The degree of human rights violations and abuses arising from the recent crises in Onitsha,Anambra State caused alarm among human rights communities. It was a period characterized bya momentum of lawlessness and which perpetrators both state and nonstate actors imposed astate of fear and violence on the state. Indeed, it was a period when law and order completely brokedown and, there was no respect for human life and dignity. Victims of the relentless attacks andencounters were not only the members of the warring factions but also, innocent civilians caughtbetween the crossfire and used as human shields by either of the groups.The bloody clashes that led to scores of death and injuries and destruction of properties worth billionsof naira, was the aftermath of conflicts between armed groups like the Movement for the Actualizationof the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), National Association of Road Transport Owners (NARTO)and the Government Agents, the Police and Military Forces.In January 2006, a bloody clash involving suspected militants belonging to the Movement for theActualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) and National Association of Road TransportOwners (NARTO) erupted in Ogbaru Main Market, near Upper Iweka in Onitsha, Anambra State.The bloody clash, which left several people, including innocent bystanders dead and injured, was aclimax of a protracted power tussle between several armed groups in Onitsha and its environs for thecontrol of several lucrative revenue spots especially motor parks and markets in the state. Theperpetrators of the violence were largely dissatisfied young men whose hostility towards theeconomic/political reform of the Anambra State government led them to pursue a violent agenda in adesperate move for survival and relevance in Anambra State. The clash reoccurred few weeks later,between 26 th and 28 th April 2006, this time, at the Onitsha Main Market (a sprawling internationalmarket reputed to be the biggest in Africa). This second clash was between members of the <strong>Nigeria</strong>nPolice Force and militants belonging to the MASSOB. Though it is not clear what caused this round ofclashes, the police claimed that they moved to stop the criminal activities of the militants. However, theresidents of the affected neighborhood said the police fought alongside members of the NARTO thugs,to dislodge MASSOB militants. About six people were reported killed in this clash.Between June 15 and 20, 2006, fresh crisis erupted in Onitsha, Anambra State. Members of variousgroups including the NARTO, Anambra Vigilante Services (AVS), MASSOB, BAKASSI Boys andNational Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW), fought for control and power over territory andresources, with NARTO allegedly colluding with the police to terrorize motorists at car parks andunleash terror on the city. Houses were burnt and police vehicles were seized and set ablaze, theOnitsha prison was attacked and about 204 prisoners set free. The cost of the crisis has been put atabout N1. 3 billion per day in terms of losses to businesses.There was also loss of lives ( 1 See Ruben Abati, Gurdian Newspapers, June 2006)In a swift reaction,the Inspector General of Police set up a Task Force to clamp down on the armed groups specifically theMASSOB. The Task Force led by DCP John Haruna swung into action, raiding several known militant’shideouts in the city. The militants fought back wounding several policemen and in one instance, set apolice armoured tank on fire.This report chronicle events that led to the political violence in Onitsha as a case study of both theorchestration of violence as a political tool and the devastating impact of gangsterism on human rights.This was not an isolated crisis. In the past the fight often involve several armed groups and gangs,which often led to the state government, the various commands of the police force such as Zone 9Command Umuahia, state Police Command, Area command and even the Divisional Police command66
acking different groups according to where their interest lies. The federal government responded byinstructing the police to restore sanity to the embattled commercial city.The genesis of the crisis dates back to the era of Dr. Chinwoke Mbadinuju who was Governor ofAnambra State between 1999 and 2003. Prior to Mbadinuju’s administration, the motor parks in thestate were administered by the NURTW, which also controls most of the motor parks in <strong>Nigeria</strong>. Early inthe administration of Mbadinuju, Chief Nweke Ogbodu, who was a leader of NURTW was assassinatedby unknown gunmen. It was suspected that his killing was connected with the struggle to control thelucrative motor parks in the state. The assassination of Chief Nweke created an opportunity for the rivalNARTO to move in. They found an ally in some politicians in the state notably Chief Chris Uba whoconvinced the governor to cede the parks to NARTO. It was alleged that huge sums of money runninginto millions of naira, changed hands between some powerful individuals in the state and top officials ofthe Mbadinuju administration.Having secured the right to manage the parks and mindful of dangers posed by rival groups likeNURTW, and desirous of increasing its fund drive, NARTO set about consolidating its hold on the motorparks by recruiting and arming thugs and unemployed youths in the state. This was the situation beforeChris Ngige succeeded Mbadinuju as Governor of Anambra State in May 2003.During the tenure of Chief Chris Ngige, NARTO became increasingly drawn into the political crises inAnambra state.(Insert Foot note, explaining power struggle and Chris Uba) With it’s Chief Patron ChrisUba, being a major actor in the Anambra crises, it was only natural that NARTO would take sides withhim.Thus during the November 2004 invasion of Anambra State Government House, many blamed NARTOfor carrying out the burning and looting on behalf of some disgruntled politicians in Anambra state. Wellaware of NARTO's growing threat to his administration, Chief Chris Ngige, whose security details hadbeen withdrawn by the Federal Government (insert footnote on ruling of Justice Egbo Egbo), resortedto building alternative alliances and power base. Aware of the growing popularity of MASSOB,Governor Ngige wooed the Organisation and it now assumed the role of providing the Governorprotection and security. Meanwhile MASSOB, a supposedly nonviolent selfdetermination groupgradually became infiltrated by armed gangs leading to the formation of an armed wing known as theBiafra Commandos (BCOM).Well aware of the treat posed by NARTO, whose allegiance lay with Chief Uba, his political adversary,Chief Ngige made many attempts to dislodge NARTO from the motor parks with the help of MASSOB.NARTO successfully resisted those moves with the active support of the police. It is alleged that in theevening of January 5, 2006, Anambra State officials reportedly sent a 30 man armed vigilanteoperatives to join forces with BCOM militants to fight NARTO. Several witnesses said that the policewere drafted in the parks to provide security to NARTO operatives. One journalist described thescenario thus” It was an ugly sight. Several policemen were seen loitering atthe premises of NARTO and major motor parks in the state.67
- Page 1:
THE STATE OF HUMAN RIGHTSINNIGERIA2
- Page 5 and 6:
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSThe National Human
- Page 7 and 8:
FOREWORDThe State of Human Rights i
- Page 9 and 10:
INTRODUCTIONThe history of human ri
- Page 11 and 12:
CHAPTER ONEEXTRAJUDICIAL, SUMMARY
- Page 13 and 14:
On the 11 th of August, 2006, bodie
- Page 15 and 16:
Corpse of Mr. Lugard Monday© Insti
- Page 17 and 18:
CHAPTER TWOTORTURE, CRUEL, INHUMAN
- Page 19 and 20:
Moments after Patrick died, a senio
- Page 21 and 22:
CHAPTER THREEPOLICE CELLS AND OTHER
- Page 23 and 24:
On February 18, 2006, Babagana Zann
- Page 25 and 26: the visits. Without being informed
- Page 27 and 28: last resort and for the minimum nec
- Page 29 and 30: Binta Umar, a 33yearold woman w
- Page 31 and 32: 2006, only one government lawyer fr
- Page 33 and 34: Women and ChildrenThe prison does n
- Page 35 and 36: of rape and abduction against him.
- Page 37 and 38: SOKOTO CENTRAL PRISONIntroductionTh
- Page 39 and 40: Ifeanyi Arasu, aged 28, was charged
- Page 41 and 42: Vocational FacilitiesThere were thr
- Page 43 and 44: BeddingsAt the male cells, only the
- Page 45 and 46: KUJE PRISONINTRODUCTIONKuje prison
- Page 47 and 48: RECOMMENDATIONS ON KUJE PRISONi) At
- Page 49 and 50: VISITORS’ BOOKSeveral visitors’
- Page 51 and 52: (e)Not to order imprisonment for fi
- Page 53 and 54: 5 Ahmed Suleiman, age 31 remanded i
- Page 55 and 56: RECOMMENDATIONS1) The States should
- Page 57 and 58: CHAPTER FIVEWOMEN AND OTHER GENDER
- Page 59 and 60: When the victim was interviewed, sh
- Page 61 and 62: CHAPTER SIXFREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AN
- Page 63 and 64: various persons and clients of the
- Page 65 and 66: · Child labor and child traffickin
- Page 67 and 68: 4. Abdullah Mohammed, aged 16. He r
- Page 69 and 70: CHAPTER EIGHTHEALTH“The State sha
- Page 71 and 72: CHAPTER NINEFOOD AND SHELTER“The
- Page 73 and 74: CHAPTER TENLABOUR“The state shall
- Page 75: CHAPTER ELEVENCOMMUNNAL CONFLICTS A
- Page 79 and 80: claimed several lives, the Federal
- Page 81 and 82: Onitsha/Owerri Road, Mr Johnson Oka
- Page 83 and 84: “They came about 2.10 am, shootin
- Page 85 and 86: should do is to direct that every b
- Page 87 and 88: CHAPTER TWELVEFREEDOM OF MOVEMENT A
- Page 89 and 90: CHAPTER THIRTEENACCESS TO JUSTICE A
- Page 91 and 92: On September 9, 2005, Samuel and ot
- Page 93 and 94: CHAPTER FOURTEENPOLITICAL KILLINGS
- Page 95 and 96: CONCLUSIONGENERAL RECOMMENDATIONS1.
- Page 97: 30. The Ministry of Justice should