lance System have yet to be fielded. Concurrently, the globalspace surveillance network (SSN), made up of legacy systemsdesigned to detect and track satellites and missiles launched fromthe former Soviet Union, continues to age, requires major refurbishment,and does not provide the capabilities needed in thepresent threat environment. Even with today’s SSA capabilities,significant coverage gaps exist within the US network. Regionsof the world outside the western hemisphere, not covered by theSSN, provide significant opportunities to interfere with or attackour satellites, without fear of detection or attribution. For this reasonalone, Tier 1 partnerships with allies to expand our coveragebeyond current capabilities provide immediate benefit towardssurveillance of space. Agreements to share SSA data, especiallyin regions with limited or no SSA coverage, would increase ourability to detect a possible attack, but more importantly, attributeit back to the aggressor.Access to allied SSA capabilities and data from outside oursurveillance visibility begins to close US coverage gaps. By increasingour detection capability, we reduce the likelihood of anunattributed attack. This likely would deter an adversary fromtaking actions on-orbit, or even attacks utilizing ground-basedcapabilities. Through proper agreements, there’s great value inadding these capabilities into routine, day-to-day operations. Yet,there may be legitimate reasons why we might only access someallied capabilities during increased tensions or time of conflict,viewing them as a “ready reserve” only. By doing so, and communicatingour intent to tap into non-specified capabilities, wemaintain a valid surge capability, while limiting our adversary’sability to develop tactics, techniques or procedures to counterthese non-standard modes of operation. Stating and exercisingthese reserve modes would demonstrate their credibility, aidingtowards denying the benefit of military space actions outside therange of the US SSN. With the appropriate agreements, operationalconcepts and data feeds in place, routine modes would providecontinuous 24/7 support, while ready reserve modes wouldallow our joint commanders flexibility in accessing additionalSSA capability within minutes, resulting in a true on-orbit <strong>ORS</strong>Tier 1 capability.Rapid Augmentation of On-Orbit Intelligence,Surveillance and Reconnaissance (<strong>ORS</strong> Tier 2):The US’ need for information and situational awareness continuesto increase through all phases of military operations, aswitnessed in the current conflicts in both Iraq and Afghanistan.For example, over the past several years, the <strong>Air</strong> <strong>Force</strong> surgedunmanned aerial system (UAS) coverage within Iraq and Afghanistan,increasing overhead air persistence and providingnear-continuous situational awareness to troops on the ground.Counter to this, overhead reconnaissance provided by space hasnot been this responsive. The high cost to access space, both inlaunch vehicles and the exquisite nature of the systems have beencontributing factors. This is not to say that satellite reconnaissancehas not played a vital role in these conflicts. <strong>No</strong>r shouldit suggest that we abandon these systems for less exquisite, lesscapable intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) platforms.Exquisite systems and their capabilities play a key role inour national security, enabling the strategic decision-making ofour senior government and military leadership. However, due totheir low-density nature yet high-demand information services,they provide an attractive target for a future adversary.<strong>Space</strong>-based collection systems deliver key strategic indicationsand warning of denied areas. Future adversaries will likelyseek to deny the US access and visibility of their movement, evenwith the limited persistence provided by our low-density, highdemandspace systems. Early indications and warning, especiallyof sites known to possess space negation capabilities, will be criticalduring Phase 0 of joint operations, the shaping phase, as weattempt to prevent or prepare for a conflict. 17 The actual denialof space capabilities may serve as the transition trigger to Phase1 of joint operations, as we struggle to gather information andgain the necessary situational awareness required to define thecrisis. The time frame for Phase 1 may be limited, likely occurringover just a few short weeks. Our ability to observe, orient,decide, and act on the situation could be greatly hampered if earlyindications and warning is denied during these critical early daysof a potential conflict. This end-state provides great benefit to apotential adversary.Denial of our ISR may occur through several means: Eitherpurposeful, reversible interference such as blinding or a morecatastrophic, direct-kinetic attack against an on-orbit system. Regardlessof the means, one of the adversary’s goals would be todeny the US full-spectrum electromagnetic “visibility” to deniedareas. Yet, a credible Tier 2 <strong>ORS</strong> capability to rapidly access,augment or replace some aspects of ISR would deny this benefit.This sort of rapid capability, especially in a small satellitesystem, will not provide all the exquisite capabilities affordedby our national systems. However, if credible, it should providemilitary planners the responsiveness necessary for situationalawareness and intelligence to define the crisis, effectively denyingthe adversary the benefits they desire in the early stages of aconflict. Further, by reducing the cost of Tier 2 launch and spacesystems to just tens of millions of dollars, we have the potentialto launch numerous ISR systems in a very short period. In thiscase we quickly move from high-demand, low-density overheadspace reconnaissances to a relatively large ISR constellation withhigh revisit coverage and increased space-based persistence. Inshort, <strong>ORS</strong> would provide surge or swarming global coverage,with increased access and revisit to regions of interest. While theadversary seeks to limit or deny our access, their actions wouldinstead result in <strong>ORS</strong> denying these benefits through increasedpersistence that did not previously exist. If proven credible, bothin our ability to rapidly launch and access space, and to providedecision makers useful intelligence of the situation, <strong>ORS</strong> Tier 2augmentation of ISR provides a key deterrent against attacks.Tier 1 SSA cooperation and Tier 2 ISR augmentation are justtwo examples of how <strong>ORS</strong> could act as a deterrent. Yet, deterrencefor space can and should extend beyond the space domain… high altitude, long duration systems, UAS’s, and new aircraftcapabilities could be used to augment, or replace on a limited basis,capabilities provided by space. These cross-domain capabilitieslikely will not enable the same speed, precision, and lethalityto military operations afforded by their space-based equivalents.Yet they would provide a degree of mission assurance, enablingthe US to “fight through” a denied period until full space capabilitiescould be restored. In fact, if our adversaries are convincedthat the US can “fight through” disruptions in space, deterrence41 High Frontier
will be enhanced. 18 Ultimately, survivability of space systems todeliver the enabling capabilities currently through space operationsis critical to credibly denying benefits to the adversary.Deterrence is not the sole answer to preventing attacks. Yet,some believe the DoD seeks only to deter, not protect space assets.One such article claims, “Pentagon planners are looking towarddeterrence instead of protection to safeguard critical servicesprovided by space assets in times of peace, crisis, and war.” 19AFSPC and the National Reconnaissance Office have taken initialsteps to protect future space systems, with active and passivedefenses offering deterrence value as well. 20Deny the Benefits—“To Protect and Continue Service”<strong>No</strong>w about a week ago I was sitting with our new chief (General<strong>No</strong>rton A. Schwartz), and I told him I get the same question overand over. I get this question when I testify, I get this questionwhen I get out in public audiences like this, and the question alwaysgoes, actually there are two questions. First question is, arewe too reliant on space? And the second question is, what happensif we lose space capabilities? And to the first, I say no we’renot too reliant on space, much like our reliance on airpower, itshapes the way America fights. <strong>Space</strong> shapes the way Americafights. And we must continue to have that kind of capability tocontinue to fight the way we do, which is really the answer to thesecond question—what happens if we lose it? Well I believe itcreates a time warp in the opposite direction, you don’t go forwardin time, you go backwards in time. We get slower, our actionsare less precise. ~ General C. Robert Kehler 21Offices such as the <strong>Space</strong> Protection Program, a joint programbetween the National Reconnaissance Office and AFSPC, are importantto current and future space systems. 22 Yet some arguethat protection will be too expensive or will likely fail. From1957 through 2007 the US invested nearly one and a half trilliondollars in space. 23 In 2008 alone, the US spent nearly $43 billionacross the National Aeronautic <strong>Space</strong> Administration (NASA),the DoD and other government organizations. 24 These significantinvestments in space highlight how much the US stands tolose. To put this in perspective, according to newspaper reportsin 2008, Pentagon officials estimated the cost to shoot down thefailed US spy satellite ranged anywhere from $30 million and$60 million dollars, with the missile alone costing approximately$10 million. 25, 26 Compare this to a single reconnaissance satellitein low Earth orbit that likely tops $1 billion. This example alonehighlights the need to protect space. We must take immediate andprudent steps to protect our space systems to assure basic spacebasedservices to users worldwide.It is hard to imagine military operations without the positionand timing information provided by the NAVSTAR Global PositioningSystem. Or, the intelligence and situational awarenessprovided by nearly 50 UAS combat air patrols, remotely controlledthrough communications satellites from Creech AFB, Nevada.As stated by General Kehler during his 2008 AFA speech,without space, we are slower and less precise in our military operations.27 In fact, roll back the calendar ten, fifteen, even twentyyears, and previous tactics, techniques, and procedures used bymilitary forces in those timeframes may not even be possible today.Integrating space has changed how we execute military operations,from the delivery of munitions, to communications withdeployed troops, to basic navigation. This lends more credenceas to why protected space capabilities, basic mission assurancefor key warfighting functions, and minimizing or eliminating vulnerabilitiesare long overdue and an absolute necessity movingforward.History does lend examples of how vulnerabilities can beviewed as an instigator to action. In his 1954 RAND study, “Selectionand Use of Strategic <strong>Air</strong> Bases,” Albert Wohlstetter concludedthat our overseas, nuclear-capable bomber deterrent wasextremely susceptible to attack. In fact, instead of being a deterrentto war, because of their proximity to the enemy, it became amagnet for a potential first-strike. At the time, a first-strike hadthe potential of eliminating much of America’s deterrent force,leaving the former Soviet Union with a capable second-strike optionand a nuclear victory. As a result, based on Wohlstetter’srecommendation, we dispersed and hardened our nuclear capabilitiesand invested heavily in early warning capabilities to increasethe survivability of our force. Bomber forces were dispersedby pulling them back to nearly 30 US-based hardened locationswith increased defenses for early warning and protection. 28 Thisscenario is especially relevant to today’s space capabilities. Ourdependence upon space across the range of military operations issimilar to our forward deployed bomber force of the 1950s. Thevulnerabilities of both invite an enemy strategic planner to exploitthese weaknesses. Increased hardening, protection, and dispersalshould play a similar role in minimizing vulnerabilities in space.Impose Costs and Encourage Restraint—CompletingDeterrenceThis approach to a deterrence strategy, while focused primarilyon denying benefits, must also consider means to impose costsand encourage restraint across a broad spectrum of potential adversaries.This integrated approach to deny, impose, and encourage,provides a cumulative effect to achieve a full spectrum deterrencestrategy. Deterrence will be adversary dependent. <strong>No</strong>single action or capability, including <strong>ORS</strong>, will have the samedeterrent effect on each potential adversary.The US will use credible cross-domain capabilities in air, sea,and possibly land or cyber, to impose costs on an adversary. 29Examples could include sea or bomber-launched cruise missilespositioned in or near the region, or a future prompt global strikecapability. 30 In the end, our most credible means to impose costswill consist of cross-domain capabilities that threaten the mostimportant adversary assets.While conventional weapon systems play a role in this deterrenceframework, encouraging restraint is likely best accomplishedthrough diplomatic measures. The Outer <strong>Space</strong> Treatysigned in 1967 continues to serve as the basis for internationalspace law. 31 Forty-three years later, an updated Outer <strong>Space</strong> Treatyis in order. Additionally, establishing other “codes of conduct”for the peaceful use of space may enhance security and maintainstability within the international space community. These stepswould broaden the international community committed to thepeaceful use of space, creating a more coordinated internationaldiplomatic response to an attack. Yet given this, treaties andcodes will be difficult to monitor, verify or enforce. In the eventof an attack, especially a non-kinetic attack, attribution back toHigh Frontier 42
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Book ReviewThe New Space Race: Chin