared another reason for the"official rejection" by the PLO of paragraph 3 of theWashington Declaration. He told a delegation of thePalestinian Red Cresent Societies that "our official objectionto the jordanian-Israeli agreement was because Rabin doesnot possess the right to decide and to talk in the name ofJerusalem"32 and reminded everybody that a vote on UNSCResolution 904 was delayed for 22 days so that28 WAFA, 27 July 1994. p . 3 . See al.o ~Chairm," A,.tat receive. two delegftion. fromthe central refuliftl0 camp. of Gaza~, WAFA, 30 July 1994, p. 4.29 WAFA, 21 July 1994. p. 6-6.30 · Chamnan Ar.fat recoive. two delegation • . .-, WAFA, 30 July 1994, p. 4 .31 WAFA, 27 July 1994, p. 6.32 WAFA. 28 July 1994, p. 4 .88

Jerusalem: Sovereignty vs. RtJligious Supervision"we should agree to a formula that does not mentionJerusalem. We refused and the resolution was adopted10 include all the Arab occupied territories includingJerusalem.,,33Chairman Arafat did not miss the opportunity to make gooduse of the absence of the Christian holy places from theJordanian-Israeli agreement. The objection made byMetropolitan Timothy, the Secretary to the Greek OrthodoxPatriarch of Jerusalem, to deciding the future status ofJerusalem without consulting the Greek Orthodox Churchconfirms that Arafat understands well the issue at stake 34 •The Orthodox Church is the largest church in Palestine interms of following among the Palestinian Christians. It alsoowns around 70% of the holy sites, according toMetropolitan Timothy.35Arafat emphasised the Jordanian-Israeli Agreement's failureto mention the Christian holy places when he receivedimportant Christian delegations from the Greek OrthodoxChurch of Jerusalem and from the Greek Orthodox Churchof Ramallah and AI-Bireh. He told the delegation fromJerusalem that "we will not relinquish the City of Jerusalem,the capital of our Palestinian state",36 and said to thedelegation from Ramallah and al-Bireh that"Jerusalem is a Palestinian issue. No one, no matter whohe is, should interfere in it because of the policy of noninterferencein others' affairs.as part of the commitmentsto the decisions of the Arab league and the African andIhe Non-Aligned summits" .3733 WAFA, 29 July 1994. p. 4 .34 For the statement of Metropoljt.n TImothy ••• J.rusalem Post, 30 July 1994, p. 3 .35 J.ruulom Post:, 30 July 1994. p. 3 .36 WAFA. 28 July 1994. p. 6 .37 WAFA. 28 July 1994. p. 6.89

The Struggle for JerusalemOn the diplomatic level. Chairman Arafat called the ConsulsGeneral of France and Britain 38 • both permanent membersof the Security Council. He also met with the EgyptianAmbassador to Israel. 39 The issue of Jerusalem and inparticular the Jordanian-Israeli agreement were among theissues discussed in these meetings. He asked for the supportof these countries for the Palestinian position. stressing thatsuch support would have far reaching consequences onpushing forward the peace process and in particular theimplementation of the DOP.On the regional level. Arafat travelled to Egypt where hemet first with President Mubarak and later with US Secretaryof State Warren Christopher. WAFA. which circulated thenews about the meetings on 6 August 1994. did notelaborate on the issues discussed or the agreementsreached. if any. except to say that the issue of Jerusalemwas discussed. 4o Yet. from the American side. SecretaryChristopher stated that Jerusalem was discussed but the USleft il to the parties concerned to arrive at on agreement.He told reporters at a press briefing that "it is not the UnitedStates' position on this that governs. but the position of theparties as reflected in the Declaration of Principles:' 41Also on the regional level. Arafat took the issue to a meetingwith Rabin on 10 August 1994 at the Erez check-pointbetween Israel and the Gaza Strip.42 Even though there waslittle information on what the two leaders discussed duringthe meeting. their statements were optimistic and gavehope that difficulties could be overcome. Rabin did not38 WAFA, 25 July 1994, p. 2 .39 WAFA, 26 July 199', p. 3.40 WAFA, 7 Auvua1: 1994. p . 3.41 Winlle .. File, 9 August 1994. p. 5 .42 WAFA, 10 August 1994, p. 2.90

Jerusal6tn: Sovereignty vs. Religious Supervisionmention the issue of Jerusalem at the press briefing followingthe meeting. It was Arafat who mentioned it among theissues on which there was no agreemenl. 43 However. liadAbu layyad. a member of the Palestinian delegation to themeeting. told reporters that Rabin had assured the PlOleader that Israel would negotiate with them on the politicalissues on Jerusalem. layyad said that Rabin told Arafat."Negotiations over Jerusalem will be conducted with you aslaid in the DOP." Yet. layyad confirmed that Israel stilldifferentiated between religious and political issues.However. the political future of the city will be discussedbetween the PlO and Israel "only in 1996 at the latest"according to what Rabin told Arafal. 44 It is thus clear thatRabin's position had not changed.Under instructions from Chairman Arafat. the PlO adoptedfurther measures and actions in an attempt to circumventthe consequences of the Jordanian-Israeli understanding onJerusalem. Arafat instructed Dr. Nasser al-Kidwa. PermanentObserver of Palestine to the United Nations. to send anofficial letter to UN Secretary General Dr. Boutros BoutrosGhali. and to the President of the UN Security Council on theissue. This was done on 29 July. with Dr. al-Kidwa asking for itscirculation as an official document of the UN.45The leiter underlined the resolutions of the Security Councilon Jerusalem and the commitments that accrue on Israel asan occupying power therefrom. He reminded the UnitedNations that Jerusalem is an indivisible part of the Palestinianterritory occupied since 1967. listing then the resolutionsadopted by the Security Council in which this wasconfirmed: Resolutions 6Bl (1990).726 (1992). 799 (1992). and904 (1994). Second. he pointed out that the intemational43 .,-S.".h (Tunis). 11 August 1994. p. 1.44./-SlIb• h (Tunis). 13 AuWUst 1994. p . 7 .45 For the full text of the PLO memorandum see WAFA. 30 July 1994. pp. 6-8.91

Thtl Struggle for Jeruslllsmcommunity has, as yet. not accepted any "foreignsovereignty or jurisdiction" over Jerusalem, Consequently,the Security Council in Resolutions 252 (1968), 267 (1969), 271(1969), 298 (1971), 476 (1980), 478 (1980) considered theIsraeli measures and actions aimed at changing thedemographic character of Jerusalem as null and void andcalled on Israel not only to rescind immediately thesemeasures, but also not to adopt such measures in the future.Dr. al-Kidwa undenined two other points in regard to thepeace process. First, such actions by Israel violate the DOP'scall for refraining from actions that would affect final statusnegotiations on Jerusalem. Second, the permanent observerreminded Israel of its commitments made in the Jerusalemletter sent by Peres to the late Holsj46 on preserving,maintaining and encouraging the Palestinian institutions inthe Holy City. Dr. al-Kidwa conciuded that"any legislation or action that undermines theseinstitutions and their work represents a clear violation ofthis commitment, and of fhe letter and spirit of the DOPand jeopardises the peace process."On the political level. Dr. al-Kidwa reaffirmed the PLO'scommitment to the peace process, and that the PLOotherwise welcomed the progress made thus far. hopingthat similar progress would be made on the Israeli-Syrianand Israeli-Lebanese tracks. Finally, unlike the statement ofthe information source, there was no mention of Jordan inthe permanent observer's letter. It dealt with Israel'sviolations of the DOP. Hence, he called on Israel to abideby its commitments and duties under these agreements onJerusalem.Chairman Arafat further called for and instructed thePolitical Department of the PLO. as well as the PLO46 See text of letter above.92

Jerusalem: Sovereignty vs. R9Iigious Supervisionrepresentatives to the Arab League. Morocco and Senegalto call respectively for the convening of extraordinarymeetings of the Council of Foreign Ministers of the League.and of the Jerusalem Committee of the OIC and of itsPresidential Bureau. He himself sent letters on the issue toPresident Soharto of Indonesia in his capacity as Chairmanof the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). In that letter he calledfor a meeting of the Jerusalem Committee of NAM or of itsCoordination Bureau. He also sent a letter to the SecretaryGeneral of the Organisation of African Unity to apprise theAfrican countries of the gravity of the situation. 474.5 Deb.te.t the Ar.b LeagueOn the Arab level. Arafat wanted to have an extraordinarymeeting of the Council of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs ofthe Arab League to discuss this issue of Jerusalem. However.only a meeting at the level of the permanentrepresentatives of the Arab states was convened. Arafathad to wait for the regular session of the Council of Ministersto be convened in the middle of September 1994 to havethe issue discussed by Arab foreign ministers.In any case. the meeting of the permanent representativesproduced a result that was described as satisfactory to bothJordan and the PLO. The Arab League confirmed that thePalestinians hold sovereignty over Jerusalem while itunderstood the explanations given by Jordan.On 28 July 1994. the Arab League published a presscommunique summarising the deliberations on this issue. It isnoteworthy that the communique referred only to the viewsof the Secretary General of the Arab League. Dr. AhmadIssmat Abdul Majid. and to those of the permanentrepresentatives of the PLO. Jordan and Egypt.47 African countrie •• re at thl! .amI! time member. in one or more of theu regionalinternational organililtion, the Arab lugue, OIC and NAM .93

Th9 Struggle for J9rusalemThe press communique stated that the Secretary Generalhad invited the permanent representatives of Palestine.Jordan and Egypt to attend a meeting at the headquartersof the League. under his chairmanship. to discuss theparagraph in the Washington Declaration on Jerusalem.Secondly. the Jordanian representative explained theHashemite Jordanian position on the issue of the holy landand places in Jerusalem. He stated that since theestablishment of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in 1952.this role was uninterrupted and aimed at the maintenanceof the holy sites and their supervision. Then he discussed theunilateral Jordanian disengagement from the Palestinianterritories in 1988. Islamic Waqf and holy places affairs wereexcluded from that decision and Jordan continued to bearthe responsibility for them. He confirmed that theWashington Declaration only underlined that role.However. Jordan' s permanent representative did not saywhy these holy places were excluded from the Jordaniandisengagement and upon whose request this exclusion wasmade. He called for differentiating between politicaljurisdiction and sovereignty on the one hand and thesupervision of the holy places on the other. because the twohave "two different natures." He then assured the meetingthat Jordan respects the decision of the Arab summit inRabat of 1974 which recognised the PlO as the salelegitimate representative of the Palestinian people. Sincethen. he said. Jordan has given every support possible tothe PLO to regain the Occupied Palestinian Territories.including Jerusalem.The Secretary General summed up the position where hesaid that paragraph 3 of the Washington Declaration"confirms a right and does not establish that right". andconsequently. in view of the Jordanian explanation. thepolitical jurisdiction of the PlO on the Occupied PalestinianTerritories. including the holy places. is evident.94

JfJrusalem: Sovereignty vs. Religious SupervisionThe permanent representative of Egypt expressed his"satisfaction" with Ihe explanation made by Jordan at Ihemeeting. He underlined the importance of Jerusalem 10 allArabs and Muslims and Ihat its final status would be decidedin the negolialions between the PlO and Israel.The permanent representative of Palestine expressed hissatisfaction and thanks to the Secretary General. He alsoexpressed his satisfaction with the explanations made by thepermanent representative of Jordan. He promised 10convey those explanations to the Palestinian leadership. Theposition expressed by the permanent representative ofJordan was made public in an official slatement by thegovernmenl of Jordan the following day and wasdistributed as an Arab league document on 30 July 1994.A few observalions are in place here. Firs!. Ihe reference 10the assassinalion of King Abdallah 01 al-Aqsa mosque inJerusalem is absenl from Ihe Jordanian official slalement.This was Ihe essence of Iheir claim to "historical" right. EvenKing Hussein evaded Ihe queslion pul to him by Der Spiegelon Ihe assassination of his grandfather as a reason to haveasked for Ihis clause in Ihe Washington Declaralion. 48Second. the stalemenl made by Ihe Secretary General ofIhe Arab league in his summing up remarks that paragraph3 of Ihe Washinglon Declaration "confirms a righl and doesnot establish Ihat righf' has become Ihe catch word in allsubsequent Jordanian slatemenls on the issue.Third, the slalement made by Jordanian officials that theholy places were excluded from Iheir decision to disengagefrom the Wesl Bank is correct. In fact. this exclusion wasmade 01 the requesl of Ihe PlO leadership.49 Although therewas no wrillen agreement between Jordan and the PlO on48 See Del Spiegel, No . 32 of 22 August 1994, p. 122, col . 2.49 Interview with Abu Mazen in Tunis on 10 September, 1994.95

The Struggle for Jerusalemthis issue, there was an understanding between King Husseinof Jordan and Chairman Vasser Arafat at the meeting heldin Amman following the disengagement decision. Thereason behind this request was that the PLO did not want togive Israel an alibi to annex or place the holy places underthe jurisdiction and or supervision of the Israeli Ministry ofReligious Affairs. II has to be recalled that at the time Israelhad not yet recognised the PLO. Since Israel's recognition ofthe PLO following the Israeli-PLO agreement in September1993, there is no legal basis for Jordan's claim on that point.Jordan's statement that it possessed the religious supervisionover the Islamic holy places is correct. But what it did notsay is more important: namely, that this possession wasacquired from the PLO in accordance with theunderstanding explained above between the PLOleadership and Jordan. Jordan exchanged one "dono~' foranother, the PLO for Israel. This greatly disturbed thePalestinians and led to great disillusionment and frustrationand the rapid and unprecedented escalation of tensionsbetween the Palestinian and Jordanian sides.Had this paragraph not been put in the WashingtonDeclaration as an official text in an international agreement,it is unlikely that the subsequent tension and confrontationwould have taken place. The exchange was also made in asurprise manner without informing the Palestinian side. Thus,when the Declaration was first made public, the Palestinianswelcomed this development because they did not know ofthis contractual clause on Jerusalem. The Palestinianwelcome ceased immediately following the publication ofthis paragraph in the Washington Declaration.A further theme included in the official Jordanian statement,was that religious custodianship derives also from financ"ialresponsibility. According to the Jordanian statements,Jordan's right to supervise the religious affairs and Islamicholy sites in Jerusalem obtains from its financial96

Jerusalem: Sovereignty vs. Religious Sup6rvisioncommitments and contributions. such as the reconstructionof the al-Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock or thefinancing of the Waqf and other Islamic religious andeducational institutions. including employees' salaries. ThusJordan laid great emphasis on its financial contribution tothe reconstruction of the Holy al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalemin 1924. 1944. 1952 and last in 1994. when King Husseincontributed around US$7 million to the reconstruction of theDome of the Rock.As the dispute with the PLO escalated. the Jordaniangovernment released the figures of its financial contributionsand commitments to the Islamic Waqf and employees inEast Jerusalem and elsewhere in the West Bank. These wereas follows: the Jordanian Ministry of Waqf administered 950mosques in the West Bank. of which 180 were in Jerusalemand its suburbs. The ministry paid the salaries of 2.500employees. of whom 1.000 worked in Jerusalem. The annualbudget of this effort is US$17 million. of which US$5 million isdestined for Jerusalem.50 In fact. one of the justificationswhich Rabin gave for his government's decision to givesupervision of the Islamic holy places in Jerusalem was thatJordan "has financed the maintenance of the Dome of theMosque of Omar."51Needless to say. this argument put forward by Jordan doesnot stand by itself. Once the PLO or the PNA take overfinancial responsibility for all the Islamic Waqf and holy sitesin East Jerusalem. Jordan can no longer use this argument.In addition. King Hussein was not alone in contributing to thereconstruction of the Dome of the Rock and AI-AqsaMosque. King Fahd of Saudi Arabia contributed a similarsum to that of King Hussein. The Saudi King made thiscontribution. in coordination with the PLO. through UNESCO.This matler was the focus of much acrimony within UNESCO50 al-H.y.t. 29 September 1994. pp. 1 and 4 .51 Rabin mad. this .tatement to Radio l$rael. •• e Information Report. 26 Juiy 1994. p .4 .97

The Struggle for Jerusalembetween Saudi Arabia and the PLO on the one hand. andJordon on the other. with the Director General of UNESCOtrying to mediate between the three parties. Similarly. thePlO has always established. financed or helped to financeIslamic institutions and employees in Jerusalem as well as inthe other parts of the West Bank and Gaza Strip.Also on the Arab level. the Council of Ministers of ForeignAffairs of the Arab League met in Coiro on 14 September1994. The question of Palestine was on its agenda. includingparagraph 3 of the Washington Deciaration S2 Thecommunique published at the end of the ministerialmeeting declared that the decisions of the Council do notreflect the schism over this issue. 53 Without reference to thesaid paragraph. the decisions only expressed the unanimityamong the Arabs that sovereignty over Jerusalem is for thePLO and the Palestinians. The decision. infer alia. stated thatJerusalem is an indivisible part of the Arab and Palestinianterritories occupied in 1967. It also slaled that"the Council of the league decides to underline theextraordinary importance of the city of Jerusalem to theArab and Islamic worlds and the necessity to regain theArab Palestinian sovereignty over it as fhe capital of theindependent state of Palestine."S452 See. for example: "The Ministerial Council of the Arab League: Sovereignty over.Jerulalem to the Pale'tin~I ". ~H.y.t. 15 September 1994. p.6 . and "The Arab leagueRefu'e, to give Jordan a RaMI in Sovereignty over Jerusalem . • /-Quds; 17-18 September1994. p.l, and "The Arab league Rejectellrael Giving Jordan a ReUgioul Role in theHoly cttv." aI ·Quds. 17-18 September 1994. p. 5 .53 The Director General of the Office of Printed and Published Material in Jordan. namelythe censor. "nt a letto( to the editor of al-Oud$, protesting the f.lse headlines on themeeting publi,hed in the paper a, mentioned in the preceding footnote. Despite that, hea .. ured the editor that he did not order the suppression of the i .. ue beeaule he wantedthe readen in Jordan to be Immune to falle new. whether made deliberately or not. Theletter wa. published in al-Quds, in "Letter. to the Editor". 20 September 1994, p. 11.54 Text of re.olution,ln a/-Duds, 17· 18 September 1994, p. 5 .98

Jerusalem: Sover6ignty vs. Religious Supervision4.6 The Isklmic PositionOn the Islamic level. Chairman Arafat sent a message toKing Hassan II of Morocco in his capacity as Chairman ofthe Jerusalem Committee of the OIC. soliciting that this issuebe discussed and that the position of this Committee insupport of the Palestinian stand be confirmed. He also senta message to President Abdou Diouf of Senegal in hiscapacity as the current Chairman of the OIC asking for theconvening of the Presidential Bureau of the OIC as soon aspossible in order to discuss the issue. Neither King Hassan IInor President Diouf convened the respective meetings indue time. which could indicate that their consultations withmember countries in the two institutions were not conclusive.It seems the countries preferred to wait for an Arab decisionon the issue since it was primarily an inter-Arab dispute andthey did not want to contradict the position taken by theLeague in its July meeting.The Islamic countries. however. expressed their position onthis issue on two other occasions. The first was the meeting ofministers of foreign affairs of the Islamic countries inIslamabad. Pakistan. The issue of Jerusalem was raised bythe Jordanian delegation. which hoped to gain support forits position 55 The Jordanians reiterated their position asexplained at the Arab League but failed to receive thesupport they hoped for from the ministers. In the resolutionson the Middle East. the OIC expressed its support of thepeace agreements reached thus far. It also expressed itssupport for the PLO by reaffirming that a just andcomprehensive peace cannot be achieved "except by thetotal and comprehensive withdrawal of Israel from all theoccupied territories. including Jerusalem:' 5655 Interview with Mr. Zuhdi Terzi. member of the Paleltinian dolegation to thisconference on 14 September 1994 in Tunl • .56 Text of ruokrtion in a/·Quds. 10-11 SeptembM 1994. p . 2.99

The Struggle for JerusalemThe second occasion was in New York. at a meeting of theIslamic Jerusalem Committee. This was the first officialresponse to the request of Chairman Arafat sent earlier tothe Chairman of the Jerusalem Committee and theChairman of the Ole. Dr. Hamed AI-Gabed. SecretaryGeneral of the OIC. summarised the position of the Islamiccountries by saying that "it is necessary that Jerusalem bereturned to Palestinian sovereignty being the capital of thePalestinian state."S74. 7 GTl'S$-roots RlNlctionsOn the level of Palestinian mass and grass-rootsorganisations. the Jordanian-Israeli understanding found nosupport but only condemnation and indignation. Thefeelings among the Palestinian masses were heightened bystatements made by King Hussein that he was going to visitJerusalem.A number of statements were issued by trade unionscondemning this understanding. The General Union ofPalestinian Workers issued a statement 58 expressing its"indignation" over the agreement. considering it to be aviolation of international legitimacy and affirming thatJerusalem remains a Palestinian issue that belongs to thePLO and the PNA alone. According to the statement.Jerusalem was and will continue to be the capital ofPalestine.The General Union of Palestine Teachers. the largestPalestinian trade union. also issued a statement S9condemning the Jordanian-Israeli understanding as aviolation of the Oslo Agreement between the PLO and57 iJ~H.y.t . 30 September 1994. p. 6 .58 Text in WAFA. 28 July 1994. pp . 7-8.59 Text in WAFA. 30 July 1994, pp . 8-9.100

Jerusalem: Sovereignty vs. Religious Sup8rvisionIsrael. The statement underlined that negotiating the futureof Jerusalem is solely a Palestinian responsibility. Thestatement went on to say that sovereignty over Jerusalem isa Palestinian right alone.In addition. demonstrations were organised in the towns ofthe occupied West Bank in support of Chairman Arafat andthe Palestinian position 60 and against the Israeli-Jordanianunderstanding on Jerusalem.One of the most important gatherings against the accordon Jerusalem took place on 22 July 1994. two days after theJordanian-Israeli-American Trilateral Committee wasconvened. The participants in the debate on the issue gaveadded weight to the rejection of the understanding. Theseparticipants were Faisal Hussein;' in charge of the Jerusalemportfolio in the PNA. Hanan Ashrawi. the formerspokesperson of the Palestinian negotiating team and thenhead of an independent Palestinian human rightsorganisation. and Sheikh Hassan Tahboub. Chairman of theIslamic Higher Council. Husseini rejected outright Israel's rightto distribute "authority in Jerusalem as it thinks it wishes. suchas giving Jordan supervision on the holy sites".61 Ashrawiunderlined that confining the issue of Jerusalem to religiousaffairs aims at maintaining the city under Israeli sovereignty.This. she said. is not acceptable and contrary to the peaceprocess and the DOp.62 Tahboub declared that 2.2 billionMuslims the world over would not accept Israeli sovereigntyover Jerusalem.63 The meeting ended with Husseinideclaring the establishment of a national-religiouscommittee in "which all organisations will participate to6 0 WAFA, 3 Auguet 1994, p . 4 .61 WAFA. 22 JlAy 1994. p. 6.62 WAFA. 22 JlAy 1994, p . 6.6 3 WAFA. 22 July '994. p . 6 .101

The Struggle for Jerusalemprotect the Palestinian institutions and to confront the Israelischemes and plans in Jerusalem".64Fatah. the most important Palestinian political organisation.came out very forcefully against this understanding. Fatah'sSecretary General in the West Bank called on all Palestiniangroups to unite around a programme of action in defenceof Jerusalem. and called on them to put aside their politicaldifferences for this purpose. 65A strongly worded editorial in the bi-monthly magazine.Fatah. published by the movement in Tunis. analysed theJordanian-Israeli understanding. 66 The editor put the blameon the Israelis for attempting to drive a wedge in Jordanian­Palestinian relations and called for coordination with Jordanto foil this Israeli scheme. The Israeli aim was to destroyconfidence between the people and the PNA and to causedispute between the Govemment of Jordan and the PlO.The editorial went on to say:Paragraph 3 on Jerusalem and the holy places wasinserted by force in the Washington Declaration in away that does not aim to give something to Jordan. butto ieopardise the Palestinian historical right to totalsovereignty over Jerusalem and its holy places, itscapacity as the eternal capital of the independentstate of Palestine. which is calling sincerely for avoluntary confederation with Jordan according to thefree will of the fraternal Jordanian and Palestinianpeoples. indeed of the one Jordanian-PalestinianfamilyP64 WAFA, 22 July 1994, p. 6.65 Information Report, 4 August 1994, p. 5 .66 Fat_h, No. 14, Year 30, July 1994, p. 1.67 Fa",h, No. 14, Year 30, July 1994, p. 23.102

Jerusalem: Sovereignty vs. Religious SupervisionThe editorial cited Thomas Friedman of the New York Times.who made the analogy that Jordan and Israel are like thetwo handles of a nut-cracker. with Yasser Arafat as the nut.The editorial called for better coordination with Jordan inorder "to stop the effectiveness of the Rabin wedge." Itcalled for deepening the relations with Jordan and definingthe contours of the future between the two peoples. 68WAFA also reported the meeting of the heads of theChristian churches in Jerusalem to discuss the effects of theJordanian-Israeli understanding. especially the fact that theChristian holy places were not mentioned in thatunderstanding. 69King Hussein's announcement that he intended to visit theholy places in Jerusalem increased Palestinian fears. Thestatement was understood as acceptance of the invitationextended to him by Rabin. The visit was a real possibility asthe announcement came against the background ofpreparations for the commemoration of the birth of theProphet Muhammad (al-Mawlid al-Nabaw~ on 19 August1994. The King. according to the leaked programme, wouldcome by helicopter and would land near al-Aqsa mosque.He would not be accompanied by any Jordanian officialbut only by some members of the royal family to give aprivate character to the visit. Rabin would not receive theKing officially at the landing site; this would be done by theIsraeli mayor of Jerusalem, Ehud Olmert.The Palestinian side did not receive the news about theKing's visit favourably. A random survey of local personalitiesin the occupied West Bank town of Hebron showed anoverwhelming rejection of the King's visit, considering it to bejeopardising Palestinian sovereignty and weakening the68 Ibid.69 WAFA, 4 August 1994, p. 4.103

The Struggle for JerusalemPalestinian negotiating position.70 FaisalHusseini calleddirectly on the King to coordinate the visit with thePalestinian side in addition to the Israeli sideJ I ChairmanArafat declared in a press briefing after meeting SecretaryChristopher that Rabin had no right to extend the invitationto the King. Arafat said that he himself was the only one withthat right because jurisdiction on Jerusalem lies with thePalestinians only. He said he would be happy to extend aninvitation to the King "and to all my brothers and to all myfriends"' to visit Jerusalem "together with me. and this is aninvitation from me to His Majesty."724.8 Inter-PLO DifferencesEven though the overwhelming position on the Palestinianside was rejection of the Jordanian role of supervisingreligious affairs in Jerusalem. PlO leaders expressed variousviews on the subject. These divergent views gave theimpression that the conflict with Jordan was Arafal'sresponsibility because their statements were on the onehand intended to defuse tension with Jordan and on theother hand vindicated Jordan's position.Abbas Zaki. a Fatah Central Committee member living inJordan. commented from Sana'a, Yemen. that he did notfind anything new in giving Jordan the religious supervisionbecause "Jordan is responsible for the Awqaf and the holyplaces."73 He warned that Israel was trying to create adispute between the PlO and Jordan. He emphasised thatthe PlO should not fall into this trap because "if this was thefinal stage to adopt a decision on who has sovereignty over70 WAFA, 5 August 1994, pp . 8-9.71 WAFA, 9 August 1994. p. 6 .72 Wirel~u s File. 22 July 1994. p. 5 . col. 2 .73 II/-Duds, 4 August 1994.104

Jerusalem: Sovereignty vs. Religious SupervisionJerusalem then matters would have been different. Thisstage. however. is not the final stage yet."74Abu Mazen. member of the PlO Executive Committee andthe Fatah Central Committee. said in an interview with theKuwait daily ai-Wotan on 5 August 1994, that "there is nojustification" for the Jordanian-Palestinian argument. Themisunderstanding, he said, could be "treated through directPalestinian-Jordanian contacts far away from the massmedia". He confirmed that the PlO has an agreement withJordan giving the latter supervision of the Islamic Waqf inthe West Bank following the Jordanian disengagementdecision in 1988.Mr. Farouq Qaddoumi. head of the Political Department ofthe PlO. its Foreign Minister. and member of the FatahCentral Committee, called for postponing the dispute andthe discussion of the issue until Jerusalem is freed from Israelioccupation. He said that "the tempest is ill-timed becauseJerusalem is at present an occupied city. When the Arabsregain it then the issue will be discussed:'754.9 The Jordimiiln-Pillestinilln Dispute OVfH the WilqfWhile efforts were being made to resolve the dispute onJerusalem, a second, closely connected dispute broke outconcerning the administration of the Waqf and the holyplaces. An important development took place in this regardwhen the PNA decided to appoint Sheikh Hassan Tahboub,the Chairman of the Islamic Higher Council in Jerusalem asMinister for Religious Affairs. Sheikh Tahboub opened hisoffice in Jerusalem, thus becoming the second member ofthe Council of Ministers of the PNA. after Faisal Husseini. tohave his office in East Jerusalem.7 4 d/-Dud:.. 4 Augul5t 1994.7 5 al-HaYdt 22 October 1994 .105

The Struggle for JerusalemMinister Tahboub declared that the PNA had decided tomake an inventory of all Islamic properties in the OccupiedTerritories. in addition to the territories under the PNA. but notin Jerusalem.l 6 The PNA to send Tahboub to Amman to askJordan to transfer all the records relating to this matter tothe PNA. Tahboub declared that everything would be donein coordination with Jordan. including the date of· hisdeparture to JordanJ?King Hussein did not hide his dislike of the decisions of thePNA on this issue. He criticised the appointment of an"official" for the Awqaf and the Islamic courts 'withoutc oordination with the Kingdom or even without informingthem beforehand"78 He a c cused the PNA. w ithout namingit. of jeopardising the Islamic Waqf. Following a meeting ofthe Jordanian c abinet. the King said that "the issue ofIslamic Waqf is too important and serious to be played with."He confirmed that Jordan will continue to bear itsresponsibilities in this regard 79 The Palestinian spokesmanresponded to the accusation by describing it as"unjustifiable and (is) not in the interest of c o ordination".However. Jordan changed its position and decided to givean inventory of the Jordanian-administered Waqf in thePalestinian Territories.The Jordanian decision has to be understood in the light ofthe resumption of Palestinian-Israeli negotiations on earlyempowerment in the rest of the O c cupied Territories.namely the West Bank. If successful. these negotiationsw ould result in the transfer of responsibilities in the West Bankto the PNA. Hence. the transfer of the Islamic holy plac es7 6 d/-Quds, 19 September 1994, p. 477 aI- Duds, 19 September 1994. p. 4.78 al-HlJyd l . 29 September 1994 . p . 4 .7 9 al-Quds, 19 September 1994, p. 4 .106

Jerusalem: Sovereignty liS. Religious Supervisionand Waqf in the West Bank. excluding Jerusalem. would beonly a matter of time.According to the statement made by Rafiq ai-Khatib.director of the AI-Aqsa Mosque at the Jordanian Ministry ofReligious Affairs. most of the city of Jerusalem is an IslamicWaqf supervised by Jordan.so Half of the budget of theministry goes to Jerusalem and the other holy sites in theWest Bank. Jordan has spent US$485 million since it took overthe supervision in 1953. The ministry has 2.500 employees inthe West Bank. including Jerusalem. Jordan funds 60 schoolsteaching Islamic religion and law. 35 mosques and severalorphanages in Jerusalem. There are around 300 dunums ofland of Waqf property in the centre of the Old City used a sIslamic cemeteries. in addition to the land on the Mount ofOlives on which the Augusta Victoria Hospital and theMaqassed Hospital are built. SIIsrael Radio claimed that Jordan. because of the Palestinianposition. would stop paying Waqf employees' salaries.Jordan declared this as "baseless".e2 Abdussalam Abbadi.the Jordanian Minister of Awqaf. assured that hisgovernment would continue to pay these salaries. Despitethis confirmation. the PNA decided at its weekly cabinetmeeting on 24 September 1994 to pay the salaries of allemployees in the Islamic holy sites in the West Bank and theGaza Strip. and to transfer them to the Palestinian Waqf.starting from I October 1994.Jordan escalated its tone further following this decision. Inaddition 10 the usual rhetoric about Jordan's historic rightsand supervision on the holy places. Jordan accused thePNA of playing into the hands of the Israelis if it continued to80 ~/. Quds, 21 September 1994, p. 4 .81 II/-Quds, 21 September 1994, p. 4 .82 IJI-H.Yllt, 24 September 1994, p. 3 ,107

The Struggle for Jerusalempressure Jordon in this manner. Any "backing down" fromthe Jordanian p osition "w ould open Ihe door for the Isroelicontrol of the holy places." said a "responsible Jordaniansource,'oS3 An unnamed high-ranking Jordanian source.according to AI-Hoyof. said that "the attempl of thePalestinian Autonomy Authorily to end the Jordanian role inJerusalem is an attempt to replace the Jordanian presencewith an Israeli presence," This, according to the official. "willstrengthen Israel's influence allhe expense of the Jordanianand Palestinian roles."84 The Jordanian Minister of Awqafand Religious Affairs stated Ihat '1n view of Ihe continuedIsraeli occupation backing down from (Jordan's) historicalrights is impossible,'oSSThe response of the PNA was swift. Tahboub described theJordanian allegations as "outbidding maneuvres"B6 Headded that it was not the Palestinians who brought aboutthe Israeli occupation. This was a direct allusion to the factthat Jordan's defeat in the war of June 1967 had led to theIsraeli occupation of East Jerusalem and the rest of the WestBank. Tahboub told the Jordanians that with the existenceof the PNA there was no meaning for the continuation oftheir supervision of the holy places. 87Against the background of this escalation the Jordaniancabinet made an unexpected move in the oppositedirection. It decided at a meeting chaired by King Hussein,and upon "his recommendation''88. to disengage itself, onceagain unilaterally, from the responsibilities over the Islamic83 al-Hayar, 26 September 1994, p. 1.84 Ibid .85 Ibid .86 a/-Hayar, 27 September 1994, p. 6 .87 Ibid .88 For the text of Jordan'. government statement .eea/-Hilyllt, 29 September 1994, p,4,loa

Jerusalem: Sovereignty vs. Religious Supervisionholy sites and Waqf in the West Bank, except forJerusalem,89 What political observers considered a "preemptive"move by Jordan 90 fell into line with the officialPalestinian posilion, Palestinian oHicials were quick towelcome the Jordanian step as "positive and in the rightdirection", as Minister T ahboub declared.9 1 ConcerningJerusalem, Tahboub declared that the city would bediscussed on the highest political level between Jordan andthe PNA '1n the light of political developments andsovereignty on Jerusalem,"92 The same position wasconfirmed to al-Hayat by a Jordanian source who said thatthe Jordanian position on Jerusalem's holy places ..... will notchange except within the framework of conSUltation andcoordination when the negotiations start on the final statusof Jerusalem,"93It seems, however, that this "consultation and coordination"was only a banner raised to disguise the fact both theJordanians and Palestinians were bent on taking decisionswithout due consultation with the other party. In a bid toassert their contending claims over decision-making onIslamic aHairs in Jerusalem, both Jordan and the PNAassigned a Grand Mufti of Jerusalem following the death ofthe incumbent Suleiman Ja'abari, who had been assignedone year earlier by Jordan without due consultation with thePlO. On 15 October, Jordan appointed Sheikh Abdul KaderAbdeen, chief justice of the Islamic courts as Mufti. The89

The Struggle for Jerusalemfollowing day, Chairman Arafat appointed the Imam of 01-Aqsa Mosque, Sheikh ' Ikrima Sabri, a man known for hisstrong personalify, to the post. Sheikh Sabri was the Imamwho led the prayers at al-Aqsa when President Sadat ofEgypt visited Jerusalem and prayed at the Mosque in 1979. 94The qppointment of Sheikh Sabri as the General Mufti ofJerusalem was welcomed by Palestinian people of all walksof life including employees of the Ministry of Religious Affairsand Awqaf and the Islamic clergy. In his capacify as Mufti.Sheikh Sabri accompanied the Turkish Prime Minister on hertour and prayer in al-Aqsa Mosque as well as attendingmeetings with her at the Orient House. Hence, hisappointment by the PNA was the first test for the Jordanian­Israeli agreement.94 On the Ullignment of the two Muftil see .I-Quds. 17 October 1994. p. l . .J-Quds. 18October 1994, p. 4 , and Information Report. 18 October 1994, p. 14 .110

CHAPTER 5The Strussle tor JeruSilllem:The Jordanian-israeli 'eace TreatyPrior to the signature of the peace treaty between Jordanand Israel. the PNA made a last attempt to have paragraph3 rescinded from the treaty by raising the issue at the UnitedNations. where the OOP was filed as an official document.The permanent observer of Palestine to the United Nations.Dr. Nasser al-Kidwa. sent an officialletter 1 to the SecretaryGeneral of the United Nations and to the President of theSecurity Council waming that the inclusion of thatparagraph in the final peace treaty would have graveconsequences. AI-Kidwa rejected the issue of separationbetween religious supervision and political issues in EastJerusalem because such separation "can only serve theillegal fail accompli created by the Israeli govemment." 2Jerusalem. he affirmed. continues to be an indivisible part ofthe Palestinian Territories occupied by Israel in 1967. Hence.the inclusion of this paragraph constitutes a "clear violation"of the commitments made by Israel in the DOP. Therefore.al-Kidwa said that the Palestinians ..... demand theimmediate retum to the slatus quo anle and respect for theOOP." He wamed that otherwise great damage will befallthe credibility of the existing agreements and the peaceprocess.Palestinian objections to the clause on Jerusalemnotwithstanding. Israel and Jordan signed a peace treatyon 26 October 1994 in the presence of the US President BillClinton and many Arab and foreign guests and dignitaries.1 Information Report. 20 October 1994, pp _ 21 · 22, and 22 October 1994. pp . 7-10.2 Information Report, 20 October 1994, p. 21 .111

The Struggle for JerusalemThe treaty was the second comprehensive peace treatybetween an Arab country and Israel.The Jordanian-Israeli peace treaty represents a qualitativechange from the Washington Declaration, which ended thestate of belligerency between the two countries. " alsocame at the peak of the Jordanian-Palestinian dispute overparagraph 3 of the Washington Declaration. Because of thisdispute, Chairman Arafat was neither invited nor did hewant to attend the signing ceremonies for the treaty, in casehis presence be interpreted as acquiescence to the Israeli-­Jordanian agreement on Jerusalem. Thus, he was the mostnotable absentee from these ceremonies. 3Paragraph 3 of the Washington Declaration, whichtriggered off the Jordanian-Palestinian dispute, was carriedover into Article 9 of the peace treaty. The role given toJordan by Israel to supervise the Muslim holy places inJerusalem once again became the focus of the conflictbetween the PNA and Jordan and between ChairmanArafat and King Hussein.4 Article 9 of the treaty was also oneof the main reasons why the opposition in Jordan rejectedthe treatySIn Palestine, there was mass rejection of the Israeli-Jordaniantreaty. Demonstrations took place in the towns of the Gazastrip, the West Bank and Jerusalem, where the Jordanian3 Israeli foreign Minister Shimon Peres, criticised both aspects: the decIsion not to inviteChairman Arafat as well a. Arafat for saying that if he were invited he would nat attend.See Information Report. 26 October 1994. p. 31.4 Some Reporter. who attended the Casablenca Economic summit in Morocco at thebeginning of November 1994. reported that at the conference tabM, Chairman Mafn andCrown Prince Hasnn of Jordan turned their backs to each other, a sign that, if tNe.indicate. how low the official and human relations have become between tho Chairmanand the royal family in Jordan because of tht. di.pute over JannaMm. Sea commont by~jhlJld .11· Khazen, editor in chief of the Lebane.e daily III-HII'IIIr, 4 November 1994, p. 24.III-Duds, 3 November 1994, p. 4 . Member. of the Upper Houae of ParHament In Jordan.oppolled to the treaty, made tNs point very CMat in the di.cu.sion. Among them was OJprevious prime minister of Jordan and head of intelligence, Ahmad Ubeldat. II/·Quds. 10October 1994. pp. 1 and 4 .112

The Jordanian-Isrlleli Peace Treatyand Israeli flags were bumed and the picture of King Husseinwas tom. 6In this latest dispute there were no qualitative changes inthe arguments put forward by the Jordanian and Palestiniansides. Thus. according to President Clinton, the issue was notraised by Chairman Arafat at their meeting on 26 October.lImmediately after the signing of the treaty, there was anescalation in hostility of the statements and threats made byChairman Arafat and King Hussein. Two statements inparticular warrant attention.The first was made by Arafat on the eve of the Signing of thetreaty at the Islamic University in Gaza, where he lambastedthe Jordanian-Israeli treaty's clause on the issue ofJerusalem before an audience of more than 3,000 students,faculty members and guests. In his speech, Arafat called onthe Prime Minister Rabin and King Hussein by name, saying" .. .Iet Hussein and Rabin hear me, Jerusalem is thecapital of Palestine whether they like it or not, whetherthey will it or not, and those who do not like this, letthem go and drink the water of the sea of Gaza: 08He continued by saying that "Jerusalem is not merchandiseto be bought and sold".9Meanwhile, King Hussein made a direct reference beforeJordanian army officers to the events of 1970. better knownas "Black September", when the Jordanian army drove theforces of the Palestinian resistance out of Jordan, saying6 InformatM3n Report. 260ctobOf 1994. p_ 29. Information Report. 27 October 1994. pp .; -6 , ai-Duds, 31 October 1994, p. 5 , and IJJ-Hayat. 31 October 1994, p. 5.Information Report, 26 October 1994, p.2, Wirele" File, 27 October 1994, p.10. col. 28./-Qud:s, 26 October 1994, p .4. Information Report. 26 October 1994, p.14, and 11/­Hlly.t, 26 October 1994, p. 4 . It I, noteworthy that Wafa, the Palestinian News Agency,did not carry this .tatement when reporting this occa.ion at the unlver.lty. Wafa, 253ctober 1994, pp . 2-3 , 9 Wafa, 2'5 October 1994, p. 2 .W"a, 2~ October 1994, p. 2.113

The Struggle for Jerusalem"I do not want to go back to pains, tragedies andsufferings. The events of 1970 were not between us andour Palestinian brothers. Those who were responsible atthat time [for these events} were responsible for theLebanese [civil) war and who are responsible for thevery many things fhot befell this ummo (nofion) untilnow and that befell Polestine:'IDDespite these antagonistic statements, the overall positionadopted by the PNA was less emotional and morereasonable than its previous position, an indication that aresolution to this mounting dispute was being sought.The position of the PNA can be oullined on three levels, First.when talking about the treaty, only Israel's position wascondemned as a "flagrant violation"ll of the DOP, This wasalso clear in the official leller mentioned above sent by thePermanent Observer of Pales fine to the Secrefary Generalof the UN and to the President of the Security Council. Thisposition had been held by the PNA throughout.Second, fhe position of the PNA was more conciliatorytowards Jordan, On 29 October 1994, three days after thesigning of the Jordan-Israeli treaty. the Council of Ministers ofthe PNA met in its weekly cabinet session under thechairmanship of President Yasser Arafat. The Councilexpressed its desire to develop and to strengthenPalestinian-Jordanian relations and reaffirmed itsreservations about the treaty. especially concerning thearticles fhat deal with "Jerusalem. refugees. water andeconomic affairs." 12 Even though there were now issues tobe contested in the treaty, in addition to that of Jerusalem,the tone of the statement was more conciliatory: thestatement did not "condemn" the Jordanian position butonly expressed "reservation" about it, This was also madeclear by Faisal Hussein;' the minister responsible for the101l1_HaYllt. 26 October 1994, p . 1 .11 1I1-0ud~ . 24 October 1994. p. 512 Wala, 29 October 1994. p . 2 .114

The Jordanian-Israeli Peace TreatyJerusalem portfolio, who said that the Palestinians "do notoppose the Jordanian-Israeli treaty, but hope that somearticles in it will not jeopardise the inalienable Palestinianrights in Jerusalem."13Third, the position of the PNA has become clearer inrejecting separation between political sovereignty overJerusalem and the custodianship o ver the holy places in thecity. Israel has .been crusading for such separation, andmaintains that Jerusalem is its "etemal capital". Thestatements made by Rabin 14 and Peres 15 in this regardfollowing the signature of the treaty reaffirm this position.Chaimnan Arafat rejected this separation of functions in apublic speech in Gazo. He said that"Jurisdic tion is for God all over the universe. His Chairengulfs all the heavens and earth and not onlyJerusalem. Jurisdic tion over the universe is God's, butsovereignty over Jerusalem and jurisdiction overJerusalem is for th e Palestinian people."16Sa'eb Ereqat, PNA Minister of Local Government, said that"despite the importance of the religious sites inJerusalem, Jerusalem will continue to have a dimensionof sovereignty. It is necessary to talk about thewithdrawal of the Israeli troops from East Jerusalem inaccordance with th e principles mentioned in SecurityCounc il resolution 242 whic h affirm the inadmissibility ofocc upying territory by force."l lIn the above-mentioned leiter of Dr. al-Kidwa, the PNAconsidered the separation to be in the service of the illegal13 .1-HlJYlJt. 27 October 1994, p. S.'4 See hilS .. au~ ment at the Joint press briefil"'g wltn President Clinton following tneirrgeting in Jerusalem, in Wireless File, 29 October 1994, p. 10, col. 2.See his statement to Israel Radio. Information Report. 26 October 1994. p. 31.16 WAFA, 21 October 1994, p. 3.17 a/.Hayat. 27 October 1994, p . 6 .115

The Struggle for JRrusalemfaits accomplis created by the Israeli Governrnent in thecity. The Union of Palestinian Writers in the Gaza Stripconsidered"the simplification of the conflict over jerusalem. andchanging this conflict from one over total sovereignty toan issue of religious and political sharing is nothing but aconsolidation of [the Israeli] occupation."18The Jordanian side was also in a conciliatory mood, eventhough their position concerning their right to supervise theholy places did not change. The new element in theJordanian position was the public acknowledgement at thehighest level. and at a very important world forum, thatJordan would relinquish this right to the PNA followingagreement on the final status of Jerusalem between Israeland the PLO. This position does not represent a qualitativechange in the Jordanian position, but it indicates thatJordan is more conciliatory and is willing to give up itsreligious role to the PNA.This position was made public by Crown Prince Hassan on 2November 1994 in Casablanca, where he was heading hiscountry's delegation to the Economic Summit on the MiddleEast and North Africa. The Prince said that he "would like toput an end to the dispute over Jerusalem because there isno justification for it". He said,"when the negotiations between the Palestinians andIsrael result in an agreement on the final stotus on theCity of jerusalem. we are committed to transfer jordan'sguardianship of these places to the PalestinianAuthority." 19The Palestinian side immediately praised this statement. Inseparate statements, the Palestinian Minister of Economy,Ahmad Qrei'a (Abu Ala'), and the Minister of Religious18 WAFA. 31 October 1994. p. 3.19 al-Quds. 3 November 1994, p. 4.116

The Jordanian-Israeli Peace Tr6atyAffairs. Sheikh Hassan Tahboub. welcomed the CrownPrince's declaration.20This conciliatory position also made it possible for ChairmanArafat to telephone King Hussein on the eve of his firstofficial and public visit ever to Israel to exchange theratified peace treaty with Rabin. When he announced thisdevelopment. the King said he was happy to have spokento Arafal. On 13 November. the Chairman praised theJordanian decision to hand over the religious role to thePNA. It seems thus that the dispute between Jordan and thePNA is being contained.20 III-Qud.s, 3 November 1994, p . 4, .md Information Report, 2 November 1994, pp. 5-7oInd Informoltion Report , 3 November 1994, pp . 13-15.117

CONCLUSIONThe a.tele For JeruHllem: A Prosr.mmeof Adlon For Pe.ceJerusalem, according to the renowned Palestinian poet,Mahmoud Darwish, is "the richest city in meaning"l the worldover. Jerusalem has rich meaning in the minds and hearts ofthe Palestinian people and the entire Arab nation, as well asa central role in the minds and hearts of Muslims, Christiansand Jews throughout the world.The success or failure of the peace process between thePLO and Israel. and to a great extent between the Arabstates and Israel. depends on the way the issue of Jerusalemis treated. Chairman Arafat's call, made over a year ago, toimmediately start the process of negotiation on Jerusalem isappropriate because it refleels the Palestinian people'sconcern about the success of the peace process.Jerusalem should not be delayed to the final statusnegotiations if it is at all possible to discuss the issue.Jerusalem should be a standing issue on the agenda of anynegotiations between the PLO and Israel. rather than beinga bone of contention in the mass media whenever there is astatement by one of the parties, as is currenlly the case. Inour minds Jerusalem means first and foremost peace. Thosewho ask to postpone its discussion in fael are asking topostpone the arrival at peace. Those who proposepostponing discussion of the issue are prolonging andescalating the dispute to dangerous levels. Peace cannotbe achieved until the issue of Jerusalem is discussedthoroughly and a successful solution is found. In this sense,Jerusalem is the key to peace not only in Palestine but alsoin the Arab and Muslim world as a whole.1 Palestine. 17 July 1994. p. 28.119

The Struggle for JerusalemOpening the door of peace - with Jerusalem as the key - is aprocess that demands courage, willpower and resolution toovercome difficulties on the emotional and political levels.But those who have decided to make ·the peace of thebrave' should not shy away from adopting similarly bravesteps that are required for the peace of Jerusalem. The keyto this is genuine confidence-building measures.Confidence-building measures are not a lUxury in the peaceprocess in the Middle Easl. They are a daily necessily, with ·the whole peace process at stake if these measures do notsucceed in normalising life in the area. Confidence-buildingmeasures are, however, a two-way-street. Israel is grosslymistaken ~ it thinks that Palestinians have to provideconfidence-building measures for Israelis, while receivingnothing in retum.Peace has to be viewed as just. permanent andcomprehensive by the peoples concemed and not only bythe political elites in the area. In order for this to happen,people have to leam, grasp and feel that they arebenefiting from peace, otherwise the process may collapse.The first rule in this sharing and learning process is that theIsraelis have to recognise, once and for all, that they cannotchange the rules of the game at Will, while at the same timeasking the PNA to comply with the DOP. It has taken Israelalmost five decades and one-hundred years of war andbloody conflicts to come to one decision: the recognition ofthe Palestinian people. The hope is that it will not requireanother five decades of bitter and bloody conflicts for theIsraelis to recognise the fact that Jerusalem is not theirsalone. Israel must start educating its public that Jerusalemhas to be shared on all levels, in particular the political.jurisdictional and sovereignly levels, with the Palestinianpeople.120

Conclusion: A Programme of Action for PeaceThe starting point for this educational process is therecognition that the UN Partition Resolution 181 (III) of 1947remains valid. It was Abba Eban. the former Minister ofForeign Affairs of Israel. who described this resolution as thebirth certificate of Israel. By the same token. it is also thebirth certificate of the State of Palestine, which has yet to becreated on the ground in Palestine after it was declared bythe Palestine National Council (PNC) on 15 November 1988in Algiers. The Palestinian Declaration of Independence andthe subsequent peace initiative were based on thisresolution and accepted the partition of Jerusalem.This resolution is therefore the basis for the shoring ofPalestine and Jerusalem. The Palestinian people, asrepresented by the PLO, took this courageous step exacllyforty years after the Palestinian catastrophe. the first Israeli­Arab war in 1948. and the loss of the major port of Palestineto its Jewish inhabitants who created the State of Israel.The second faclor to be token into consideration is that onlytwo countries in the world have recognised the results of thehistorical developments that led, on the one hand. Israel tooccupy West Jerusalem and declare it its capitol. and onthe other, that led Jordon to hold East Jerusalem andmaintain it within the West Bank as port of Jordon. II has tobe recognised that these two developments were notrecognised by the world community, except by Britain andPakistan in the case of Jordon. Israel. after 48 years ofoccupying the western port of Jerusalem and 29 years ofoccupying the eastern port of the city. has not received asingle recognition of that status, not even from its staunchestsupporters. in particular the USA.East Jerusalem, including the Old City. is integral to the WestBonk. and is its heart, connecting the northern and southernparts. Palestinian life is centred around Jerusalem, religiously.politically, economically. culturally.' commercially andsocially. Israeli life, meanwhile. is centred around Tel Aviv. If121

The Struggle to, Je,usalsmIsrael does not recognise this fact and retum East Jerusalemto its Palestinian owners, the peace process will not beconsummated. Neither the Palestinian people, nor any ofthe Arab people, will look upon the setllementto be jus!,permanent or comprehensive.If Israel does not recognise this facl, it would be appropriatefor the Palestinian side, as well as the Arab parties, to openthe whole question of Jerusalem on the basis of UNResolution 181 (III) , thus denying legilimacy to the Israeliclaim to West Jerusalem.Israel has to recognise that it occupied, not liberated, EastJerusalem in 1967, when it occupied the other Palestinianand Arab Territories. There are many UN Security Counciland General Assembly resolutions that reaffirm this on ayearly basis, in addition to the resolutions to the same effectadopted by intemational agenCies and fora. Withoutrecognising this, the question of Jerusalem will continue tobe disputed for ages to come, even if a peace agreementis reached.If offiCial Israel recognises this facl, it will lead to apsychological breakthrough in the political debate in Israelthat will faCilitate a just solution to the question of Jerusalem.Continued occupation or annexation of Jerusalem, indefiance of all norms and rules of intemationallaw and thespirit of peace, will lead to strengthened resistance tooccupation. Recent terrorist aUacks - such as the massacreat the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron or the massacresperpetrated by suiCide aUacks carried out by Muslimextremists - serve as a reminder what may come in theabsence of a just setllemenl. Extremists on both sides, Israelisand Palestinians, will be nourished by !he failure to find a justand acceptable solution to the question of Jerusalem.For !he peace process to be maintained, variousmechanisms must be developed. Most important among122

Conclusion: A Programme of Action fOT Peacethese should be the holding of regular summit meetingsbetween the leaders of the PLO/PNA and the Israeligovemment. Meetings which have taken place so forbetween the two have depended on the goodwill of theIsraeli Prime Minister. A modus vivendi should be foundwhere the wishes and needs of both sides will be respectedon an equal basis. All topics can and should be discussed atthese meetings. even those that seem to be insoluble. TheIsraeli Prime Minister should not use these meetings to punish.penalise or reward the PNA for failing in its serious endeavorsto curb acts of violence committed in Israel by residents ofthe Palestinian territory. Such an Israeli practice not onlyembarrasses the PNA in front of its constituencies but alsoemphasises its place as the weaker party in the peaceequation.There are successful precedents for this suggestion. Duringthe 19705. French President Valery Giscard d'Estang andGerman Chancellor Helmut Schmidt met regularly,providing the opportunity for both sides to discuss allproblems between them. Such meetings also provided ahealthy atmosphere for forging confidence-buildingmeasures between the two nations. transforming them intothe fulcrum for westem European cooperation andintegration. Furthermore, the meetings provided a forumwhere the two leaders could get to know each other betterand to learn one another's idiosyncrasies. interests and wayof thinking. They thus helped to overcome the difficulties inFranco-German understanding, and quickened the pace ofGerman re-integration into the westem Europeancommunity.II is extremely important to enable all Palestinian leaders toreturn to Palestine. and it is equally important for Palestinianleaders to be conscious of the importance of their comingback home. Since the retum of President Arafat to Gaza.Palestine has become the centre of the Palestinian politico:movement. Other Palestinian leaders have to follow suit if123

The Struggle for J.rusa/emthey want to remain in the centre of activity. Israel shouldnot hinder the return of these leaders to the PalestinianTerritories. as their return is in the interest of peace in thelong run.The PlO/PNA have to be very clear in addressing the issuesof peace when talking to the Palestinian people. They mustadopt open and clear policies on the issue of Jerusalem.The clearer they are and the more open they are. the morethe PlO/PNA will have support and trust among thePalestinian. Arab and Muslim peoples.The PlO/PNA must make it clear that negotiations are overthe Gaza Strip. West Bank and East Jerusalem only. This is theouter limits of peace as agreed with the Israelis. andtherefore excludes other Palestinian claims. such as in Haifa.Jaffa. Nazereth and Safad. This is very sensitive in view of theemotional repercussions that it entails. not only for thepeople. but also for the decision makers. II might cost ahuge loss in terms of popularity and votes. But clarity.openness and truthfulness will bring more gains in the longrun. A campaign of education has to be embarked upon toexplain the possible and the impossible. At a!"y rate thePLO/PNA must tell our people that East Jerusalem is withinthe realm of the possible. even within the realm of theprobable. if we work together for the success of the peaceprocess. and for the accurate implementation of theagreements that have been Signed thus for.If we are not direct. clear and truthful we will not be able toaddress the issues. Our emotions and our capabilities willGame into direct conflie!. It is necessary that aur deedsmatch our words. We should not create higher expectationsthan we can fulfill. It is better to tell our people what we cando. no matter how bitter or difficult that might be. Beingclear and direct instills self-confidence. and will establish thecredibility of the PNA among people in the long run.124

Conclusion: A Programme of Action for PeaceEconomic projects alone might create jobs and raise thestandard of living, but they are not the only answer to thequestion of opposition. The PLO/PNA has to start its ownpolitico-ideological campaign on all levels, including themass media, in order to face the challenge. Hence, amarriage of sound economic policies with the right politicalcampaign will be a more successful answer to theopposition.Claiming Jerusalem in general terms might be emotionallysatisfying but will lead nowhere politically. The PLO is not thesole actor on the scene and for that matter not thestrongest. The Palestinian side should be clear, direct andopen that what is being sought is East Jerusalem. Theyshould be clear that in East Jerusalem we are ready to sharea common destiny of peace, where free access to the holyplaces will be guaranteed not only by the Palestinian policeforce, but by a combined intemational force composed ofall interested parties, among them the Palestinian and Israelipolice forces.We should make it clear to our people in East Jerusalem,which is to be the capital of the State of Palestine, that lifecannot be separated in terms of functions such as healthcare, roads and communications, electricity, telephonelines, tourism and commerce, industry and freedom ofmovement.We should make it clear that we have to learn to livetogether. Joint municipal councils should exist wherenecessary, while separate Palestinian and Israeli municipalcouncils should operate in neighbourhoods which areexclusively Palestinian or Israeli. There should be twomunicipalities for the Palestinian Arab and the Israeli sectors,with a joint council for arbitrating differences. Commonproceeds from taxation and other joint public enterprisesshould be shared equally in a joint fund for thedevelopment of the city. Political sovereignty and125

The Struggle for Jerusalemjurisdiction should be given 10 each community: Paleslinianin the Old City and East Jerusalem. and Israeli in WestJerusalem. Two capitals in one city. Chandigar in India andRome (the Vatican) are successlul precedents.The success or failure of the peace for Jerusalem alsodepends on the other actors. namely Israel. Ihe Arabcountries and the international community. and in particularthe USA.Israel has to be convinced, and it has to convince itself, thatpeace with the Palestinian people depends on theachievement of a solution to the question of Jerusalem thatis acceptable to the Palestinian people. A solution seen tohave been irnposed on the Palestinian leadership will not beviable.Faithful implementation of the DOP will be a necessary firststep in the right direction. Israel cannot constantly clairnthat the Palestinian leadership has to adhere to the DOPwhen it itself violates all the articles in the DOP, especiallythe timetable for implementation. According to the DOP.Jerusalem is an issue for the final status negotiations,whether these start now or later in 1996. Thus Israel must stopall policies and measures that can affect the final outcomeof the negotiations on Jerusalem. They have to stop all theirpolicies with regard to setllements. especially theexpropriation of Palestinian land and the building of by-passroads. Israel has to stop the illegal increase in the Jewishpopulation of East Jerusalem which has risen from zerobefore the June war to 168.000 at present.The Arab countries have to help in this regard. One of theaims of the peace process is to forge normal relationsbetween the states in the region. including Israel. Arabcountries should be called upon to make a linkagebetween normalisation of relations with Israel and progressin negotiations on the question of Jerusalem. Diplomatic126

Conclusion: A Programms of Action for Peacerelations that Israel seeks with the Arab states should be alsolinked to diplomatic relations between these countries andthe PNA. Only thus can Israel understand the limitation of itspower in the peace process, as well as the unexploredopportunities that a successful peace process can open upfor them in the region and the world at large,Morocco and Tunisia have successfully aeled according tothis policy. The opening of their respeelive representations inTel Aviv was linked to the opening of similar representationsin the territory of the PNA. Israel and the USA not onlyunderstood but also accepted the position. So it is safe toconclude that any raising of the level of representationwould be matched with a similar policy toward the PNA onthe ground, without jeopardising or diminishing the status ofrelations that already exist between the State of Palestineand these counfries. Egypt has also established arepresentative office in Gazo.For this policy to be successful, the PLO diplomatic andpolitical machine has to work in full gear to mobilise Arabsupport on the leadership and popular levels, ChairmanArafal. and those who work in foreign affairs in the PlO/PNA,including the PLO representatives all over the Arab world,have to start a campaign of aelive engagement with theircounterparts in the Arab world. Chairman Arafat hasresumed his shullie visits to all 'Arab countries, after all themonths that he has dedicated to the establishment of thePNA in the Gaza Sfrip and 'the West Bank since July 1994.Personal contaels in many cases have been moresuccessful than exchanging lellers, sending officialmemorandums and attending regional conferences. Thesemethods should not be put aside but should bestrengthened with the personal touch of the decisionmakers,the chemistry of idiosyncrasies and the discussionsthat open up new vistas where official papers cannotpenetrate,127

The Struggle for JerusalemThe PlO/PNA also have to approach the internationalcommunity in a way that will facilitate bettercommunication of the Palestinian position. Here also thePlO/PNA must not drop the personal diplomacy that itmastered in the 19705 and 1980s, which brought the PlOpolitical and diplomatic support from a very wide range ofcountries in Asia, Africa and latin America.The issues of peace, especially Jerusalem, need suchactivity on the part of Chairman Arafat. who has very goodpersonal and political relations with the heads of state andgovernment in these countries. These relations werenourished during the many visits by the Chairman to thesecountries that produced crucial political and diplomaticsupport regionally and internationally when the PlO was indire need of such support. Since the signing the DOP,Chairman Arafat has not been able to visit many of thesecountries. This could give the impression that the PlO/PNA isnot giving enough attention to old friends who stood on theside of the Palestinian cause in difficult periods.All these countries have a stake. in one way or another, inthe success of the peace process in the Middle East. Muslimsand Christians among them have also a major interest in thefinal arrangements on the issue of Jerusalem. And in the finalanalysis, Palestinians need world support of the Palestinianposition on Jerusalem at the United Nations, whether in theGeneral Assembly, the Security Councilor otherinternational conferences and meetings.It is accepted now as common knowledge that delays inproviding international economic assistance to the PNAhave a direct effect on the efforts of the Authority toaccelerate the economic reconstruction of the territories. Itshould be the main aim of the PlO/PNA negotiators toovercome those difficulties that impede a greater flow ofeconomic assistance. This is a two-way road. The donor128

Conclusion: A Programme of Action for Peacecommunity must take into consideration the particularsituation of the territories that make it very difficult for thePNA to fulfill the conditions put by the donor community.But this does not absolve the PNA from doing all it can tosmooth relalions with the donor community, especially interms of credibility. transparency and accountability. Anytime lost detracts from the programmes of economicreconstruction and is at the expense of the Palestinianpeople. Programmes of economic reconstruction andassistance 10 Palestinian institutions in Jerusalem shouldremain at the top of the agenda of the aid programmesbetween the PLO and the donor community. Theexperience of the September 1994 Paris meeting's failure toprovide economic assistance to Palestinian institutions inJerusalem should not deter the Palestinian negotiators fromretaining such assistance within the framework of Palestinianeconomic policy and reconstruction strategy. This shouldremain a priority, even if the PLO/PNA has to negotiate onthis with Israel. However, implementation should be inPalestinian hands.The PLO/PNA should also approach foreign countries orcommunities that own property in Jerusalem that has beenexpropriated by the Israelis in order to reclaim this property.Many religious endowment funds in East Jerusalem ownedby Greeks, Russians. Indians. Turks. European and othershave been confiscated by the Israeli authorities asPalestinian property. The PLO/PNA should encourage theseowners to reclaim their property as a mechanism to rollback the Israeli expropriation of Palestinian property.A similar policy should be adopted by the PLO towardsPalesfinian citizens whose property has been confiscated bythe Israeli authorifies. it is important in the struggle forJerusalem that Palestinians who hold foreign citizenshipclaim their personal property confiscated by the Israenauthorities. Citizens of countries which recognise and have129

The Struggle for Jerusa/Bmgood relations with Israel can sue the relevant Israelidepartment or ministry in Israeli courts or. failing that. in thecourts in the countries of their citizenship.The PLO/PNA must encourage such persons and provideassistance to make such claims. This necessitates theestablishment in the PLO/PNA of a department thatspecialises in these matters. Precedents in this regard areavailable. Tunisia has a ministry that deals with property ofTunisians confiscated during the French occupation. andwith French and other foreign property left in Tunis after theFrench withdrawal from the country. The creation of such aministry will be a necessity when the time.comes to deal withabsentee property on a wider level.The PLO/PNA has to develop policies to encouragePalestinian Jerusalemites to remain living and working in thecity. Therefore all Palestinian institutions existing in EastJerusalem must be maintained. enlarged and provided withall forms of assistance. be they economic. social. cultural orinformational. Job creation should be high on the agendaas it is in the other Palestinian territories. In order to combatIsraeli attempts to empty East Jerusalem of its Palestinianinhabitants. it is important for the PLO to transform Jerusaleminto a centre of attraction to its people. Housing projectsand development of the Palestinian infrastructure in the cityshould be implemented through the Palestinians responsiblein East Jerusalem. in order to avoid disputes with Israel onthese projects. This will create more jobs to attract "Arablabour" from the city and its surroundings.The PLO/PNA should give more attention to the religiousinstitutions. Muslim and Christian in the Old City of Jerusalem.and to developing social policies for their wori

Conclusion: A Programme of Action for Peace(OIC) so that more assistance and exchange of personnel.ideas and material be made available. Approachingindividual philanthropists and benefactors should become apolicy of the PlO.On the Christian level at least two important activities shouldbe undertaken by the PlO/PNA. First, the PlO/PNA shouldencourage the revival of the inter-Christian Committee inEast Jerusalem, which has become dormant over the yearsbecause of rivalries between the churches. The PlO canhelp this committee function as an important bulwark inrolling back the policies of confiscation and Judaisationimplemented by the Israeli authorities in Jerusalem.Second, the PlO/PNA should be an active participant in thecelebrations for the second millennium of the birth of JesusChrist. The Vatican and the other Christian churches areheading the preparations. Pope John Paul II has declaredthat he wishes to visit the Holy land and Jerusalem on thatoccasion. Israel is establishing a national committee toparticipate in the preparations and the celebrations. ThePlO/PNA cannot be a latecomer to these preparations. ThePlO should start a national committee and establish itscontacts with the concerned parties immediately. Not onlycan the PlO consolidate its role in Jerusalem by such action,but it will also foster its political claims to the Old City as thecapital of the State of Palestine.The PlO/PNA succeeded in making the Palestinian electionsin East Jerusalem the focus of the Palestinian democraticprocess. The Israeli behaviour towards the Palestinianelections and voters in East Jerusalem was irrational. It notonly violated what had been agreed upon in terms offacilitating the election process, but also turned the electioncentres in East Jerusalem into military barracks to deterPalestinians from casting their votes. The statements of theinternational observers during the election process on 20-21January 1996 were the best evidence of Israeli violations.131

The Struggle for JerusalemThese elections are, however, the best proof that Jerusalemhas been confirmed on the agenda of the final statusnegotiations.Jerusalem is the centre of the Palestinian territory linking itsnorthern and its southern parts. It is the cultural and religiouscentre of the Palestinian people. Whether Israel likes it ornot. this has to be made very clear, not only to thePalestinian people, but also to the Israeli people, Tel Aviv isthe centre of Israeli life, not Jerusalem, despite the claims tothe contrary by the Israelis. The Palestinians cannotconcede East Jerusalem. Jerusalem is the other side of thecoin of peace. Without it, peace will be incomplete at best.132

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