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The Obama Moment. European and American Perspectives

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42<br />

2. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Obama</strong> administration <strong>and</strong> Europe<br />

still finds its footing <strong>and</strong> is preoccupied with an ambitious domestic reform agenda<br />

while beset by serious economic woes.<br />

In short, while tone <strong>and</strong> style have changed for the better, differences in national<br />

interest <strong>and</strong> outlook, both across the Atlantic <strong>and</strong> within Europe, could mark the<br />

limits of charisma. And as the geopolitical framework for transatlantic partnership<br />

shifts, the relationship is challenged to adjust accordingly. Seven benchmark issues<br />

offer a guide to prospects for more effective US-EU relations.<br />

Seven challenges<br />

<strong>The</strong> economic crisis<br />

<strong>The</strong> first task for the US-EU partnership is to tackle immediate economic challenges<br />

while positioning the transatlantic economy for the future. Few issues are<br />

likely to shape <strong>European</strong>-<strong>American</strong> relations over the next few years as the global<br />

economic crisis. <strong>The</strong> Great Recession should have erased any doubt about how<br />

interconnected the transatlantic economy has become. <strong>The</strong> deeper <strong>and</strong> more prolonged<br />

the downturn, the greater the risks of inward, insular policies on both<br />

sides of the Atlantic. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Obama</strong> administration <strong>and</strong> its <strong>European</strong> partners face a<br />

common challenge: to show their citizens <strong>and</strong> billions around the world that it is<br />

possible to reap globalisation’s benefits while making its costs bearable to those<br />

most directly affected, without succumbing to protectionist temptations.<br />

To date, the <strong>Obama</strong> administration <strong>and</strong> its <strong>European</strong> partners have struggled in<br />

their efforts to confront the economic crisis. <strong>The</strong> US has spent about 6 percent of<br />

GDP on its ‘<strong>American</strong> Recovery <strong>and</strong> Reinvestment Plan.’ <strong>European</strong> plans have varied<br />

widely, with Spain spending 2.3 percent, Germany 1.5 percent, France 0.7 percent,<br />

<strong>and</strong> Italy only 0.2 percent of GDP – despite the <strong>Obama</strong> administration’s call<br />

for greater stimulus efforts. Many of the key differences, however, are to be found<br />

among <strong>European</strong>s, rather than between <strong>European</strong>s <strong>and</strong> <strong>American</strong>s. France <strong>and</strong> Germany,<br />

for instance, have teamed up to urge stricter financial regulation, but the<br />

British – keen to protect the City of London’s global financial position – have resisted.<br />

Britain <strong>and</strong> France, in turn, have tried to borrow their way out of recession,<br />

while German politicians have retained their historical opposition to public debt.<br />

French President Nicolas Sarkozy has attacked the monetary policy of the <strong>European</strong><br />

Central Bank for being deflationary while German Chancellor Angela Merkel has<br />

criticised it for being inflationary.

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