VOLUME VII 1959 - British Agricultural History Society

VOLUME VII 1959PART IPRINCIPALCONTENTSThe Animal Remains found at Kirkstall Abbeyby M. L. RYDERSome Agricultural History Salvagedby H. CECIL PAWSONThe Tithe Surveys of the Mid-Nineteenth Centuryby H. C. PRINCEPlough Rituals in England and Scotlandby THOMAS DAVIDSONIm

THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWVOLUME VII PART 1 • 1959_ NCONTENTSThe Animal Remains found at Kirkstall AbbeySome Agricultural History SalvagedThe Tithe Surveys of the Mid-NineteenthCenturyPlough Rituals in England and ScotlandList of Books and Articles on Agrarian Historyissued since September 1957Reviews:L'Homme et La Charrue ¢} travers le Monde,by A. G. Haudricourt and M. J-B. DelamarreFarm Crisis, x919-23, by James H. ShidelerBritish Friesians : a History of the Breed,by J. K. StanfordThe Fruit Year Book, ~958The Agricultural Register. Changes in the EconomicPattern, z956--7The Old Norwegian Peasant Community,by A. Holmsen and othersOrigins of Ownership, by D. R. DenmanDe Landbouw in Brabants Westhoek in hed middenvan de achttiende eeuw, by Ir. W. J. DewezEen Fries LandbouwbedrO'f in de tweede helfte van dezestiende eeuw, by B. H. Slieher van BathEen Samenleving onder Spanning,by B. H. Slither van BathReport of the Royal Commission on Common LandThe Historical Atlas of CheshireWhere London Ends, by E. W. MartinA Dictiomzry of the Sussex Dialect,by W. D. Parish and Helena HallSuffolk Farming in the Nineteenth CenturyRobert Bakewell, by H. C. PawsonEvolution of the Veterinary Art, by J. F. SmitheorsNotes and CommentsLetters to the EditorNotes on ContributorsM. L. Ryder page zH. Cecil Pawson 6H. C. Prince 14Thomas Davidson 2 7Joan Thirsk 3 8T. H. Aston 48Harwood Long5 IR. Trow-Smith 53Winifred M. DuIlforce 54Edith H. Whetham 55Margaret Davies 56G. D. G. Hall 56G. E. FusseU 57G. E. Fussell 57G. E. Fussell 58Dorothy Sylvester 59H. P. R. Finberg 60W. E. Minchinton 61L. F. Salzman 61J. W. Y. Higgs 62George Houston 63G. E. Fussell 6326, 3747, 6413Li! .Ci)('I 'liar:ii!il~~.'l j1 ]i)(~!l7. ], J

The Animal Remains found at KirkstallAbbeyTBy M. L. RYDERHE use of archaeology as an approach to the medieval period is fairlyrecent: where records and ruins existed it was not considered possibleto add to our knowledge by excavation. The falseness of this assumptionhas been amply proved by the yearly excavations at Kirkstall Abbey,Leeds, led by Dr D. E. Owen when he was director of Leeds City Museums.There are no descriptions of Cistercian farm animals; and a study of theanimal remains found at Kirkstall has been particularly illuminating in thatit has yielded evidence of long-woolled as well as short-woolled sheep.There were incidental animal finds in most years from i95o when the excavationstarted, bones of rat, dog, ox, sheep, pig, and horse being found?The discovery of the skeleton of a horse beneath the refectory floor seemedto indicate animal burial? In addition, shells of oyster (Ostrea edulis) and ofmussel (Mytilus edulis) were found, often in great profusion, and there werecockles (Cardium edule) and whelks (Buccinum undatum) in smaller numbers.These are all marine and must have come from the coast. The shells were onthe whole smaller than those of the present day, the oysters being markedlysmaller and lighter, the major axis being only about half as long as that of amodern oyster.But it was not until i956 and i957 that a large dump of bones was foundassociated with the meat kitchen? This was not built until about the middleof the fifteenth century, when the.Cistercians were first allowed to eat meat.During these two excavations the dump has been shown to extend over anarea at least 25 yards wide by 4 ° yards long, and to vary from 18 inches to oneyard in thickness. This volume has been estimated to contain bones fromabout five thousand animals. A small pocket of the bones was sealed under afifteenth-century drain leading from the meat kitchen annexe. This showsthat the dump began to accumulate before the drain was made, probably assoon as the monks began eating meat, and its size suggests that the dumpcould have been in use until the dissolution in .154o. The majority of thebones were from animals apparently used to provide food. But the fact thati1 Kirkstall Abbey Excavations, I9o5-54 (Publications of the Thoresby Society, XLIn, 1955).2 Kirkstall Abbey Excavations, Sixth Report, z956.a M. L. Ryder, 'Report on the Animal Bones, Kirkstall Abbey Excavations', Seventh Report(i957) , and Eighth Report (1958).i!j

2 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWthey were not all sealed means that intrusion of a few bones of a later date ispossible. Shells were less common in this dump than in previous years.Fowler discusses the lack of slaughter-houses in abbey plans, and suggeststhat animals were killed in a yard near the kitchen.1 The meat kitchen annexeat Kirkstall, with its flagged floor and drain, seems a likely place for the killing,and one half of the annexe could have been used to store meat.Nearly all the larger bones had been chopped, so that with limb bones itwas usually the ends that were found. There were hardly any complete bones,and so few measurements of length could be made. The ends of the bones hadfrequently been chopped a second time; this suggests that they had beenstewed and not roasted as a joint. The Cistercians originally ate vegetablestew, and it seems that when they began to eat meat they ate k stewed ratherthan roasted. With the ox, at any rate, nearly every bone in the body was represented,and so there appears to have been no preference for any particularjoint or cut of meat.Most of the bones were from domestic animals, and counts showed that9 ° per cent were from ox, 5 per cent from sheep, 3 per cent from pig, and2 per cent from deer. Bones from Red, Fallow, and Roe deer were found, butthere were too few to estimate the relative numbers of the different species.The lack of antlers suggests either that the whole carcase did not reach Kirkstall,or that the antlers were used for such articles as knife handles.The monks apparently bought or were given meat from wild animals tosupplement that from their farm stock. Bones of rabbit and hare werefound (the latter predominating), and in addition to bones of domestic fowlthere were bones of duck and goose (which could have been either wild ordomestic), and also raven, jackdaw, heron, woodcock, and blackcock (blackgrouse).There were about as many fish bones as bird bones, and most of theseseemed to be too large to have come from freshwater fish. The records ofFountains mention salmon, and that dried and salted fish (probably cod andling), as well as oysters, were bought at Hull, Scarborough, and York. Therewas a skull of a goat, one rat bone, a few dog bones, and one horse bone.The results of the counts show the proportions in which the differentanimals were eaten and cannot of course indicate the numbers of animalskept. It seems therefore that the monks ate more beef than any other meat.Sheep would be kept mainly for their wool; Eileen Power has said that in theMiddle Ages "meat was only a use to which sheep not good enough to keepfor wool could be put. ''2 An idea of the actual numbers can be obtained fromJ J. T. Fowler (ed.), Memorials ofl,'ountains, m (Surtces Sot., x3o), I9x8.'z The Wool 7'fade in I:'nglish Medieval llistory, x94I, p. 20.

ANIMAL REMAINS AT KIRKSTALL 3a record of 130 i, which states that the monks then had 6I 8 head of cattle and4,500 sheep. ~The majority of ox and sheep bones were from at least mature animals(two to three years old), and the greater proportion of ox bones were fromfairly old animals (between five and ten years old). This suggests that themonks were able to keep much of their stock over the winter; had a largenumber of animals been killed each year through lack of winter feed, onewould have expected to find a high proportion of bones from young animals.Three fragments of bone showing pathological changes were found. Thefirst was a portion of a sheep tibia showing an area of local periostitis. Thelesion probably underlay an inflammatory condition, such as an abscess, inthe superficial tissue, and the fragment appeared to have been chopped fromthe rest of the bone because of the lesion. The distal end of an ox metatarsalexhibited a growth of new bone around the edge of the articular surfaces.This arthritis may have affected the articular cartilage, but the underlyingbone was unchanged. The new growth was well developed on both posteriorand anterior aspects of the bone, and in the latter had changed the arterialgroove into a tube. The third find was a vertebral body, probably bovine,showing a spondylitis in which the new growth had resulted in bone extendingover the intervertebral disc to produce the effect of 'lipping'.The cattle were almost certainly hornless: not a single ox horn core wasfound among the immense amount of ox material. This is of interest becausethe chronicles of Meaux Abbey mention horned cattle.2 Some of the ox boneswere from animals as big as those of today, whereas others were from smalleranimals. Many measurements were made of the widths of the proximal anddistal ends of the cannon bones (only three were found complete). There wasa very wide range in these measurements, but when plotted in the form offrequency diagrams three peaks could be discerned. The peak among thelarger widths probably indicated bones from bulls, that among the smallerwidths bones from cows, and the middle one (of greatest frequency) wasprobably from bullocks (castrated males).One would expect more males than females to be eaten, but the bullocksprobably were not just beef cattle. The great age of the animals, coupled withthe large size of many of the cannon bones, suggests draught oxen, and itseems that these were killed for meat when they were too old to work. Manyof the larger cannon bones had exceptionally wide distal ends. The cause ofthis broadening at the ankle is unknown; no previous record of the phenomenonin cattle has been four,,d, but Dr J. Wilfrid Jackson has told me that1 Fundado Abbatie de KyrkestaU (Thoresby Society, IV, i895), p. 203.Chronica Monasteril de Melsa, In (Rolls Series 43, i868), p. xvii.

4 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWcannon bones with broad distal ends are common in Iron Age and Romano-British sheep. Ox cannon bones that were extremely narrow may have remainedpermanently stunted because of poor nutrition during early life.Most of the pig bones, unlike those of cattle and sheep, had lost their epiphysesand were therefore from young animals; in most of the lower jaws thesixth molar was erupting, showing them to be from animals about eighteenmonths old. The pigs were apparently therefore killed young, as they aretoday. The limb bones had the characteristic slenderness of unimprovedanimals, 1 and were on the whole smaller than those from present-day pigs.There were tusks of three sizes, and it is thought that the largest and theintermediate ones were from boars and sows respectively. But the smallesttusks were of a different character and it is suggested that these might possiblybe from wild pigs.The sheep bones were all smaller than those of present-day sheep, and thelong bones had the characteristic slenderness of unimproved animals. TheCistercians at Kirkstall seem to have had both horned and hornless sheep.This provides interesting confirmation of the generally held belief s that theyhad two kinds, viz. horned short-woolled sheep and hornless, long-woolled'valley' sheep. The horned and hornless skulls found showed a good resemblanceto skulls from modern hill and long-woolled sheep respectively. I havebeen unable to find any contemporary descriptions of the sheep that the Cistertianskept in Yorkshire. Wroot seems to have got his evidence mainly fromeighteenth-century writers such as William Marshall who said that the twomain stocks of Yorkshire sheep had not changed for centuries. The hill ormoorland sheep were then described as having black faces and coarse fleeces,and the valley sheep as being tall and clumsy, hornless, white-faced animalswhich produced the long, fine wool used in worsteds. In fact the two mainstocks can still be recognized today, although there has been much crossbreeding,and each has given rise to several modern breeds.Dr Bowden has questioned the classical belief in the existence of long- andshort-woolled sheep in the Middle Ages on the grounds that an increase inthe supply of long wool could be associated with the later improvement ofpasture? It is more likely that this was associated with an increase in thenumber of long-woolled sheep and was not a direct effect of better nutritionon wool growth as he implies. In view of what is known of the inheritance offleece types it is inconceivable that a small (most likely horned) short-woolledsheep could give rise to a large (most likely hornless) long-wool entirely as the1 j. Hammond, The Growth andDevelopment of Mutton Qualities in Sheep, I932.H. E. Wroot, Yorkshire Abbeys andthe Wool Trade (Thoresby Society, xxxm, 1935), p. 5.3 Economic History Review, znd series, ix, I956, pp. 44-58.

ANIMAL REMAINS AT KIRKSTALLresult of better nutrition. Such a change would require selective breeding.This article is not the place for a detailed discussion of the possible origin ofthe long-wool, which owing to lack of knowledge would involve much speculation.Mr Trow-Smith, too, has recently discussed the tantalizing question ofthe origin of long-woolled sheep and suggests that the Romans might haveintroduced them. 1 That the long-wools form a stock quite distinct from thehill sheep is strongly suggested by recent work on blood types. 2 J. V. Evansfound that whereas in the Swaledale (hill breed) 85 per cent of the sheep wereof a certain blood type, the Leicester (long-wool) had no sheep of this bloodtype.I have inspected some representations of sheep in medieval illuminatedmanuscripts at the British Museum. One of these showed polled sheep, atwelfth-century manuscript showed horned sheep, and a thirteenth-centuryone showed horned and polled sheep together. 3 Although it would be unwiseto place too much reliance on the appearance of these sheep, it is doubtfulwhether artists' licence would allow the omission of horns. And it is interestingthat a sheep skull of date about 13oo which I examined from the 1957excavation at the deserted village of Wharram Percy (Yorks.), led by MrMaurice Beresford, was in fact polled. The inheritance of horns is complicated,4 but at Kirkstall one can almost certainly rule out breeds in which therams are horned and the ewes polled, e.g. Welsh Mountain and Merino. Inaddition, castration of males in a horned breed is unlikely to cause loss ofhorns, only the reduction of horn size to that of the ewe. 5 Evidence is thereforeaccumulating for the existence in the Middle Ages of polled sheep thatwere probably long-wools, although it is quite likely that they were outnumberedby horned short-wools. 61 R. Trow-Smith, A History of Britisk Livestock Husbandry to ZTOO , 1957, p. 165.2 j. V. Evans, The Advancement of Science, XlII, 1956 , pp. 198-2oo.Harley 603, fo. 69b; Royal XlX, fo. 19; Adv. 20787, fo. Ilzb.A. L. Rae, Advances in Genetics, viii, 1956 , p. 189.5 A. S. Fraser, Aust. J. Agrk. Res., vI, 1955, pp. 770- 5.6 Since this article was written a new approach to the history of sheep has been started. Thisis the study of (particularly the grouping of) wool fibres remaining in ancient material such asparchmerit. Fibres in some of the parchment from the Dead Sea Scrolls showed characteristicsof long-woolled sheep.--M. L. Ryder, Nature, 182, 1958 , pp. 781- 3.

Some Agricultural History SalvagedBy H. CECILPAWSONCHANCE remark, made almost casually by my friend the late MajorJ. G. G. Rea (for many years Chairman of the Northumberland AgriculturalExecutive Committee), led to the exciting discovery of anumber of letters written by Robert Bakewell to his pupil and friend GeorgeCulley in the closing years of the eighteenth century. These letters were inthe possession of the late Mrs Leather-Culley at Callaly Castle, near Alnwick,among a large accumulation of correspondence destined for destruction.Mrs Leather-Culley was most co-operative and I soon found myself ina large store room on the top floor, surrounded by dusty cardboard boxes socrammed with bundles of papers as to daunt even the most enthusiastic researcher.For an hour I worked with no success, and then I picked up a fourpagefoolscap handwritten letter signed "Robert Bakewell," dated "Dishley,28th April," and addressed to "Mr. George Culley, Fenton, Wooler, Northumberland."This moment of discovery remains vivid in my menlory.Stimulated by this exciting find, my search was redoubled until ultimately Ihad retrieved thirty-two such foolscap letters, all written in Bakewell's ownhand, together with a copy of his financial appeal, containing the list of manysubscribers.Visiting London shortly afterwards, I called at the British Museum andelicited the information that six shorter (quarto size) letters written by Bakewellwere all that were available there. A call at Rothamsted revealed thatthe only Bakewe!i document preserved in the fine library at that Station wasa copy of his financial appeal, which on examination I found was less completethan that now in my possession. So far as I have been able to ascertainafter many enquiries, these are the only surviving original Bakewell documents.They are reproduced in full in my recent book, Robert Bakewell, PartII, The Bakewell Letters--Culley and British Museum Collections. The formercollection has been presented to the School of Agriculture, King's College,University of Durham.Looking back, I cannot but feel a sense of satisfaction that I made use ofthis almost fortuitous happening at a time when, like most agriculturists, Iwas already heavily burdened with other duties. I should like to record mygratitude to Mrs Leather-Culley for her gift of the letters and other papersand for her permission to "do with them just what you think is best.""Other papers" included a variety of printed and handwritten documentson matters which can rightly be described as agricultural history. For ex-

SOME AGRICULTURAL HISTORY SALVAGEDample, a lengthy printed document of considerable size sets out the fullscheme and costs of equipment for the establishment of an experimentalfarm in Northumberland. This is dated just one hundred years before thefamous Cockle Park Experimental Station came into being in 1897. Includedare farming tenancy agreements of the Culley Brothers, who farmed so extensivelyin Northumberland. George Culley, said to be Bakewell's favouritepupil, was the author of Observations on Live Stock, I786, a publication muchpraised by Bakewell. There were also sale catalogues of the eighteenth centuryof farms and livestock, with the prices realized marked in the margins, andother advertisements setting forth the merits of particular stallions and bulls.One fears that much local history of this kind must have been destroyed aswaste paper and in other unconsidered disposals in more recent times, andwe may wonder how much material may still be lying about,undiscovered.As an example of interesting correspondence--until now part of thehitherto unpublished "other papers' '--the following selection is made whichillustrates the leadership of Bakewell and the range of influence of his DishleySociety. It also provides an interesting revelation of the opposition in Northumberlandand elsewhere to those who rightly or wrongly were suspected ofdesiring for personal reasons a "closed shop" in livestock breeding.Fenton 23d March I792Dear Sir,We now have it [at last erased] in Contemplation to enter into an Associationon the Tup Business, and indeed a few of us Viz: Messrs. Thompsons,Nisbet, Self &c. had a private meeting yesterday at Wooler & were veryunanimous, yet we are all of an opinion, that we have some Gent m. TupBreeders in this Neighborhood who will not Join us. And should that be theCase, as they are Men of some itafluence they will be enabled to defeat ourbest Intentions, without your Association will take us by the hand. And onthis Occasion I am very happy in having it in my power to refer to a Paragraphin your letter to me of the I6 th Decemr. 91 as follows "I believe fewif any of our Company will shew any Rams before the next meeting, & it isintended to shew from the 8th of June to the 8th of July, and after that dayuntill the 8th of Sept: and from that day while the Season Continues. And inorder to prevent going to Market, I hope it will be agreed on not to let a Ramto any Person (Live where he will) but who will engage not to sell any Ramsbut what he shall see killed before they go out of his hands. Or take any toMarket, but what are already disposed of for the season, with such otherregulations as shall be thought proper" Now Sir this is what we in particularrequest to know from you immediately on receipt of this That is, if you have

THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWentered into the above resolution "Not to let a Ram to any Person, live wherehe will, but who will engage neither to sell Rams without seeing them killed,nor shew any at Market with a view to let." Then we hope we can go onupon sure grounds, & shall immediately proceed on the receipt of yourAnser. But, & if, your Association have not entered into the above resolution,& will let Tups to who ever come, without any Questions being asket,we must entirely drop all thoughts of the above Business. Because, if theabove resolution is not determindly gone into, the above Gent m. or any otherwho have got pretty deep into the Dishley Blood, will be enabled to benefitthemselves to the very great injury of this Association. And indeed ultimatelyit must injure the whole set of Breeders of that valuable Kind. That we mayhave as little Delay as posible in this important Business, you will Excuse meif I again request your immediate Answer. And after that if you think properto shew this letter to the Society at your next meeting, and if approved of willfavor us with a Correspondence, I am sure it will be very agreeable to ouryoung Association and in particular to yourObt d. & Hble Serv tG.C.P.S.OurI23 a4th5th6thpresent Resolutions areNot to market any Tups whateverTo shew only at a time (suppose zo or 3 o)Not to sell Tups even to a Butcher, except killed before taken way.To return only i again, except an Evident defect has been in the modeNot to let a Tup below 5.. 5To sell no Ewes under phead except to a Butcher who you can dependupon to Slaughter themNB.If it is not inconsistent with, or contrary to the rules of your Society wewill be glad of your advice and assistance respecting our mode of procedure,and thankfull for such regulations, as you will please to recomend to us.--Ina future letter, should these gent m. prove refractory, I shall not think itwrong to give their Names to your Association, if approved by ours. Thatyou Gent m. may be the more particularly on your guard against them.--Willit not also be necessary to get the two Mr. Collings into our Association?G.C. Copy of Let r. to Mr. BakewellSir Fenton 23 d March 92.Messrs. Thompson, Nisbet, Self & some other Breeders happening to fallin together yesterday at Wooler, & the Conversation turning upon Breeding.We considered, that a meeting of the Principal Breeders on both sides Tweed

SOME AGRICULTURAL HISTORY SALVAGED 9might benefit the Cause. Have accordingly fixed upon Thursday the 5 th ofApril next to meet at the Angel Inn, in Wooler, at IO of Clock, in the forenoon,and not later. The above Gent m. desired to Join in requesting thefavor of your attendance along with Sir your &c.G.C.NB. I will also thank you if you will name the meeting to Mr. Harriot, & thatthe Gent m. & myself will be glad to see him along with you at Wooler on theabove day. Copy of letr. to Wm Robison Esq r.1792 March 23 Copy of let r. to Mr. Bakewell on Association Business alsoone of same date to Wm. Robertson Esq r.Fenton, 19 May 1792.Well Sir,A little while ago I told you that I should by and bye have occasion towrite to you on the Tuptrade, or words to that Effect. Now you must knowthat the Tup Breeders in this corner, at least most of them, have for sometimehad it in Contemplation to enter into a Society.--And in consequence ofa letter I had yesterday, from Mr. Honeyburn Secretary to the LeicestershireAssociation. We have fixed upon Whitsun-Monday to meet upon this business,a very bad day for you to attend, however I hope either you or Bro.Charles will contrive to come, as I flatter myself it will be for all our mutualBenefits. And the members of this association earnestly request your attendance& concurrence, as well as your BroE I am sure you can have no objectionI hope to join Mess2NRobertson, Ladykirk--Alder, Horncliff--Nisbet--Potts--Thompsons--Culleys aca &ca.The foundation of the business is to take no Tups to Fairs or markets. Tosell no Tups or Ewes of the Dishley Blood to Breed from. To shew only acertain number at once say 3 o. ~c~ &ca ~ca with such other resolutions as mayfrom time to time be agreed upon by a majority of the Society at any onemeeting. The meeting will be at Joe Gibsons, Milfield ten oClock forenoon,on monday, the 28 th Inst. where we will be very happy to see you or Bro r. butif you cant come this time do say by letter before that day whether you inclineto join us or not. And as I am much hurried, must request the favor ofyour reading this letter to Mr. Cha s. Colling with the Compliments of theabove Gentlemen requesting his attendance or at all events Sentiments onthe occasion. I am for the above Gent m. & Self yourever obed_ t Humb e. Serv. tMr. Colling(Sgd) Geo. Culley.Copy of Letter to Mr. CollingP.S. I had almost forgot to tell you that our reason for meeting on the 28 isI-

10 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWbecause an answer must be with the Leicestershire Society on or before the4th of June their next meeting--& the parties could not meet sooner conveniently.Sg. G.C.19 May I792. Copy of a Letter to Mr. Colling on Association Business.Fenton 19 May I792.Dear Sir,The Gent m _ Tup Breeders in this vicinity having for some time past beeninclined to enter into an association for the mutual Benefit of the Parties soassociated; and having entered into a Correspondence with the LeicestershireSociety of Ram Breeders, a proper understanding has taken place. Andin consequence of a letter from the Secretary of that association we havef~ed upon Monday the 28 Inst. to meet at Joe Gibsons at Milfield by teno'clock forenoon, where I am requested in the name of the Association to begyour attendance, as we believe it will be for your interest to Join us. And Ihope you can have no objection to join Mess~ Robertson Ladykirk--Alder,HorncliffmNisbet--Potts~AtkinsonwThompsons & Culleys &c&c &c.It is right to acquaint you that the principal matters we propose are not totake any Tups to Fairs or Markets--not to sell Tups or Ewes to breed from.Not to shew above a certain number of Tups upon any one day--with suchother resolutions as may from time to time be agreed on at future meetings--If it should so happen either fm Ilness particular Business &c&c. that youcannot attend on the above day. Be so kind as say by letter whether youapprove & will join us at our next meeting of which notice shall be given you,in case you approve.I am for the Above Gent m & SelfDr. Sir your Ever Obt. Servt.Mr. Bates.(Signed) Geo: Culley.Copy of a Letter to Mr. Bates.[erased P.S. I had almost forgot to tell you that our reason for meeting on the28 is because an answer must be with the Leicestershire Society on or beforethe 4th of June their next meeting and the Parties could not meet sooner conveniently.Sg_ a G.C.]19 May i792Copy of a LettertoMr. Bates onAssociation Business.

SOME AGRICULTURAL HISTORY SALVAGED 11Milfield 28 May 1792.SirI was duly favored with yours of the I4th Inst. which was read before ourAssociation this Day. And the Gent m_ assembled beg their Respectfull thanksfor the attention paid them by the Leicestershire Society of Tup BreedersAnd think that the Line would be best from the Mouth of the Humber upthat River & the River Air by Leeds & Skipton, & so across Lancashire bythe Town of Lancaster to the Irish Sea. If you approve of this, & will at yournext meeting on the 4th of June extend your Resolution made to the 8th ofJune. "That no Member of the Leicestershire Society shall let or sell a RamShare or part beyond the above Line Northwards so long as these Societiesexist, except to the North d. Society." "We will on our part engage not to Letor sell a Tup Share or part beyond the above Line Southward except to theLeicestershire Society" (An Honour we can scarce flatter ourselves ever toattain) Now we repeat that when we have your Answer & concurrence to theabove resolution we will then go on with Spirit & firmness and are determinedas soon as we hear from you again (which we hope will be immediatelyat or soon after your meeting on the 4th of June), provided it meet our wishesaccording to the above request, that we shall immediately depute 2 or moreof our Members, to go South to reconoitre, and hire, if approved of some ofyour best Tups which we propose to do every year so long as we continueassociated. I am for the Society & Self Siryour obtd. & Hble Ser.Geo Culley.P.S. We are now Ten & have reason to believe that Mr. Colling & 2 or 3more will Join if we chuse, and shall be glad of the advice of your Societywhether we shall admit them.Copy of let r. toLeicester SocietyII June 1792. Wooler II June 1792Sir/Yours of the 5 th has just been read to this Society, who were disappointedthat yours should not agree to the Line proposed by this in my letter of the28th May. And I am desired to say that we will give up Lancashire, Westmoreland,Cumberland & the West riding of Yorkshire. provided you willallow us the East & North ridings, with Durham this County & Scotland,because the Society think that a clear Line is best to be understood.--Aftersaying this much we agree to your resolution in the meantime, untill our

12 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWdeputies see you Gentlemen, which will in all probabillity be about the latterend of next Week. When if you could convene a meeting we could discussthis matter more fully, & settle many matters which cannot be so well doneby Letter. Allow us to say that one great objection to the North & East ridingsof Yorkshire being at Liberty for both Societys, is, that those parts are so nearsome of our opponents, that Ewes may easily be sent by them to Tups hiredfrom your Society into Yorkshire, a matter we must recomend to you, toguard against in the strictist manner I am Sir for the Society, & Self yourObt. Servt. Geo Culley.P.S. Shall thank you to let Mr. Bettison & Stubbins know that the two Deputiesappointed by this Society will most likely be at the Blackmoores Headin Nottingham on Thursday Eve the 21 st Inst & shall wait upon these Gent m.on the Friday morning. Copy of letr. to Leicester Society 28 May 1792.The Association was duly formed, but the opposition continued, as isshown first by the meeting which was held in Berwick as advertised, underthe presidency of the Earl of Home, and secondly by a further meeting heldon 2 July 1792 at Coldstream. In the printed description of the business conductedat this latter meeting occur the following paragraphs:"Several of the Farmers present having informed the Meeting, that theyhad attended the Meeting of the Noblemen, Gentlemen, and Farmers, heldat the Red Lion in Berwick, on Saturday the 23 d Day of June last, and havingdelivered in the Resolutions entered into at that Meeting, which being openlyread."Resolved unanimously, that a monopoly of any Trade, or any Association,entered into by any set of Men, (especially of those whose Resolutionsenjoin secrecy) are highly injurious to the Public; and that the Members ofthis Meeting will pursue every measure to counteract such Associations."Resolved by the Farmers, who were not present at the said Meeting, heldin Berwick, That in case the breeders of Stock, or Members of the Associationformed at Milfield in May last, do not on or before the 12th of Augustnext, publicly dissolve the said Association, and advertise their intention tofurnish the Public with Tups, or other Stock, as formerly, and on the sameliberal Terms as other breeders in this County, that they will, on the 2oth ofAugust next, enter into Resolutions, nearly similar to those entered into bythe Nobelmen, Gentlemen, and Farmers, at Berwick, on the 23 d of June last;and they will, at all times, give a preference to those breeders who will sellTups as well as let them to hire."These 'growing pains' in the movement towards livestock improvement

SOME AGRICULTURAL HISTORY SALVAGED 13and the establishment of breed societies and standards illustrate the conflictbetween mixed motives of pride, prejudice, personal interest, and genuinedesire for progress. They also indicate why Bakewell and his devotees wereoften under the fire of criticism for their secrecy and exclusiveness, with ameasure of jealousy at times accounting for the intense opposition.WBERWICK June 9th, 1792.HEREAS, several Persons,Breeders of Stock, in theCounty of Northumberland andDurham, who are in the practice ofletting TUPS, have entered into anAssociation, or Combination; theResolutions of which are generallybelieved to be inimical to the Public.A Meeting is therefore to be heldat the Red Lion, in BERWICK, onSaturday the 23 d Instant, at 3o'Clock in the Afternoon, to concertMeasures for the purpose of counteractingany such intentions.JUNE i6th, 1792.HE Association formed for im-T proving the Breed of Sheep inNorthumberland, &c. have Associatedfor the purpose of going to anexpence in pursuit of their object,which it would not be prudent individuallyto attempt.That they have entered into aCombination inimical to the Country;(as an Hand-bill now in Circulationseems to assert) they beg leaveto deny.There can be no Combination ina Business, a participation whereofwas offered to the Principal TupBreeders in the Neigbourhood, norcan it be deemed inimical to theCountry to improve its Breed, of souseful and profitable an Animal bythe only means which appear tothem adequate to the purpose.W. PHORSON PRINTER BERWICK. W. PHORSON PRINTER BERWICK.NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORSM. L. Ryder, M.Sc., Ph.D., graduated inzoology at Leeds and is now engaged in researchon wool growth for The Wool IndustriesResearch Association.H. Cecil Pawson, M.B.E., M.Sc., sometimeprofessor and assistant director of thedepartment of agriculture, King's College,Newcastle, is the author of a life of RobertBakewell.H. C. Prince, M.A., is a lecturer in geographyat University College, London. He hascontributed to The Geographic Review, TheAmateur Historian, and other periodicals.T. D. Davidson, F.S.A.(Scot.), is a researchphysicist. He has published a study inScottish witchcraft entitled Rowan Tree andRed Thread, and many papers on folk-lore.

The Tithe Surveys of the Mid.NineteenthCenturyTBy H. C. PRINCEHE rural landscape of England and Wales in the i84o's is depictedexactly in the field-by-field surveys carried out by the Tithe Commissioners.Their enquiries covered about three-quarters of the country.The maps drawn for each parish show the boundaries of fields, woods, roads,and streams, and the position of buildings, while the accompanying schedulesgive the names of their owners and occupiers, their state of cultivation, andtheir area. The amount of detailed information they provide about landtenure, field systems, and land use is unequalled by any other series of documents.Their accuracy is sufficient to warrant their continued use as evidencein courts of law on matters not directly connected with the payment of tithe.Their uniformity and comprehensiveness are surpassed only by the LandUtilisation Survey of the I93O'S. Indeed, they rank as the most complete recordof the agrarian landscape at any period.The objects of the present enquiry are to examine the nature of tithe payments,to describe the purpose for which the surveys were made under theTithe Commutation Act of 1836 , and to discuss their value for reconstructingthe agrarian landscape of 184o.THE NATURE OF TITHESTithes customarily represented a tenth of the annual increase of the produceof the soil and were of three kinds: predial tithes, payable on the fruitsof the earth, such as corn, hay, wood, fruit, and other crops; mixed or agistmenttithes, payable on animal products, such as colts, lambs, calves, wool,milk, eggs, and honey; and personal tithes, payable on the clear gains of aman's labour and industry, generally levied only on the profits of milling andfishing. 1 By common law, tithes were not payable on minerals or anythingthat formed part of the freehold. Deer, rabbits, partridges, pheasants, wildfowl,and fish were titheable by special custom only.In the first instance, tithes were paid to the rector of a parish, who mightbe a resident incumbent or a bishop, prior, prioress, monastery, nunnery, orcollege. An absentee rector normally appointed a vicar to perform his parochialservices and allotted to him a portion of the revenues of the benefice,1 p. W. Millard, The Law Relating to Tithes and Payments in Lieu Thereof, 3rd ed., 1938,contains a concise account of the nature of tithes.ij

THE TITHE SURVEYS OF THE MID-NINETEENTH CENTURY 15usually the small tithes. These included all tithes except those of grain, hay,and wood, which constituted the great tithes. At the time of the dissolutionof the monasteries, rectories and tithes belonging to the dissolved houseswere vested in the Crown, and most were subsequently sold to laymen. Layimpropriators still held nearly a quarter of the net anrmal value of all tithesat the time of commutation.1The payment of tithes in kind was a cause of endless disputes betweenfarmers and tithe-owners. Very costly proceedings were entered upon to determinewhich courts should hear such suits, who was liable to pay, how paymentsshould be assessed, and how they should be paid. 2 Frequent disputesarose concerning the nature of "tithable produce. It was once decided thatpartridges wereferae naturae and therefore exempt from tithe, as were turkeys.On another occasion, wild cherries and fallen apples were adjudged tobe subject to tithe. On yet another occasion, wild ducks were declared exempt,but the eggs laid by tame ducks used to decoy them were tithable. Butthe most difficult cases of all were those involving the produce of woodland.In some areas, all woodlands were exempt; in others, only certain trees; inyet others, the trunks and branches were exempt, but acorns, mast, and evencharcoal were tithable. When tithes were allotted to more than one ownerfurther litigation began. It was asked what constituted the vicar's tithe andhow much belonged to the rector or lay impropriator. Should the tithe becollected by the owner, and if so, when; or should it be delivered by thefarmer, and if so, to what place?Tithes were an imposition which bore most heavily on progressive farmerswhose yields were great but whose expenditure was also large. In areaswhere the profit to be gained by improvement was likely to be small, potentialinvestors were undoubtedly deterred from venturing their capital becauseof the incidence of tithes. In Hertfordshire it was reported in I795 thatthose parts subject to a reasonable annual money payment in lieu of titheswere generally farmed on improved methods, whereas lands liable to paytithes in kind were often abandoned to almost total neglect. 8 After the passinga Out of a total of £4,054,405 8s. 7~.d. tithe rent-charge, lay impropriators, schools, andcolleges held £962,262 13s. 3kd. according to House of Commons Accounts and Papers (i6),Session I887, Volume 64, Return z14, Return of all Tithes commuted and apportioned underthe Acts for the Commutation of Tithes... up to 3oth June 1887. A comprehensive list ofindividual lay tithe-owners appears in Henry Grove, AhTenated Tithes, I896."J. A. Vcnn, 7'he Foundations of Agricultural Economics, 2nd ed., Cambridge, 1933, pp.i54-65, traces the history of the collection of tithe in kind during the seventeenth and eighteenthcenturies. R. E. Prothero (Lord Ernle), English Farming Past and Pres~qtt, 1912 , devotesChapter xw, pp. 33z-45 , to the history of tithes and their effect on farming practice before .'rodafter commutation.D. Walker, General Vh'w of the Agrictdture of the County of lh,rtford, 1795, pp. 73-8z.

16 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWof the act for the commutation of tithes, James Caird reported that extensivetracts of Salisbury Plain were reclaimed and brought under the plough forthe first time.1The Board of Agriculture reports at the beginning of the nineteenth centuryunanimously condemned the payment of tithes in kind, but they notedthat other forms of payment were common in most counties. Tithes wereconverted to other forms of payment by two different methods: either by aformal agreement between the tithe-owners and farmers, or alternativelyunder the terms of a parliamentary enclosure award. The first method oftenresulted in tithes being converted to a fixed annual money payment knownas a modus or composition. But a fixed sum of money was not strictly equivalentto a tithe payment which varied from year to year according to theamount and value of farm produce. For this reason some agreements stipulatedthat a fixed sum be paid for an agreed number of years, some providedfor a periodic revision of the payment, while others specified that the sumshould fluctuate from year to year with the price of some commodity, usuallywheat, sometimes other cereals, in a few cases jointly with wheat. An agreementto alter the method of paying tithes would be accompanied by a fullvaluation of the tithes, together with a large-scale plan and schedule of thetithable lands. A survey such as that carried out at Hatfield in Hertfordshirein 1824 is as comprehensive and detailed as any of the later tithe commutationsurveys.When tithes were dealt with under a parliamentary enclosure act, theywere generally extinguished in exchange for allotments of land. In a study ofthe results of this procedure, based on an examination of twenty enclosureawards, covering the period from 1793 to 1815, Vladimir Lavrovsky concludesthat almost without exception, "tithe commutation led to a diminutionin the area owned by the peasantry. TM Some lost as much as a fifth oftheir former holdings, and the majority lost more than one-ninth. But asGonner pointed out there were marked regional as well as social differencesin the manner of commuting tithes under parliamentary acts? In some areasthey were invariably extinguished; in others, moduses and compositionsprevailed. About 2,230 such acts passed before 1835 provided for the abolitionof the payment of tithe in kind. ~ In 1,51o of these all tithes were extinguishedby allotments of land made to the tithe-owners; in 550 titheswere1 j. Caird, English Agriculture in z85o--5z , 1852, p. 80.'Tithe Commutation as a factor in the gradual decrease of landownership by the Englishpeasantry', Econ. Hist. Rev., Iv, 1933, p. 28o.3 E. C. K. Gonner, Common Land and Inclosure, I912 , pp. 316-8.4 p. W. Millard, op. cit., p. I2.iiJ,i!li

THE TITHE SURVEYS OF THE MID-NINETEENTH CENTURY 17partly extinguished by allotments of land, and partly converted into annualmoney payments; in only i7o acts were tithes entirely converted into annualmoney payments?iTHE TITHE COMMUTATION ACT OF I836In i836 an act was passed to commute all tithes in kind and substitute afluctuating money payment known as a corn rent adjusted each year on thebasis of the seven-year average price of wheat, barley, and oats.2 The amountof the corn rent-charge was to be obtained by dividing £Ioo of tithe intothree equal portions of £33 6s. 8d., calculating how much wheat, barley, andoats could be bought with each portion, and multiplying these quantities bythe average price in succeeding years. In 1836 the septennial average price ofwheat was 7s. o½d. per bushel, of barley 3 s. I I½d. per bushel, of oats zs. 9 d.per bushel. At these prices £33 6s. 8d. bought 94" 96 bushels of wheat, or168.4 z bushels of barley, or 242" 4 z bushels of oats. Each succeeding yearthe corn rent-charge on £ioo of tithe was to be the sum of the septennialaverage prices of these quantities of grain. In this way the purchasingpower of the money payment for which tithes were to be commuted was preserved.The first task was to establish the boundaries of every district in whichtithes were paid separately? This was known as a tithe district to distinguishit from a parish. In the meaning of the act, a parish included every place forwhich an overseer of the poor was appointed. The Commissioners first enquiredinto all the places listed as parishes in the census returns, but theycould, if necessary, form separate districts. What was frequently disputed,however, was not the existence of a parish, but the exact extent of its boundaries.This was particularly important for some one who was a tithe-ownerin one parish and a tithe-payer elsewhere. Again, the tithe payments themselvesdiffered from parish to parish both in their nature and amount, so thata particular piece of land might carry a higher rent-charge if it were included1 Millard cites as examples of these: Brinklow Inclosure Act, i741 , 14 Geo. II, Cap. I4;Vicar's Rate in Halifax Act, I83o , lO Geo. IV, Cap. r4; Kendal Corn Rent Act, 1834 , 4 & 5Will. IV, Cap. I6.An Act for the Commutation of Tithes in England and Wales, I3th August 1836 , 6 & 7Will. IV, Cap. 71 . Its provisions were not to extend except in special circumstances to be decidedby the Commissioners to: (I) Easter offerings, mortuaries, or surplice fees; (2) tithesof fish or fishing; (3) personaltithes other than those of milling; (4) mineral tithes; (5) paymentsin lieu of tithes in the City of London; (6) fixed annual rent-charges in a city or town; (7) landswhose tithes had previously been commuted or extinguished by Act of Parliament.3 The best account of the procedure followed by the Commissioners in carrying out theirenquiries is to be found in contemporary legal manuals such as Leonard Shelford, The Actsfor the Commutation of Tithes in England and Wales, 3rd ed., 1842.li

'i18 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWin one parish than in another. Land subject to tithe on one side of a boundarymight even be exempt on the other.The next step was to determine the total value of the tithes payable ineach parish for the previous seven years from the actual receipts of the titheowners.The act enabled the tithe-owners and farmers to agree upon a valuationbefore I October i838. When such an agrecment was drawn up, it wassubmitted to the patron and the bishop for their approval, and then to theCommissioners for confirmation. If an agreement were not reached, theCommissioners were empowered to hold a local enquiry, to frame a draftaward, hear objections, make amendments where necessary, and finally confirmtheir award, which then became binding on the tithe-owners and tithepayers.Once an agreement or award had been confirmed by the Commissioners,the rent-charge had to be apportioned among the lands of the parish. Thiswas done according to principles agreed upon by the landowners, or if noprinciples were agreed upon, according to the average tithable produce andproductive quality of the lands. It was inevitably difficult to apportion therent-charge equitably among lands of differing quality and differing utilization,not because the actual use of the land was difficult to determine, butbecause its tithable produce was likely to change from time to time. Previously,it had been possible to reduce the amount of tithes by convertingarable or meadow to pasture, thereby substituting a mixed tithe for a predialtithe of corn or hay; or to avoid the payment altogether by fallowing arableland, by allowing it to revert to uncultivated waste, by converting it into parkor warren, or by planting it with trees. On the other hand, the tithe-ownerwas entkled to benefit from an increase in productivity resulting from landreclamatiou, artificial drainage, or other improvement. In fixing the apportionmentof an area of marsh pasture capable of producing normal crops withthe aid of artificial drainage, it was decided in an early test case that "regardwas to be had to the probability of the lands being converted from one speciesof culture to another. ''1 But in practice there was no way of assessing theprobability of lands being converted to other uses, and the only alternativeto rating all lands alike at the same value was to differentiate them on thebasis of their observed state of cultivation.Apart from making provision for the change of culture of hop grounds andmarket gardens, the act did nothing to prevent the temporary value of landbeing made the basis of a permanent charge? Indeed, the method of appor-I1 Cited by Leonard Shelford, The Tithe Amendment Acts, i848, p. 39.2 William Eagle, The Acts for the Commutation of Tithes in England and Wales, 3rd ed., 184o ,p. 58, comments on Sections XL, XLI, XLII of the Act of I836 , which outlines these provisions.

20 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEW(I) Lands naturally barren;(2) Barren heath or waste improved or converted into arable or meadowwas exempt for a period of seven years after improvement;(3) Forest lands while in the occupation of the Crown or its lessee or tenant,but not if granted by the Crown in fee;(4) Glebe lands in the occupation of the parson;(5) Lands owned before 1215 by the Cistercians, Templars, or Hospitallers;(6) Lands which formerly belonged to one of the greater monasteries, andwhich had not paid tithes at the time of the dissolution;(7) Lands which had paid no tithes from time immemorial;(8) Lands in respect of which tithes were barred under the Tithe Act of.1832 , which specified some lands which had not paid tithes for a very longtime, the original cause of exemption being unknown;(9) Lands in respect of which a modus or composition was payable.Even where an entire parish was exempt from tithes, much of the so-calledtithe-free land carried a contingent rent-charge. When forest land passed outof the hands of the Crown, or glebe land out of the possession of the parson,it ceased to be exempt and became subject to a rent-charge. Even lands thatwere permanently exempt had to be precisely delimited by the surveyor,although it occasionally happened that land previously exempt was apportionedto an area subject to a rent-charge. Thus the rent-charge of the parishof Wye in Kent was apportioned among farms, and parcels of woodland,formerly exempt, came to be charged jointly with other lands in the farms ofwhich they formed parts.THE TITHE MAPS AND APPORTIONMENTSThe Tithe Commissioners succeeded in resolving many of the complexproblems which had previously embittered relations between tithe-payersand tithe-owners. In a majority of parishes they were able to secure an agreement;in the remainder they imposed an award. Throughout the countrythey carried out their task with speed and thoroughness.Almost all the 11,8oo surveys in England and Wales were made before1851 ; the majority before 1841.1 In Norfolk, for example, 497 out of 660 were1 1 am indebted to the Secretary of the Tithe Redemption Commission for permission tomake use of his authoritative account of the tithe documents which appears under the title of'The Records of the Tithe Redemption Commission' in the Journal of the Society of Archivists,I, I957, pp. 132- 9. There are different opinions as to the exact number of tithe surveys,Gilbert Slater in The English Peasantry and the Enclosure of Common Fields, 19o7, p. I88, statesthat there are 11,783; W. E. Tare in The Parish C,~est, Cambridge, 1946 , p. 139 , gives thefigure of 11,787 .

THE TITHE SURVEYS OF THE MID-NINETEENTH CENTURY 21made before I84I ; in Essex z7z out of 389 . In spite of the additional workinvolved in valuation and apportionment, most of the survey was completedin about one-tenth of the time taken by the Ordnance Survey to complete its25-inch plans. Yet speed was achieved without sacrificing accuracy. TheReports submitted to the Commissioners, the surviving minutes of localenquiries, and the correspondence in the Tithe Files held by the Commissiontestify to the thoroughness of the surveyors' work as well as to the vigilanceof tithe-payers and tithe-owners, each jealously guarding their rights, orpretended rights, against infringement by the other party.Many counties were almost completely covered by the surveys, the majorexceptions, as Gilbert Slater demonstrated, being those Which had dealt withtheir tithes at the time of parliamentary enclosure. The resuks of Slater'scalculations are set out below?Counties with a high proportion of tithe surveys:% of area covered % of area coveredby Tithe survey by Enclosure ActsCornwall 98. 6 nilKent 97" 8 nilDevon 97" 4 nilShropshire 93" 4 o. 3Cheshire 9I'3 o.5Monmouth 89 • o o. 4Counties with a smaU proportion of tithe surveys:Oxford 44"4 45" 6Rutland 39" 3 46. 5Huntingdon 36.5 46. 5Bedford 35 "4 46.oEast Riding, ¥orks 35" i 40" iLeicester 3I'° 38"zNorthampton 23" 5 5 I. 8The details of the survey for most parishes are set down in two documents:a map and an apportionment. The map or plan is usually drawn at a scale ofthree chains to an inch, approximately 26.7 inches to a mile, or at six chainsto an inch, approximately 13" 3 inches to a mile. Maps representing large parisheswithdetached portions and small fields, such as Dagenham or North Ben-1 Slater, op. cir., p. i8 9.

22 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWfleet in Essex, may cover as much as a hundred square feet? Many plans aredrawn from original surveys, carried out specifically for this purpose by localsurveyors, but an earlier map of sufficient accuracy, such as an enclosure map,might be used instead. All maps show the boundaries of the tithe areas withina parish. The tithe areas usually correspond with fields, but in a few instances,such as Rhosbeirio in Anglesey, they constitute whole farms. Onmost maps the boundaries of enclosed fields are represented by continuouslines and those of unenclosed fields by dotted lines. Occasionally hedges andfences and gates are also represented. The amount of detail shown on themaps varies considerably. Most maps mark the course of streams, canals,ditches, drains, the outlines of fields, lakes, ponds, and the line of roads andfootpaths. Many of them use distinctive tree symbols to show coniferousand deciduous woodland. On some, inhabited buildings are tinted red, theremainder shaded in grey. A few maps are rendered in full colour, to distinguishtithe-free land or various properties or farms or occasionally to showthe categories of land use.The apportionment is a roll of parchment sheets, 2i~- by I8~ inches, consistingof three sections. The first section contains the articles of agreementor statement of award, giving the names of the Commissioners, surveyors,and tithe-owners, and the date of confirmation, and also stating the area ofthe parish, the area subject to tithes, a summary of the area of arable, grass,and other kinds of land subject to tithe, notes on the lands exempt fromtithes, and a listlof landowners and occupiers. The second and most importantsection is the schedule of apportionment in which each tithe area, numberedon the accompanying plan, is listed under the name of both its ownerand occupier. In a parish which still lay in open fields, as many as threethousand tithe areas may be enumerated; in the majority there are severalhundred; in some the rent-charge is apportioned by farms, occasionally withouta survey being made of each field; in a few no apportionment is made, sothat the whole of the tithable area of a parish constitutes a single tithe area.Where, as in the majority of cases, a tithe area is a field, the field name isrecorded; where it is not a field, it is described, for example, as a "house andgarden," a "piece of water," a "chalk pit," or an "ice house." Its state ofcultivation is entered for the purpose of valuation according to the localpractice. There are a few examples of the actual crops being noted, as atNarford in Norfolk and Erbistock in Denbighshire. The statute acreage andthe value of the rent-charge apportioned to it are stated, and a final column is1 F. G. Emmison, Catalogue of Maps in the Essex Record ()ffice I56G-ID55 , Chelmsford,I947, contains a detailed list of Tithe Award Maps, pp. 53-63. Later acquisitions are listed inthe First Supplement, I952 , pp. 34-5.

THE TITHE SURVEYS OF THE MID-NINETEENTH CENTURY 23left for remarks. The third section contains the akered apportionments madeafter the original award was confirmed. These record major changes in theshape, size, and status of the original tithe areas resulting from subdivisionor severance by public works. The building of railways, the construction ofnew roads, the re-allocation of land under an enclosure award, all necessitatedaltered apportionments. When the changes affected a large part of theparish a separate new apportionment might be made.Three statutory copies of these documents were prepared. The originalis now in the custody of the Tithe Redemption Commission in FinsburySquare, London, E.C.2; a second copy was deposited with the incumbentand churchwardens to be kept in the parish chest; a third copy was depositedin the diocesan registry. The second and third copies have sometimes beenlost or damaged or transferred to a county record office.THE ACCURACY OF THE TITHE SURVEYSThe accuracy of the surveys may be assessed in three ways: first, by theirstatus as legal documents; secondly, by collating the information shown onthe map with that recorded in the apportionment; thirdly, by comparingthem with other sources of information.Tithe maps bearing the seal of the Commissioners may, under certain circumstances,be produced as legal documents in deciding questions of title,general and public rights in a township, rights of way, and the existence ofcommon rights in unenclosed parishes. Although only one-sixth of all themaps are sealed, the others have been considered sufficiently accurate for thepurpose of several administrative enquiries. They have been consulted, forinstance, by the Ordnance Survey when drawing the parish boundaries onthe first 25-inch plans,1 by the County Councils in preparing a survey of footpathsin I949, and by the Royal Commission on Common Lands, I955-8. Indisputes between tithe-owners and tithe-payers the evidence of the map andaward is always conclusive.A few clerical errors might be revealed by checking the original tithe mapsand apportionments against the surviving parish and diocesan copies, but asthese are certified true copies, the total number of errors and omissions islikely to be very small. On the other hand, the differences between the informationshown on the map and that recorded in the apportionment are worthinvestigating. In a number of parishes the map and apportionment werecompiled at different dates, so that some discrepancies arc due to changes inthe intervening period. Such changes are occasionally noted in the apportion-1 Account of the FieM Surveying and the Preparation of the Manuscript Plans of the OrdnanceSurvey, Ordnance Survey Office, Southampton, 1873.

24 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWment. References are made, for example, to the felling and grubbing up oftree stumps, to the reclamation of waste and heath, to the enclosure of commons,and to tree planting. In some parishes where the state of cultivation isnot recorded or only partly recorded in the apportionment, the map may indicatethe extent of certain types of land such as orchards, woods, and commons.In a few parishes, where the valuation was clearly not based on theland use observed on the ground, the state of cultivation entered in the apportionmentdoes not correspond with the actual land use shown on the map. Insuch parishes, land shown as woodland on the map might be classified as"grass," and marsh or heath might be returned as "arable."The accuracy of the measurements on the tithe maps can be readily ascertainedby comparing them with the large-scale plans of the Ordnance Suryey.The site of churches and the course of streams are easily identified, andmost other features, including former field boundaries, can be traced withthe help of air photographs. The amount of error revealed by such comparisonswould almost certainly be negligible. It is more important to know towhat extent a tithe district corresponded to a parish, to what extent a tithearea corresponded to a field, and to what extent the state of cultivation correspondedwith the actual land use at the time of the survey.The preamble to a tithe award usually states whether an entire parish isincluded in the survey or what portions are excluded, but these statementsmay be verified in a few parishes by reference to contemporary assessmentsfor parish rates or poor rates, or compared with the enumerators' bookscompiled for the Registrar General, which record house by house the namesof every one living in a parish or enumeration district at the time of the census.The names of the householders should appear as occupiers in the titheapportionment, and the houses should be marked on the accompanying map.Most tithe maps mark the boundaries of unenclosed parcels of land bydotted lines. Such lines may represent property divisions, separating holdingsin an open arable field or common meadow, or they may represent eitherpermanent or temporary divisions between lands of differing utilization in afield belonging to a single farmer. It is generally possible to confirm this distinctionby referring to the apportionment, but contemporary private estatemaps may be of some help in making a decision. Private estate maps of thisperiod are, however, of only limited value in testing the accuracy of the tithesurveys, because most of them were either consulted by the tithe surveyorsor are themselves copied from the tithe maps. Some of them were drawn bythe same surveyor. Estate maps and sales catalogues may be of most use inchecking the state of cultivation.A few late altered apportionments may be compared with the Ordnance

THE TITHE SURVEYS OF THE MID-NINETEENTH CENTURY 25Survey 25-inch plans. In a few exceptional instances, the land use informationin the area books compiled in connection with the 25-inch plans drawnbefore 188o, and also the acreages of arable, grass, and orchard in the AgriculturalStatistics, may be compared with the tithe surveys. But no valid conclusionsas to the accuracy of the original tithe surveys can be drawn fromsuch comparisons because an altered apportionment was only required for awhole parish when the land use and field pattern were completely transformedby an incident such as enclosure. Moreover, some information in theOrdnance Survey area books and the Agricultural Statistics which appearsto be equivalent is not strictly comparable with that in the tithe surveys. ITHE SURVEYS AS A SOURCE FOR THE GEOGRAPHYOF ENGLAND AND WALESIf the geography of England and Wales in I84O is to be written, full usewill have to be made of the tithe surveys. They provide a record of parishboundaries before major changes took place; of estates at a time when manyof them had reached their greatest extent; of farms, representing every typeof holding from fragmented open-field tenements to compact ring-fenceunits; of fields, both enclosed and unenclosed, in every variety of shape andsize. They provide a record of the use of the land: whether cultivated or uncultivated,arable or grass, orchard or hop ground, heath or marsh, wood oragriculturally unproductive. They also provide a record of the names of landownersand occupiers, and of the fields belonging to them. They can tell ushow much tithable land belonged to estates of various sizes, and how muchwas owned by the Church or the universities or the railway companies. Theycan tell us how much arable land remained unenclosed in 184o , where it wassituated, and who owned it. They can tell us what land was farmed by owneroccupiersor by tenant farmers, how much woodland or cottage property wasoccupied by owners or by tenants, and how much land was occupied bycommons and highways. They can tell us whether farmsteads were situatedin the midst of their own fields, or if not, whether they were attached to villagesor hamlets. They can tell us what size and shape farms were in differentparts of the country, and what proportion of a farm was arable or grass. Theseare but a few of the many questions that have yet been only partially answered.The tithe surveys fully exploited, in conjunction with the 1841 census returnsand enumerators' books, private estate accounts, surveys, farm leases,1 j. T. Coppock, 'The Statistical Assessment of British Agriculture',Agric. Hist. Rev., Iv,1956, pp. 66-79 , compares and comments on the data for Edlesborough in Buckinghamshire,p. 78.

ii:/26 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWand the county reports published in the Journal of the Royal AgriculturalSociety between i845 and I869, would present a vivid picture of rural Englandin the mid-nineteenth century.Notes and CommentsTHE BRITISH AGRICULTURALHISTORY SOCIETYA joint winter conference with the Associationof Agriculture was once again held at theUniversity of London Institute of Education;• it took place on Saturday 6 December, andwas very well attended. The chair was takenby the President, Sir James Scott Watson.In the morning a paper was read by DrF. bT. L. Poynter of the Wellcome HistoricalMedical Library on The Place of GervaseMarkham in English Veterinary Literature.In the afternoon session the conference hearda paper from Dr J. K. S. St Joseph, Curator inAerial Photography, Cambridge University,on the use of aerial photographs in the interpretationof agricultural history. The conferenceconcluded with the showing of a filmillustrating the work of excavation at the desertedvillage of Wharram Percy in the EastRiding of Yorkshire. The film, which wasmade by Ian aud Betty Lauder, was introducedby M. W. Beresford.INCOME TAX RELIEFThe secretary has been informed by the ChiefInspector of Taxes that the Commissionersof Inland Revenue have approved the BritishAgricultural History Society for the purposeof Section I6 of the Finance Act x958, andthat the whole of the annual subscription paidby a member who qualifies for relief underthat Section will be allowable as a deductionfrom his emoluments assessable to income taxunder Schedule E. This becomes operative asfrom the year ending 5 April I959. It appliesonly to members whose office or employmentis directly related to the subjects with whichthe Society is concerned.EARLY BREEDS OF SHEEPCaptain Sir Hugh Rhys Rankin writes:"There is in Byton church, on the Radnorshireborder of Herefordshire, a lamb carvedin stone on the wall. In this lamb all thecharacteristics of the present Border Leicestersheep are quite apparent: a very level back,great depth of body, long legs, narrow neckand long face, and long and erect ears. Thecarving is dated c. x35o. It seems to me thatthis suggests the development of the BorderLeicester breed of sheep from a medievalnative breed of West Herefordshire."Upon this, Mr R. Trow-Smith comments:"There were in the fourteenth and fifteenthcenturies two distinct breeds of sheep inHerefordshire. The ordinance of x342 fixingminimum wool prices lists Hereford wool at£8 and a lower grade from the county at£6 i3s. 4 d. The minimum prices laid down inI454 included £I 3 for Leominster wool and£5 for Herefordshire wool other thanLeominster."Robert Bakewell, in his trials, experimentedwith rams of "Durham, Wilts, Norfolk,Dishley, Charnwood Forest, and Herefordshirebreeds:" George Culley, BakeweU'sNorthumberland disciple, bought rams ofBakewell's New Leicester breed to improvehis flock out of which, among others, theBorder Leicester breed evolved. Culley wascritical of Bakewell's prices, however: "I...have little expectation of you as a Customeras . . . others.., are willing to give moremoney without thinking they are overcharged,"Bakewell wrote to him. Otherletters make it clear that Culley had previously(x79I) bought rams which were not(continued on page 37)

Plough Rituals in England and ScotlandUBy THOMAS DAVIDSON'NTIL late into the eighteenth century Clydesdale ploughmenchanted the following rhyme three times on turning their horsesat the end of ridges, in the belief that the fare asked for would beready for them at the end of the fourth furrow:"Fairy, fairy, bake me a bannock and roast me a collopAnd I'll gie yea spittle aff my gad-end. ''1This nonsense rhyme takes on a different complexion when it is comparedwith what must be the earliest account of ritual ploughing amongst theGreeks. The agricultural significance of this account was first pointed outby Armstrong, 2 and it is to be found in the description of Achilles' shield inthe Iliad. "Further he set in the shield a soft ploughed field, rich tilth andwide , the third time he ploughed; and many ploughers therein drave theiryokes to and fro as they wheeled about. Whensoever they came to the boundaryof the field and turned, then would a man come to each and give intohis hands a goblet of sweet wine, while others would be turning back alongthe furrows fain to reach the boundary of the deep tilth. ''8In both we note the ploughmen expected or were given refreshment onthe completion of a certain number of furrows. Now in many parts of Scotlandthere was an observance with regard to the first ploughing or the firstfurrow drawn by the plough after the fields had been cleared of the graincrops. The ploughman engaged on the work was given refreshment in theform of food and drink and a portion was given symbolically to the plough:that is, food was tied or laid on the beam of the plough and drink was pouredover it. This ceremony, known as 'streeking the plough', was an event of veryconsiderable importance and is a survival of perhaps one of the oldest andmost elaborate rituals carried out to ensure a prosperous ploughing andsowing.At Hallgreen in the parish of Cairney about the year 1843 when one furrowhad been ploughed, bread, cheese--a kebback (cheese) was broken for theoccasion--and milk porridge made of oatmeal and sweet milk were given tothe ploughman. The first slice of the kebback, however, was reserved fora R. Chambers, Popular Rhyn,es of Scotland, Edinburgh, I84I , p. 323 . Spirtle----porridgestick; gad---- ploughman's goad.2 E. A. Armstrong, Folk-Lore, L~v, x943, p. 254.3 A. Lang, et al., The Iliad ofltomer, London, x893 , pp. 382- 3.27

i!:28 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWthe 'herd-boy' and was called the culter wedge, a practice which immediatelydates the custom back to the time of the 'twal owsen plough'. It was of theutmost importance that the porridge should be of the right consistency; iftoo thin, it was an omen of a poor crop of cereals the following season. Thedetails of the ceremony varied from one district to another. In some partsthe first offering of bread and cheese was laid on the plough-beam "as a sortof oblation to Ceres, the protectress of agriculture. ''1The following account from a farmer in Cateside, Strachan, shows thatthe day on which the plough was put to the soil for the first time was noordinary day. On this particular farm the ploughman, wishing to start hisploughing early in the week, was put off by the farmer each day till Saturdaycame. On Saturday he was told he need be in no hurry to begin, and by thetime he got to the field, the farmer was there carrying bread, cheese, and abottle of whisky. The ploughman drank a glass himself, and refilling theglass poured it over the bridle of the plough, repeating as he did so the words,"Weel fah the labour." A piece of bread and cheese was then carefullywrapped up in a piece of paper and firmly tied to the beam of the plough bythe farmer, who at the same time gave strict instructions to the ploughmanthat it was not to be removed. "It may fah off o't sell, or the dogs may eht it.Nae maitter, but dinna ye touch it." When all this had been carried out andagreed, he added, "Noo jist tak ye anither fur and syne louse. ["Now justplough another furrow and stop work."] Ye'll be ready for yir wark on Muninday'smornin'. ''2The interesting point here is that the farmer put off the operation until theSaturday, because this Saturday ploughing, he considered, was a ceremonyquite apart from the ploughman's "wark" which would start on the followingMonday. Although there is little or no evidence to show which was consideredthe most propitious day to start ploughing operations, there isabundant evidence from all parts of the Highlands of Scotland on whichwas the unluckiest day. This was Good Friday. Indeed the belief held bythe Highlanders that no iron should be put into the ground on this day wasso strong that the more superstitious extended the ban to every Friday. Thereason for this may well rest on the traditional belief that the nails of ourSaviour's cross were made on this day.In Buchan after the first furrow was ploughed the 'guid wife' proceededto the field with bread, cheese, and a jar of home-brewed ale, or whisky. Thecakes were specially prepared, being rubbed with cream before they were1 j. NI. McPherson, Primitive Beliefs in the North East of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1929, pp.86--7; J. Pirie, The Parish of Cairney, Banff, i9o6, p. x43.J. M. MePherson, op. cit., p. 87; quoting W. Gregor, Folk-Lore Journal, II, 1884, p. 33 o.I

PLOUGH RITUALS IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND 29placed on the girdle over the fire to be cooked. The ploughman was usuallythe 'guidman' himself or his son, for in most parishes each family tilled itsown holding. "The salutation to the man between the stilts was in the wellknownform, 'Guid speed the wark', to which he replied, 'May Guid speedit'. He then seated himself on the beam of the plough, and after variousforms of good wishes for the health and prosperity of the family during theyear for which he had just begun the labour, cut the cheese and partook ofthe dainties carried to the field. A piece of the oat-cakes was given to eachhorse. The whole household partook at supper of the bread and cheese. ''1In upper Banffshire the bread was first blessed and a portion carefully placedunder the first furrow. 2 In all cases, however, we find a portion of the foodoffering was kept until the evening, when the whole family gathered togetherat a supper feast, or Pleuch Fehst as it was called in Strathdon?Refusal to participate in the ceremony or to partake of the offering, evenby the animals, had its dangers. This is well illustrated in the following talefrom the north of Scotland. One evening "atween the sin an the sky," a manwas ploughing with his "twal-ousen plew" when a woman came to him andoffered him bread, cheese, and ale. The ploughman accepted, and the womanwent on to offer each of the oxen a piece of cake. One by one the oxen tookwhat was given, except the 'wyner'. The woman left and the ploughman resumedhis work, but on the turn at the end of the furrow, the 'wyner' felldown and broke his neck.4Now this Scottish custom of 'streeking the plough' has a close parallel inthe Plough plays and costumed processions held in England on Plough Monday,the first Monday after Twelfth Day. In England Plough Monday hasalways been considered the date for starting ploughing operations. Morethan three centuries ago it was said that the ploughing of the soil shouldcommence with the beginning of the year, which "with husbandmen is atPlow-day, being ever the first Monday after Twelfth day, at which time youshall gow forth with your draught and begin to plough. ''5 Or, as Tusserrecords it:"Plough Monday, next after that Twelfth tide is past,Bids out with the plough, the worst husband is last,If ploughman gets hatchet, or whip to the screen,Maids loseth their cock, if no water be seen. ''e1 j. B. Pratt, Buchan, Aberdeen, i858 , p. 2I. 2 j. M. McPherson, op. tit., p. 87.3 Transactions Buchan Field Club, Iv, p. I48.4 W. Gregor, Notes on the Folk-Lore of the North-East of Scotland, London, I88x, p. 64.s Gervase Markham, The English Husbandman, x613, Pt i, chap. 5, lines 24-8.6 T. Tusser, Five Hundred Points of Good Husbandry, ed. W. Mayor, London, I8Iz, p. 27o.

!~!30 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWMayor, commenting on this, says the ploughmen and farm maids vied witheach other in early rising on Plough Monday. If the ploughman could gethis implements placed by the fireside before the maid could put on thekettle, she forfeited her Shrovetide cock.The Plough plays seem to be confined to or characteristic of the countiesgrouped together in the centre of England, i.e. Norfolk, Cambridgeshire,Huntingdonshire, Northamptonshire, Lincolnshire, Leicestershire, Nottinghamshire,Cheshire, Derbyshire, and Yorkshire. The Willoughton(Lincolnshire) version called the Plough Jack's Play was performed by aband of farmworkers parading the streets and calling at each house. Theprocession took the form of two plough lines kept parallel by means of shortsticks spaced at intervals between them, one man at each stick representinga horse. Then came the waggoner driving them with a long whip and aninflated pig's bladder on the end of a lash. Next came the plough which theytrailed. The plough was without wheels and ready for ploughing. Havingarrived at the house they demanded entrance civilly. If allowed in, they performedtheir play and were rewarded with food and drink. If they were notadmitted, then they ploughed up a furrow or two in front of the house? Acurious detail comes to light here; the mummers arrogated to themselves artover-riding authority and sanction for this action. When remonstrated withfor driving the ploughshare into the ground, they replied simply, "There'sno law in the world could touch them because it's an old charter.'2In Wakefield, where the play was last performed in 1865, the two youngestfarm lads acted as drivers of the plough, the oldest as collectors and the restas horses. 8 In the Alkborough version known as the Plough Jags, the playended in a song, one version of which goes as follows:"Good master and good mistress,As you sit around the fire,Remember us poor plough boys,Who plod through mud and mire,The mud is so very deep,The water is not clear,We'll thank you for a Christmas box,And drop of your best beer. ''4The play itself followed the standard pattern of mummer plays, except that7:1t Journal English Folk Dance and Song Society, ~, x939, p. z9I.2 L. Spence, Myth and Ritual in Dance, Game and Rhyme, London, I947, p. x58.s W. S. Banks, A List of Provincial Words in Use in Wakefield, London, x865, p. 52.4 British Calendar Customs: England, London, x938, u, pp. 96-8.!Ii i!

!i]:IPLOUGH RITUALS IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND 31one of the central characters, usually St George or a king, was replaced bya scapegoat character in the guise of all old woman.The Plough Monday processionals were very similar to the Plough plays,and they had a wider distribution. Ill these the performers danced either asword dance or a form of Morris dance through the streets, dragging behindthem a plough brightly decorated and dubbed the Fool Plough. Theplough was dragged from door to door, where the ploughmen asked forbread, cheese, and ale, or a contribution in money. Hutchinson gives us onepicture of the Northumberland ceremony. "Men ill gay attire draw about aplough, called the stot plough, to obtain contributions and when they receivea gift from a house visited by them they exclaim Largess, but when theydo not receive a gift from the House they plough up the ground in front of it.I have seen twenty men ill the yoke of one plough. ''1 Pegge, writing in 1672 ,describes how "on this day the young men yoke themselves and draw aplough about with musick, and one or two persons in antic dresses, likejack-puddings, go from house to house, to gather money to drink. If yourefuse them, they plough up your dunghill. ''2In Northamptonshire the performers were called plough-witches, in Huntingdonshireplough-witchers, and the ceremony plough-witching; while inHoldemess 'ploo-lads'--fantastically dressed farm ladsmdragged rounda 'fond-pleeaf', a plough from which the share has been removed. One ofthe chief characters was a man disguised as all old woman. Occasionally, ifthe winter was severe, the procession was joined by threshers carrying theirflails, reapers bearing their sickles, and carters with their long whips; eventhe smith and miller were among the number, for the one sharpened theploughshares and the other ground the corn. 3 On all such occasions, we aretold, "the peasants wished themselves a plentiful harvest from the greatcorn sown (as they called wheat and rye) and also to wish God speed to theplough as soon as they begin to break the ground. ''4 Here, as ill late Scottishrural celebrations, particularly 'Burns' night' suppers, appears the familiartoast or blessing "God speed the plough."Coming down to the present day, Plough Sunday is kept in many churchesthroughout the agricultural areas of England. A plough is brought intochurch and blessed that the year's labour may prosper. For example, theceremony carried out in a Sussex church in 1956 is recorded as follows: "Inour Sussex church the plough that will be taken into church is over a hundred1 W. Hutchinson, History of Northumberland, 1798 , II, App., p. 18.2 C. Hole, English Custom and Usage, London, 195o , pp. 31--2.8 ]'. G. Frazer, The Golden Bough, 3rd ed., London, 1914, II, p. 329 .4 The British Apollo, II, 171o , p. 92."t

32 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWyears old, and was no doubt one of those made by a local ironmonger whowas the inventor and manufacturer of an improved iron plough, for lightand heavy soils, shown at the Great Exhibition in Hyde Park in I85I."Following the choir and clergy a farmer, who is also a churchwarden,will lead the procession of the plough up the aisle--on either side will walka couple of stalwarts from two other farms while another holds the handlesand, rather nervously, 'drives' the plough. Reaching the chancel step thefarmer will formally state to the Vicar his reason for bringing the plough tochurch, offering the work of the countryside to the service of God. So theservice will proceed, the farm workers taking their part... The old ironplough rests on the soft carpet of the chancel. ''1 And in London the PloughMonday ritual, stripped of all its ancient ceremonial, is still observed eachyear by the Lord Mayor. In the old days the Mayor and Aldermen visitedfarms belonging to the City to witness ploughing matches, for the daymarked, as it does to the present time, the occasion on which the LordMayor officially resumes office at the Guildhall. Now he performs the ceremonyby journeying to the Guildhall to preside over a Grand Court ofWardmote, a court convened annually to receive returns from the wardmotesheld on St Thomas's day, and to hear petitions against the electionsshould there be any. 2Though the Scottish 'streeking' and the English Plough play ceremoniesdiffer in many respects, they have a common incident. The ceremony clearlyis one of propitiation, and a survival of an old fertility rite associated withthe cultivation of the soil, and whose observance was governed by the desireto secure a good harvest. In this connection Frazer records a custom fromWhittlesey in Cambridgeshire, which may have been originally an integralpart of the same ceremony. There on the day after Plough Monday a 'strawbear'--aman completely swathed in straw--is led on a string and made todance in front of each house, in retu/n for which a money contribution wasexpected. The 'straw-bear' represents the corn spirit bestowing, his favourson every homestead after the ploughing and sowing ceremonial had beenperformed to quicken the growth of corn or reanimate the corn spirit. ~ Indeed,in the Hallgreen observance, the slice of cheese laid on the ploughbeamis specifically stated as being a sort of oblation to Ceres, the protectressof agriculture. The plough, dressed up in highly decorative ribbons, representedthe central figure of the mime; the choicest fruits of the soil weresacrificed in the hope that nature would return this gift in the form of anabundant harvest, and the ceremony ended with a feast and a prayer offeredto the god or spirit who controlled the crops and harvest.1 The Times, 7 Jan. I956. 2 Ibid., 8 Jan. I952. 3 Frazer, op. dr., u, p. 329.

PLOUGH RITUALS IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND 33In the Plough plays the usual character of St George or king is replacedby an old woman, a change in cast which points to the old belief that thecorn spirit was generally thought to be feminine. The ritual here representsa piece of symbolism in which no detail may be omitted, so that, by goingthrough a mimetic ceremony, it sets an example as it were which nature isexpected to follow. The old woman is 'thrashed' to death and brought tolife again. In the same way as threshers using their flails to beat out the liveseed from the chaff, so is the ageing spirit of the corn beaten out of the scapegoatold woman to allow of the rebirth of the new and rejuvenated cornspirit. The gestural elements in the crude acrobatic dances were mimetic incharacter so that the ensuing crops, it was hoped, would grow as high andvigorously as the dancers leaped and danced.Our remarks so far have been confined to the remnants of the ploughritual as they are still to be found in Scotland and England. The ritual,however, is as old as the plough itself. The origin of the traction plough,that is, a man- or ox-drawn plough, has been traced to the ancient near East,and, as far as we know, a ploughing ritual was evolved at the same time. 1 Theplough with its associated ritual appeared in this country by diffusion or aculture-borrowing process, not by independent invention or evolution. Thisis readily apparent when we compare the ancient ritual with the Scottishceremony. The active elements in the earliest known forms of the ritualdiffer in points of detail only from the Scottish 'streeking'. In HomericGreece the ploughman found a cup of wine awaiting him at the end of thefurrow; in ancient China the emperor was refreshed with wine after he hadguided the plough along several furrows "in a sacred field, or field of Godas it was called. ''~ In Morocco the ploughman was offered bread made withoutyeast, ordinary bread, and dried fruits, and in the Rif country breadwas broken over the plough-beam. 3 We know too that the appropriate gods,Osiris in Egypt and Demeter in Greece, were invoked by the ploughman atthe inauguration of the ploughing. Demeter was prophiated with an offeringof the first fruits at a feast called the Procrosia, that is 'Before the Ploughing'.4 In Strathdon the feast was called the Pleuck Fehst or 'Plough Feast'.Bishop poses the question "whether it [the plough] was not itself actuallyof priestly origin, and first m-nployed in the production of sacred cropsdestined for ceremonial uses." Examples of areas set aside for this purposeare the Rharian Plain near Eleusis dedicated to Jupiter, and the SacredField ceremonially tilled every spring by the Chinese emperor.1 C. E. Bishop, Anff~ity, x, x936 , pp. 28o-I ; Armstrong, op. cir., p. 254.Frazer, op. dr., II, p. 14. 3 F,. Westermarck, Folk-Lore, xvI, i9o5, pp. 38-9.4 Frazer, op. dr., I, pp. 45, 48, 5 °.

!ii "34 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWNow the 'Halieman's ley' or 'Guidmans Croft' in Scotland, a plot of landset aside and untilled, was dedicated to the devil, and in Ireland similar plotsin cornfields were set aside and dedicated to the fairy. 1 The devil here iswithout doubt the christianized form of the witch-god, and in an interestinghypothesis Miss Murray has brackete.d together the witch and fairy beliefsand identified them as the relics of a pre-Christian religious cult. 2 Nutt, commentingon the origin and meaning of the fairy cult, suggests that it was"based on an agricultural ritualism.., of a particularly rigid and inflexiblenature. ''3 It may be that we have, in the Scottish and Irish sacred plots,surviving remnants of the same ancient sacred field system in which thetilling and sowing was ritualistic in character and the succeeding crops wereset aside for ceremonial purposes.These customs were so closely associated with heathen idolatry that theearly church could not sanction them; but, recognizing their reality andundoubted power, she endeavoured to wean the people from the practicesby absorbing them into her own ritual. Thus Plough Monday became anoccasion for blessing the tilling of the soil. The ceremonial or church ploughused was kept in the church, probably, although on this specific point wehave no precise information, in front of the altar of the Ploughmen's Guild.The following entry is to be found in the old church account of Holbeach;it occurs in a list of church goods disposed of by the warden in 1549. "Itemto Wm. Davy the sygne whereon the plowghe did stand . . . xvj. ''~ InNottinghamshire in I638 ploughs were still kept in Hawton and North andSouth Collingham, 5 and a correspondent writing in i852 says, "Less thanten years ago, in the belfry of Castor church, Northamptonshire, was anold town plough, roughly made, decayed and worm-eaten.., about threetimes as large as an ordinary plough." 6Plough lights or tapers of the rush or wax type were kept burning beforethe Guild altar. They were placed there and paid for by the local husbandmen,in order to ensure success to their ploughing and subsequent laboursthroughout the remainder of the year. Payment or contributions were madein the fQrm of money or barley: for example, at Sutterton, in the year I49o ,a sum of ten shillings was paid by "Thomas Raffyn of ye plowlyth" and inNorthborough, Nicholas Tighe in 1533 donated "to the plow light.., ijd."1 T. D. Davidson, Agricultural History Review, III, 1955, pp. 2o- 5.2 M. A. Murray, The Witch-Cult in Western Europe, London, 1921, p. 14; App., pp. 238-48.3 L. Spence, The Fairy Tradition in Britain, London, 1948 , p. 3o8, quoting A. Nutt, TheVoyage of Bran, London, II, p. 233.4 W. Marrat, The History of Lincolnshire, Boston, 1814, II, p. lO 4.5 M. W. Barley, Journal English Folk Dance and Song Society, vii, 1953, p. 72.6 Notes and Queries, vii, 1853, p. 339.J

PLOUGH RITUALS IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND 35When the donation was in barley, it was recorded as follows: Luton, 151 i,"To the plough light.., ij stryke of barley;" in Warmington, 1532 , "Tothe plowe lyzth.., ij stryke of barley."1It would appear that one of the main duties of selected members of theguild called plough-masters or wardens was to maintain in good order theplough and plough-lights, and to keep the accounts of the plough-light fund.They are mentioned in the following Leverton accounts, together withparticulars concerning the amounts paid in to the plough-light fund and theamount paid out to the Plough Monday celebrations.Plough Light:I4981526I53I1559Resseuyd of ye plowth lyth of Leuton .....................Of Thomas Sledman of benyngton for debt ofRobert warner of ye plough lyght ......................Of Thomas burton for debt of ye ploMyght ..............Resaued of willyam Wastlare jun. & Johnpullw'tofte of the plowygh lyght mone ................xls.xxd.xxd.xvijd.Plough Monday:1577 Recd. of the Plowe maysters .................... xxijs, viijd.1611 For ayle on plowmunday ............................ xijd. ~Information on the duties of these Plough masters is given in the oldchurchwardens' book of Waddington. 3 Under the date 1642 , four personswere appointed as "Plowmeisters," and from the accounts, it would appearthat these appointments were made annually. They had in their hands certainmoney called plough money, which they undertook to produce onPlough day. The form of this undertaking is as follows:1642. "Andrew Newcome hath in his hands the sum xxs. and hath promisedto bringe the Stocke upon plow-daye next, and hath hereto sethis hande."1738. "Memorandum that John Foxe hath in his hands £2 io. o. of thePlow-money which sum I acknowledge myself indebted to the town ofWaddington."1 County Folk-Lore, vI, I912 , pp. i72-3; Archaeological Journal, znd Series, xx, i913, pp.382, 363,425.E. Peacock, Extracts from the Churchwardens' Accounts of Leverton, I868, pp. 6, I7, 2I, 29-3% 33, 36.Lincolnshire Notes and Queries, I, I888, pp. 86- 7.

36 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWFrom the plough money fund the 'plow-wardens' of Cratfield in I547bought a new plough for 8d. 1As the Reformation dealt the death blow to all religious guilds, the PloughPlay did not escape, and most if not all ceremonial was abolished. Thechurchwardens' accounts for Holme Pierrepont in Nottinghamshire showclearly the effect of this Step. In I552 the parishioners had to pay an assessmenttax annually to the church stock because the usual collections "withhobby horse and light" were now prohibited. ~ The residue or outstandingbalance of the plough-light money was confiscated by the church or parish.And in Leverington, near Wisbech, for example, we find the plough-lightmoney was added to the town stock, that is, the fund from which villagerscould borrow capital. Those who had borrowed during the year had toattend and settle,their score "at ye settynge forthe of ye plowghe everyyeare. ''3 This misuse of plough-light funds is also apparent from the Waddingtonaccounts, where, under the year I7o6, there is an entry:"On plow-day ye 7 January paid to the Ringers and Minstrels I- 4.Spent at the same time .................................... I-9 .''4We have now passed in review some of the variant elements in a ploughingritual known in Scotland as 'streeking the plough', and in England appearingas the central theme of Plough Monday processions and plays. Although theritual is the same they appear, however, at different levels of survival. InEngland the ritual is represented by remnants only, which have been takenup into rural festivities, costumed processions, and folk plays. As a result ofChristian influence and toleration towards avowedly pagan customs, theritual became more sophisticated and assumed a certain stability and sanctit-y,as evidenced by the many church-ploughmen and plough-light guilds.Two factors contributed to the decline of the ceremony. The first, as wehave already noted, was the Reformation, which abolished, or at any. ratepurged, the guilds of much of their ceremonials. The second cause was thechanging pattern of farming from arable to pastoral which took place, particularlyaround the central midland areas where plough-play activities weremostly concentrated. This gradual change-over to pastoral farming meantthe inevitable displacement of the ploughman from his position of first importanceon the farm. In Scotland late into the nineteenth century the ritual1 British Calendar Customs, u, 1938, p. IO2, quoting J. Charles Cox, Churchwardens' Accountsz4oo-z7oo, 1913, pp. 248-9 .2 Barley, op. tit., p. 70.8 Ibid., p. 72, quoting Fenland Notes and Queries, vn, pp. 184-9o.4 Lincolnshire Notes and Queries, I, 1888, p. 87.

PLOUGH RITUALS IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND 37persisted in a form closely resembling the ancient ceremony carried out inthe near East. The authority of the Church and influence of the Reformation,which was no less intemperate or hasty in action than in England, was notfelt to the same extent in the country areas where the ceremonies were mostcommonly observed. The absence of Plough Plays from Scotland may alsobe attributed to the prevailing system of small-scale farming and, therefore,the absence of sufficient numbers of young farmworkers to make up theplay teams. The result has been that the ritual, the 'streeking of the plough',continued in the same form until eventually, with the passage of time andthe enlightenment that came with education and agriculturaI progress, theceremony has fallen into desuetude.NOTES AND COMMENTS (continued from page 26)among Bakewell's best and that three yearsearlier Bakewell had been putting "a DishleyRam" on "a Hereford Ewe."It is probable that what Culley boughtfrom Bakewell was not one of the true NewLeicesters but rams which were bred from,and bore some of the character of, the oldHereford breed whose wool was the lowerpriced in the medieval lists: and that thisblood carried on the ancient West Herefordshiretype into the modern Border Leicester.AGRICULTURAL HISTORYIN THE NETHERLANDSWe have recently received details of the followingorganizations concerned with agriculturalhistory in the Netherlands.Nederlands Landbouw-Museum (NetherlandsAgricultural Museum), Stationsstraat I,Wageningen. Director: Dr J. M. G. van derPod.Founded in 1936 , this museum containsrooms which exhibit the salient features ofagriculture and rural life and also the historyof the town of Wageningen. The museum collectionswill ultimately be combined with thecollection of old agricultural tools gatheredtogether by the Department of Rural History(see below).Studiekring voor de Geschiedenis van de Landbouw(Agricultural History Society). Secretary-Treasurer:H. K. Roessingh, Bosrandweg7, Wageningen.Founded in 1939, it has 18o members bothDutch and Belgian. Its main functions are topublish a yearbook and papers and to holdannual conferences and excursions.Nederlands Agronomisch-Historisch Imtituut(Institute for Agricultural History). GroteMarkt 26, Groningen. Director: Dr, L. S.Meihuizen.Founded in I95o, it acts as a centre for thecollection of information and bibliographicalmaterial. It has published since I953 HistoriaAgriculturae, a yearbook which contains aninternational bibliography of works on agriculturalhistory.Afdeling Agrarische Geschiedenis van de Landbouwhogeschool(Department of Rural History).Herenstraat 21, Wageningen. Founded1952.iJ

7List of Books and Articleson Agrarian History issued sinceSeptember x95 fCompiled by JOAN THIRSKBOOKS ANDBARRACLOUOH, GEOFFREY (ed.). Facsimile ofearly Cheshire Charters. Lanes. & CheshireRecord Sue. Publications.BAYLIS, C. F. A short History of Edgware andthe Stanmores in the Middle Ages. Stanmore,Edgware and Harrow Hist. Sue., 5 ElmgateGardens, Edgware.BAY~rE, C. G., and DUNHaaVg W. H. SelectCases in the Council of Henry VII. SeldenSoc., vol. LXXV.BERESFORD, M. W., and ST. JosepH, J. K. S.Medieval England: an aerial survey. C.U.P.BONH.tM-CART~R, VICTOR. Dartington Hall:the History of an Experiment. PhoenixHouse.BRADFORD, JOHN. Ancient Landscapes: Studiesin Field Archaeology. Bell. i957.BRINKWORTH, E. R. C. OldBanbury. BanburyHist. Sue., c/o Henry Stone & Son, Printers,Banbury.BUCHaNaN, R. T. Some Economic Problems ofLivestoc. ~, Marketing with particular Referenceto Scotland. Edinburgh and East ofScotland College of Agriculture, Edinburgh.I957.COPL~Y, GORDON J. An Archaeology of South-East England: a Study in Continuity.Phoenix House.Com)mux, E. H., and MERRY, D. H. A Bibliographyof Printed Works relating to Oxfordshire(excluding the University and Cityof Oxford). Oxford Hist. Soc., N.S., vol. XLCORNWALL, JULIAN (ed.). The Lay SubsidyRolls for the County of Sussex, z524- 5. SussexRec. Sue., vol. LVI.DARLINGTON, R~CINALD R. (ed.). The Glap-PAMPHLETSwell Charters. Derbyshire Archaeolog. andNat. Hist. Soc., Supplement to vol. LXXVI.DE GRUCHY, G. F. B. Medieval Land Tenuresin Jersey. Bigwoods Ltd, Broad Street, Jersey.I957.DENMAN, D. R. Estate Capital: the Contributionof Landownership to Agricultural Finance.Allen and Unwin. i957.DENMAN, D. R. Origins of Ownership: a briefHistory of Landownership and Tenure inEngland from the Earliest Times to the ModemEra. Allen and Unwin.DORLING, M. J., and FOLLEY, R. R. W. EastKent Horticulture. University of London,Wye College, Dept. of Agricultural Economics.I957.EDLIN, H. L. England's Forests: a Survey ofthe Woodlands old and new in the Englishand Welsh Counties. Faber.EDWARDS, A. C. A History of Essex. DarwenFinlayson.ESSEX COUNTY COUNCIL. COUNTY RECORDOFFICE. Essex Homes, Io66-z85o , CountyRecord Office, Chelmsford.FARRow, M. A., and BARTON, T. F. (Compilers).Index of Wills proved in the ConsistoryCourt of Norwich and now preservedin the District Probate Registry at Norwich,x6o4-z686. Norfolk Rec. Soc., vol. xxvIII.FINBERC, JOSCELYNE. Exploring Villages.Routledge and Kegan Paul.FREEMAN, T. W. Pre-famine Ireland: a Studyin Historical Geography. Manchester U.P.I957.GLOUCESTERSHIRE COUNTY RECORDS OFFICE.The Gloucestershire Landscape, 1577-i957:1 The date of publication is I958 unless otherwise stated. The compiler wishes again to thank MrGeorge Green for help with this bibliography.38 I

BOOKS AND ARTICLES ON AGRARIAN HISTORY 39ian Exhibition arranged by the CountyRecords Office in the Council Chamber,Shire Hall, Gloucester. G1os. Co. RecordsOffice.GREAT BRITAIN. ROYAL COMMISSION ON COM-MON LAND, 1955-58. Report. H.M.S.O.GREAT BRITAIN. MINISTRY OF AGRICULTURE,FISHERIES, AND FOOD. LIBRARY. A Selectedand Classified List of Books relating to Agriculture,Horticulture, etc., in the Library ofthe Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries, andFood. H.M.S.O.GREAT BRITAIN. PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE.Calendar of Inquisitions Miscellaneous(Chancery), preserved in the Public RecordOffice. H.M.S.O.HALL, HELENA. A Dictionary of the SussexDialect. R. J. Acford Ltd, Industrial Estate,Chichester, Sussex.HAMMOND, J. Livestock Changes in Norfolksince the year x78o. Norfolk AgriculturalStation, Sprowston, Norfolk. 1957.HARTINC, J. E. A Perfect Booke for Kepingeof Sparhawkes or Goshawkes; written aboutx575, nozo first printed from the original MS.on vellum, with Introduction and Glossary.Bailey and Swinfen. 1957.HASWELL, M. R. Economic Aspects of the Productionand Distribution of Potatoes. [Historyof potato prices and marketing overmore than thirty years.] Metal Box Co. Ltd,Information and Statistics Dept., London,W.I.HERTFORDSHIRE COUNTY RECORD OFFICE.Catalogue of Records, Maps, etc., relatingto Hertfordshire [presented by] BritishRecords Association, z932-57. 1957.HORN, D. B., and RANSOME, MARY. EnglishHistorical Documents, vol. X, Z T Z 4-83. Eyreand Spottiswoode. 1957.JESSUP, FRANK W. A History of Kent. DarwenFinlayson. 1957.JOHNSTON, FRANCIS R. (ed.). Eccles and Swinton:the Past speaks for itself; a Selectionof Documents. Eccles and Dist. Hist. Soc.Central Library, Eccles, Lancs.JOHNSTONE, FRANCIS R. Lancashire SketchMaps. Eccles and Dist. Hist. Soc., CentralLibrary, Eccles, Lancs.KENT COUNTY ARCHIVES OFFICE. Guide to theKent County Archives Office; prepared byFelix Huff. Kent County Council.LE PATOUREL, JOHN. Documents relating tothe Manor and Borough of Leeds, Io66-x4oo. Thoresby Society Publications, vol.XLV.LINDSAY, J. O. (ed.). The New CambridgeModem History. Vol. VII. The Old Regime,x7xb-G 3. C.U.P. 1957.LOBEL, MARY D. (ed.). Victoria History of theCounty of Oxford. Vol. v. Bullingdon Hundred.O.U.P. 1957.MACMAHON, K. A. Beverley CorporationMinute Books (x7o7-x835). Yorks. Archaeolog.Soc., Rec. Series, vol. cxxn.MAJOR, KATHLEEN (ed.). The Registrum Antiquissimumof the Cathedral Church of Lincoln,Vol. vnI. Lincoln Rec. Soc., vol. LI.MARGARY, IVAN D. Roman Roads in Britain,vol. ii. North of the Fuss Way--BristolChannel. Phoenix House. 1957 .MARTIN, ERNEST W. Dartmoor. Hale.MORITZ, L. A. Grain Mills and Flour in ClassicalAntiquity. O.U.P.NATIONAL BOOK LEAOUE. Mirror of Britain,or, The History of British Topography:Catalogue of an Exhibition held at 7 AlbemarleStreet, London, IV. z. May-July x957.Introd. and notes by W. G. Hoskins. I957.NEWMAN, L. F. Some Notes on the Historyand Folklore of Veterinary Sdence : a Paperread to the Royal Society of Medicine.Royal Society of Medicine.O'LEARY, J. C. Dagenham Place Names. ValenceHouse, Dagenham.POTTER, G. R. (ed.). The New CambridgeModem History, vol. I. The Renaissance,x49S-r52o. C.U.P. 1957.ROBERTS, HAROLD A. ChesfieMnear Stevenage.H. A. Roberts, The Chantry, Sish Lane,Stevenage, Hens.SAYLES, G. O. (ed.). Select Cases in the Courtof King's Bench under Edward II, vol. IV.Selden Soc., vol. LXXlV.SHAW, R. C. CUNLIFFE. The Royal Forest ofLancaster. 127 Fishergate, Preston, Lancs.1957.SHEPPARD, JuNE A. The Draining of the Hull

40 THE AGRICULTURALHISTORYREVIEWValley. East Yorks. Local History Soc.SHEPPARD, RONALD, and NEWTON, EDWARD.The Story of Bread. Routledge and KeganPaul. I957.SYLVESTER, DOROTHY, and NULTY, GEOF-FI~Y. The Historical Atlas of Cheshire.Cheshire Community Council, 53 WatergateRow, Chester.THIaSK, JOAN, and IMRAY, JEAN. SuffolkFarming in the Nineteenth Century. SuffolkRec. Sue., vol. I.TICEHURST, N. F. The Mute Swan in England:its History and the Ancient Customof Swan Keeping. Cleaver-Hume Press.1957.UNITED STATES. DEPT. OF AGRICULTURE.ABBOTT, W. S. Faming since the First WorldWar. Jnl Agric. Economics, vol. XlI, no. 4.1957.ABERC, F. A. Introduction to Andent Ploughs.A Summary of the Evidence in Europe. TheAdvancement of Science, vol. XlV, no. 56./LBERC, F. A. The Early Plough in Europe.Gwerin, vol. I, no. 4. 1957.ALLEN, A. F. The Lost Village of Merston.Archaeologia Cantiana, vol. LXXI. 1957.ALLISON, K. J. Flock Management in the sixteenthand seventeenth centuries. Econ. Hist.Rev., N.S., vol. XI, no. I.ANDREAE, S..1. FOCKEMA. A Dutchman looksat Romney Marsh. Tijdschrift Van HetKoninklijk Nederlandsch AardrijkskundigGenootschap, vol. LXXV, no. 3"ANON. The Story of a Distributor--PhiladelphusJeyes. [History of an agriculturalchemicals business.] Land. Spring, 1958.ANON. Radio-carbon Dating and Archaeology.Antiquity, vol. XXXlI, no. 127.APPLEBAUM, SHIMON. Agriculture in RomanBritain. Agric. Hist. Rev., vol. vI.Am'ctYTACE, W. H. G. The Chartist LandColonies, z846-z84& Agricultural History,vol. XXXII.ARTHUR, J. R. B. Cereal growing in EarlyBritain. Land. Spring, 1958.ARTHUR, J. R. B. British Grain in RomanTimes. Agriculture, vol. LXlV, no. I.ARTICLESMajor Statistical Series of the U.S. Dept.of Agriculture. How they are constructedand used. Vols. x-9. [Also .known as AgricultureHandbook, no. 118.] U.S. Dept. ofAgriculture, Washington.WALKER, MARGARET (ed.). Hearth Tax Returns.Warwick County Records, Recordsand Museum Committee, Shire Hall, Warwick.1957 .WEAWR, J. R. H., and BEAm)WOOD, A. (eds.).Some Oxfordshire Wills proved in the PrerogativeCourt of Canterbury, z393-zSZO. OxfordshireRec. Sot., vol. XXXlX.WHATLEY, C. W. A Short Review of BritishFarming over the Centuries. Whatley, Burderop,Swindon, Wilts.BAGSHAWE, T. W. Rake and Scythe-HandleMaking in Bedfordshire and Suffolk. Gwerin,vol. 1, no. x. 1956.BARLEY, M. W. Another Scrimshaw Ballad.Lincs. Historian, vol. II, no. 5.BARN~S, F., and HOBBS, J. L. Some early FurhessRecords. Trans. Cumb. and Westm.Antiq. and Archaeolog. Soc., N.s., vol.LVII.BASTIAN, F. Daniel Defoe and the DorkingDistrict. Surrey Archaeolog. Coll., vol. LV.1957.BATHO, G. R. The Percies and Alnwick Castle,z557-z632. Archaeologia Aeliana, vol.xxxv. 1957.BEAUMONT, OLGA, and JENKINS, J. GERAINT.History of Technology, voL IIL Farm-tools,Vehicles, and Harness, z5oo--z75o. ClarendonPress. 1957 .BELLERBY, J. R. Distribution of Manpower inAgriculture and Industry. Farm Economist,vol. IX, no. i.BERESFOaD, M. W. The Common Informer, thePenal Statutes and Economic Regulation.Econ. Hist. Rev., N.S., vol. x. 1957.BERESFOaD, M. W. The Poll Taxes of 1377,z379, z38z. Amateur Historian, vol. III,no. 7.BERESFOaD, M. W. The Lay Subsidies, part z,z29o--1334. Amateur Historian, vol. III,no. 8.

iiBOOKS AND ARTICLES]3LACKWELL, ALFRED E. Some Critical Noteson the Bibliography of Lundy. Rep. andTrans. Devon Assoc., vol. LXXXlX. 1957.]3OWDEI% P. J. Movements in Wool Prices--aReply. Yorks. Bull. Econ. and Social Research,vol. Ix, no. 2. 1957.]3.WEN, H. C. The Study of Andent Fields(with special reference to England). TheAdvancement of Science, vol. XlV, no. 56.]31~ETTON, R. Hipperholme and Lightcliffe.Trans. Halifax Antiq. S.c., October 12,1957.]3RETTON, R. Skircoat Township Minute Book.Trans. Halifax Antiq. Sot., June 22, 1957.]3ROOKES, PAU~ mE F. The Pattern of Settlementin East Cheshire. Cheshire Historian,no. 8.BROWN, TI-IEO. Holy and Notable Wells ofDevon. Rep. and Trans. Devon Assoc., vol.T xxxIx. 1957.]3RUNSKILL, R. W. The Development of theLarge House in the Eden Valley, z35o-184 o.Trans. Cumb. and Westm. Antiq. andArchaeolog. Soc., N.S., vol. LVII.BUCHANAN, R. H. Thatch and Thatching in E.Ireland. Gwerin, vol. I, no. 3. I957.BULL, G. ]3. G. Elizabethan Maps oftheLowerLea Valley. Geographical Jnl, vol. cxxIv.BURST.W, G. P., and HOLLEYMAN, G. A. LateBronze Age Settlement on Itford Hill, Sussex,with a Note on Carbonized Cereals byHans Helbaek. Proc. Prehist. Soc., N.S., vohXXIII.CALDEa, CHARLES S. T. Report on the Discoveryof Numerous Stone Age House-Sitesin Shetland. Proc. Soc. Antiq. of Scotland,vol. LXXXIX.CARUS-WILSON, ELEANORA. The Significanceof the Secular Sculptures in the Lane Chapel,Cullompton. Medieval Archaeology, vol. I.1957.CHEW, HILARY C. Fifteen Years of AgriculturalChange. A Study of Sample Countiesin England and Wales, z934-54. Geography,vol. XLnI.CLARKE, R. RAINmaD. Archaeological Discoveriesin Norfolk, z949-54. Norfo.~k Archaeology,vol. xxxI. I957.COATS, A. W. Changing Attitudes to LabourON AGRARIAN HISTORY 41in the mid-eighteenth Century. Econ. Hist.Rev., N.S., vol. xLCONNELL, K. H. The Land Legislation andIrish Social Life. Econ. Hist. Rev., N.S.,vol. xi.COPPOCK, J. T. Changes in Farm and FieldBoundaries. Amateur Historian, vol. In,no. 7'COPI"OCK, J. T. The Changing Arable in theChilterns, z875-x051. Geography, vol. XLn.1957.CROWLEY, JF~NIE. Sundials in North Devon.Rep. and Trans. Devon Assoc., vol. LXXXIX.1957.DARLINCTO~r, IDA. The Registration of Landin England and Wales and its Effect on ConveyandngRecords. Jnl Soc. of Archivists,vol. I, no. 8.DAVlBSON, THOMAS. Early Farming TransferCharm Cures. Agriculture, vol. LXlV, no. 9"1957.DAVlDSON, THOMAS. Cattle-milking Charmsand Amulets. Gwerin, vol. n, no. I.DAVlDSON, THOMAS. The Horesman' s Word: aRural Initiation Ceremony. Gwerin, vol. I,no. 2. 1956.DAVIDS.N, THOMAS. Animal ChaTm Curesand Amulets, Amateur Historian, vol. ni,no. 6.DAVIES, MAaCARET. Common Lands in South-East Monmouthshire. Trans. Cardiff Naturalists'S.c., vol. LXXXV.DENT, G. Reminiscences of Sowerby. Trans.Halifax Antiq. S.c. April IO, 1956.DODD, E. E. Two Bingley Postscripts. BradfordAntiquary, N.S., vol. XXXlX.DONKiN, R. A. Bercaria and Lanaria. Yorks.Archaeolog. Jnl, vol. XXXlX, parts 155 andI56.DONKIN, R. A. Cistercian Sheep-farming andWool-sales in the thirteenth Century. Agric.Hist. Rev., vol. vI.DoucH, ROBEaT. Geography and the LocalHistorian. Amateur Historian, vol. nI, no. 7.DUDLEY, DOROTHY. An Excavation at Bodrifty,Mulfra Hill, near Penzance, Cornwall.Archaeolog. Jnl, vol. cxnLDUDLEY, DOROTHY. Late Bronze and EarlyIron Age Settlements in Sperris Croft and

42 THE AGRICULTURALWicca Round, Zennor. Roy. Inst. of Cornwall,N.S., vol. nI. 1957.DUNCAN, R. Sheep on Romney Marsh [includingagricultural statistics for theparishes from 1866 onwards]. N.A.A.S.Quarterly Review, no. 4 ° .DURNO, S. E. Pollen Analysis of Peat Depositsin Eastern Sutherland and Caithness. ScotfishGeographical Mag., vol. LXXlV.EAST, F. W. Welbourn in the Sixteenth Century.Lincolnshire Historian, vol. n, no. 5.EASTERBROOK, L. AND OTHERS. Fifty Fightingyears: a History of the National Farmers'Union [including history of marketingboards]. British Farmer, February, 1958.EDLIN, H. L. Farm Woodlands: Past andPresent. Agriculture, vol. LXV, no. 2.EMERY, F. V. A New Reply to Lhwyd' s ParochialQueries (z696"): Puncheston, Pembrokeshire.Nat. Library of Wales Jnl, vol. x,no. 4-.EMERY, F. V. English Regional Studies fromAubrey to Defoe. Geographical Jnl, vol.CXXlV, part 3.EMERY, F. V. The Geography of Robert Gordon,z58o-q66z, and Sir Robert Sibbald,164z-z72z. Scottish Geogr. Mag., vol.LXXIV.FARMER, D. L. Some Grain Price Movementsin Thirteenth-Century England. Econ. Hist.Rev., N.s., vol. x. 1957.Fn, rN, R. WELLDON. The Making of the DevonshireDomesdays. Rep. and Trans. DevonAssoc., vol. LXXXlX. 1957.FLATR~S, PIERRE. Rural Patterns hi CelticCountries. 21 Comparative Study. The Advancementof Science, vol. XlV, no. 56.Fox, AILEEN. Excavations on Dean Moor, inthe Avon Valley, 1954-6. Rep. and Trans.Devon Assoc., vol. LXXXlX. 1957.FUSSELL, G. E. George Ga3ford, z8oo-q887A Farmer of the Old School. Suffolk Review,vol. I, no. 5. 1957.FUSSELL, G. E. Farm Stock Portraits andflames Ward. Agriculture, vol. LXV, no. i.FUSSELL, G. E. Glamorgan Farming: an Outlineof its Modern History. Morganniog.Trans. Glare. Local Hist. Sot., vol. I. 1957.FUSSELL, G. E. History of Technology, vol. V.HISTORY REVIEWGrowth of Food Production. ClarendonPress.FUSSELL, G. E. Digging the Old Fen Drain,.Jnl Land Agents' Soc. July, I958.FUSSELL, G. E. Farming Changes in the pastHundred Years. M. and B. Veterinary Review,voi. IX, no. 4.FUSSELL, G. E. History of Technology, vol. IV.Agriculture:Technique of Farming. ClarendonPress.FUSSELL, G. E. The Countryside a CenturyAgo. Estates Gazette Centenary Supplement.May 3, 1958.FUSSELL, G. E. New Crops in Norfolk. AmateurHistorian, vol. v, no. I.FUSSELL, G. E. Farm Machinery a CenturyAgo. The Engineer. June 28, 1957.GELLING, MARGARET. The Hill of Abingdon.Oxoniensia, vol. XXlI. I957.GLEDHILL, BARBER. King's Farm or the WhiteLion at Hebden Bridge. Trans. HalifaxAntiq. Soc. September I5, 1956.GOODSALL, ROBERT H. Watermills on the RiverLen. Archaeologia Cantiana, vol. LXXI. 1957-GRAY, ELIZABETH O. Potatoes in the EighteenthCentury. Scottish Agriculture. Spring,1958.GRESHAM, C. A., and HEMP, W. J. Lasynys [afarmhouse near Harlech]. Jnl MerionethHist. and Rec. Soc., vol. nI. i957.GRIFFITHS, W. A. Fifteenth and SixteenthCentury Lords of the Manor of Broniarth.Montgomeryshire Coll., vol. LIV, part 2.1957.HABAKKUK, H. J. The Market for MonasticProperty, z539-I6o 3. Econ. Hist. Rev.,N.S., vol. X.HALLAM, H. E. Some Thirteenth-Century Censuses.Econ. Hist. Rev., I~.S., vol. x.HARDEN, D. B. Air-photography and Archaeology.Trans. Lancs. and Cheshire Antiq.Soc., vol. LXVI. 1957.HARLEY, J. B. Population Trends and AgriculturalDevelopments from the WarwickshireHundred Rolls of 1279. Econ. Hist.Rev., N.S., vol. Xl.HARms, ALAN. The Lost Village and the Landscapeof the Yorkshire Wolds. Agric. Hist.Rev., vol. vI.

BOOKS AND ARTICLESHARVEY, JOHN. ,4 Short History of Bookham,Surrey. Part 111. Proc. Leatherhead andDistrict Local Hist. Sue., vol. I, no. Io.HARVEY, NIOEL. Low on Drainage. Jnl LandAgents' Sue., vol. LVII, no. 2.HEXTER, J. H. Storm over the Gentry. Encounter.May, I958.HILTON, R. H. The Origins of Robin Hood.Past and Present, no. 14.HOLLAND, T. R. The Yeakell and GardnerMaps of Sussex. Sussex Archaeolog. Coll.,vol. xcv. I957.HOMANS, G. C. The Frisians in East `4nglia.Econ. Hist. Rev., N.s., vol. X. 1957.HoSKINS, W. G. The Population of an EnglishVillage, zo86-z8ox. `4 Study of WigstonMagna. Trans. Leics.Archaeolog. and Hist.Soc., vol. xxxm. i957.HOUSTON, GEOROE. Labour Relations in Scottish`4griculture before x87o. Agric. Hist.Rev., vol. vLHOWSE, W. H. `4 Harley Miscellany [farmingindentures and farming memoranda].Woolhope Naturalists' Field Club Papers.I957.HUDLESTON, C. RoY. An Eighteenth-CenturySquire's Possessions [Henry Curwen, squireofWorkington]. Trans. Cumb. and Westm.Antiq. and Archaeolog. Soc., N.s., vol. EVIl.HURriES, IEWN T. The Background of Llandysul.Ceredigion, vol. m, no. 2. 1957.HUGHES, 1VIAIRWEN. The Marram Grass Industryof Newborough, `4nglesey. Trans.Anglesey Antiq. Sue. and Field Club. 1956.HUNT, H. G. The Chronology of ParliamentaryEnclosure in Leicestershire. Econ. Hist. Rev.,N.S., vol. x. 1957.JACOBS, H. N. The Royal Agricultural College,Cirencester. Agriculture, vol. LXV, no. 4.JENKINS, J. G. The Dish of Wheels. Gwerin,vol. I, no. 2. 1956.JOHNSON, W. BRANCH. Behind a County History.Amateur Historian, vol. in, no. 6.JOHNSTON, G. D. Legal Terms and Phrases.Amateur Historian, vol. nI, no. 6.JONES, F. P. A Welsh Court of Estrays.Gwerin, vol. I, no. 2. 1956.JoNEs, M. U. Excavations at Stanton Low, inthe Upper Ouse Valley, during March, x957.ON AGRARIAN HISTORY 4-3Records of Bucks., vol. xvI, part 3. I957.JoNEs, M. U. Note on an old Land Drain.Records of Bucks., vol. XVl, part 3. x957.KAy, S. O. A Romano-British Building inStubbin Wood, Langwitk Junction, nearShirebrook. Derby. Archaeolog. and Nat.Hist. Sue., vol. LxxvI.I~m~ALL, H. P. Sowerby Workhouse. Trans.Halifax Antiq. Soc. August 4, I956.KERmDOE, ERm. The Revolts in Wiltshireagainst Charles L Wilts. Archaeolog. andNat. Hist. Mag., vol. nvn, no. 2o6.LAWTON, R. Population Movements in theWest Midlands, z84z-x86z. Geography,VO1. XLIII, no. 2oi.LEA, JOHN. A Great Agriculturist, RowlandProthero. Agent-in-Chief of the BedfordEstates. Beds. Mag., vol. vI, no. 44.LEE, J. R. Blenheim Estate. Agriculture, vol.LXV, no. 5.LE lVIAISTm~, F. The Jersey Hay- Cart ( L ' ]~clon,ou H~rnais d ~clon). Socidtd Jersiaise AnnualBull., vol. xvII, part 2.LI~LEY, E. S. Kingswood Abbey, its Landsand Mills. Trans. Bristol and Glos. Archaeolog.Sue., vol. LXXV.LINDLEY S. E., A Short Study in Valor Ecclesiasticus.Bristol and G1os. Archaeolog.Soc. Trans., vol. LXXVL 1957.LLOYD, JOHN. Llanfihangel y Traethau. JnlMerioneth Hist. and Rec. Soc., vol. In,part 2.LOWTHER, A. W. G. Ashtead and its History.Part VIII. The Early Stuart Period ( xro 3-x66o) and yohn Lawrence's Map of `4shtead(x638). Proc. Leatherhead and DistrictLocal Hist. Soc., vol. I, no. lO.Luc~, A. T. `4n Fhrir, ./1 straw rope granary.Gwerin, vol. I, no. I, I956.LYON, BRYCE. Medieval Real Estate Developmentsand Freedom. Amer. Hist. Rev., vol.LxIn. 1957.MACLEAN, C. I. Hebridean Traditions. Gwerin,vol. I, no. I. i956.IV[ADELEY, C. STANBURY. Chapelfields Farmand the Rancher Earl. Birmingham Archaeolog.Soc. Trans. and Proc., vol. LXXIV.MARSHALL, J. D. The People who left the Land.Amateur Historian, vol. Iv, no. LI[

44 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWMASON, R. T. Fourteenth-Century Halls inSussex. Sussex Archaeolog. Coll., vol. xcv.1957.MATHIAS, PETER. The Brewing Industry, Temperance,and Politics. Hist. Jnl, vol. I, no. 2.MAX'NE, L. BRUCE. The Growth of British FolkMuseums. Amateur Historian, vol. IV, no. I.MILES, HELEN. A Select Bibliography of PropettyLaw and Conveyandng. Amateur Historian,vol. v, no. I.MILLS, DENNIS R. A Bibliography of PostwarWork relating to the Geography of Lincolnshire.Lines. Archit. and Archaeolog.Soc. Pep. and Papers, N.S. vol. vii.MILLS, DENNIS R. Lincolnshire FamingRegions. East Midland Geographer, no. 9.MINGAY, G. E. Thrumpton: a NottinghamshireEstate in the Eighteenth Century. Trans.Thoroton Soc. of Notts., vol. LXI.MOlVrEITH, D. Elizabethan Manorial Surveys.Geography, vol. XLIII, no. 199.MOOmtOUSE, SYDI~IEY. The Andent Cattle ofEngland. Agriculture, vol. LXlV, no. 8. I957.MOULLIN, E. B. and PRIAULX, T. F. DomesticArchitecture in Guernsey before x75o. LaSoci6t6 Guernesiaise Rep. and Trans., vol.xvI, part I.MYATT-PRIcE, E. M. The Tattershall HouseholdBook,x475-76. Lines. Archit. and Arehaeolog.Soc. Rep. and Papers, N.S.,vol. vii.OLIVER, Mm BRUCE. Notes on Brushford.Devon Assoc. Rep. and Trans., vol. LXXXlX.I957.OLIVER, J. The Weather and Farndng in theMid-eighteenth Century in Anglesey. Nat.Library of Wales Jnl, vol. x, no. 3.O'NEIL, HELEN E. Prestbury Moat, a ManorHouse of the Bishops of Hereford inGloucestershire. Trans. Bristol and Glos.Archaeolog. Soe., vol. Lxxv.OWXN, DOROTI-IY M. Thornton Abbey and theLost Vill of Audleby. Lines. Archit. andArchaeolog. Soc. Rep. and Papers, N.s., vol.VII.PAYNE, F. G. A Scottish Ploughshare Type.Gwerin, vol. I, no. 4. 1957.POCOCK, D. C. D. Hop-growing in Nottinghamshire.Trans. Thoroton Soc. of Notts., vol.LXI.PORTER, ENID M. Butter by the Yard. Gwerin,vol. I, no. 4.PORTER, ENID M. The Cambridgeshire Fens.Gwerin, vol. II, no. I.PORTMAN, DEREK. Crack Houses in Long Wittenham.Berks. Archaeolog. Jnl, vol. LvI.POSNANSKY, MERRICK. The Bronze Age RoundBarrow at Swarkeston. Jnl. Derby. Archaeolog,and Nat. Hist. Sock, vol. LXXVI.POSNANSKY, MERRICK. Note on the Presenceof Prehistoric Field Systems in Derbyshire.Jnl Derby. Archaeolog. and Nat. Hist.Soc., ,col. LXXVI.POWELL, W. R. Local History in Theory andPractice. Bulletin of the Inst. Hist. Research,vol. xxxI, no. 83.PRIESTLEY, J. H. The Township of Rishworth.Trans. Halifax Antiq. Soc. March 6, 1956.PRINCE, H. C. Historical Geography in France.Geographical Jnl, vol. CXXlV, part I.PRINCE, H. C. Parkland in the English Landscape.With reference section on Places improvedby Lancelot Brown, z748--83; placesimproved by Humphrey Repton, x 789-I Sx 7 ;places illustrated by Johannes Kip, x7o7-x5.Amateur Historian, vol. III, no. 8.PROUDFOOT, V. B. Ancient Irish Field Systems.The Advancement of Science, vol. XlV, no.56.PUCH, L. P. Thomas Burgess, D.D., F.R.S.Q756--z837) Bishop of Salisbury [concerningthe formation of the Veterinary College,London]. Veterinary Record, vol. Lxx.PUGH, T. B. The Sessions in Eyre in the Lordshipsof Gower and Kilvey : a Dispute betweenthe Earl of Worcester and his Tenants.S. Wales and Mon. Rec. Soc. Publications,no. 4. 1957.QUAYLE, GEORCE E. Our Deserted Uplands.Isle of Man Nat. Hist. and Antiq. Soe.,vol. V, no. 5.QUAYLE, THOMAS. Cows, Dairymaids, andBaron Beef. Milk Producer, vol. vI, no. 2.QUAYLE, THOMAS. Tusser:Farmer-Poet. Agriculture,vol. LXlV, no. IO.RADFORD, C. A. RALEGH. The Saxon House:a Review and some Parallels. MedievalArchaeology, vol. I. I957.RAGLAN, LORD. The House--Shelter or

BOOKS AND ARTICLESTemple. Arehaeologia Cambrensis, vol. cvI.1957.RANGER, WOOD. L~fe at Sheeplane. Beds.Mag., vol. vI, no. 42. 1957.RA~,rKIN, R. G. The Eltonhead Family. Trans.Hist. Soe. of Lancs. and Cheshire, vol.CVlII. 1957.REES, WILLIAM. Records relating to the Lordshipof Senghenydd with Caerphilly, fromEdward I to Henry VIII. Part L S. Walesand Mon. Ree. Soe. Publications, no. 4.1957.REVILL, PHILIPPA. An old Name 3"or theCaburn. Sussex N. & Q., vol. xv, no. 2.ROBBINS, R. MICHAEL. Edgware in the EarlyNineteenth Century. Trans. London andMiddlesex Archaeolog. Soc., vol. XlX, part3.ROBERTS, MAROERY. Bedford Market. Beds.Mag., vol. vI, no. 42. 1957.ROBERTSHAW, WILFRID. The Horton Collectionof Manuscripts. Trans. Halifax Antiq.Soc., June 9, 1956.RODERICK, A. J., and REES, WILLIAM (eds.).The Lordships of Abergavenny, Grosmont,Skenfrith, White Castle, and Monmouth.Accounts of the Ministers forthe Year 1255-57, Part III. The Lordship of Monmouth.S. Wales and Mon. Rec. Soc. Publications,no. 4. 1957.RUBY, A. T. The Manor of Pachenesham,Leatherhead. Surrey Archaeolog. Coll., vol.LV. 1957.RYDER, MICHAEL. Report on the Animal Bones.Kirkstall Abbey Excavation. Eighth Report.Thoresby Soc. Publications. 1957.RYDER, M. L. Follicle Arrangement in Skinfrom Wild Sheep, Primitive Domestic Sheep,and in Parchment. Nature, vol. CLXXXlI.SALTER, R. G. A Glimpse of Two Andent LandAgents. Jnl Land Agents' Soc., vol. LVI,no. IO. 1957.SAWYER, P. H. The Density of the DanishSettlement in England. Univ. of BirminghamHist. Jnl, vol. vI, no. I. 1957.SAYCE, R. U. The Celtic Iron Age. Trans.Lanes. and Cheshire Antiq. Soe., vol. LXVI.1957.SAYCE, R. U. The Old Summer Pastures. AON AGRARIAN HISTORY 45Comparative Study. Montgomeryshire Collections,vol. LIV, part 2. 1957.SCHMIDT, HUBERT G. Some Post-revolutionaryViews of American Agriculture in theEnglish Midlands. Agile. Hist., vol. XXXlI,no. 3"SCHOVE, D. JUSTIN, and LOWTHER, A. W. G.Tree-rings and Medieval Archaeology.Medieval Archaeology, vol. I. 1957.SIMPSON, ALAN. The East Anglian Foldcourse:some Queries. Agile. Hist. Rev., vol.vI.SIMPSON, D. E. One Hundred and Fifty Yearsof Fertilisers. Farming Rev. Summer, 1957.SLICHER VAN BATH, B. H. Robert Loder enRienck Hemmema. It Beaken, vol. xx, nos.I, 2, 3.SMITH, A. H. Place Names and the Anglo-Saxon Settlement, British Academy Proc.,vol. XLII.SMITH, C. S. Story of a Great Fruit andVegetable Processing Concern [one hundredand fifty years of Chivers of Cambridge].Farmers' Weekly. September 5, 1957.SOONS, JAm~ M. Landscape Evolution in theOchil Hills. Scottish Geogr. Mag., vol.LXXlV.SPALDING, K. A German Account of Life inWales in 1856. Gweiln, vol. II, no. I.STANFORD, S. C. A Medieval Settlement atHampton Wafer. Woolhope Naturalists'Field Club Papers. 1957 .STEER, F. W. Bishop Montague's PersonalAccounts, I636-8. SussexArehaeolog. Coll.,vol. xcv. 1957.STEER, K, A. An Early Iron Age Homesteadat West Plean, Stirlingshire. Proc. Soe.Antiq. of Scotland, vol. LXXXlX.STEVENS, C. ]~. African Cornfields: a Review.Antiquity, vol. XXXlI, no. I25.STEVENS, F. BEI*rHAM. John Dudeney. SussexN. and Q., vol. xv, no. 1.STEVENS, F. BENTHAM. Manors of Meechingand Plompton-Piddinghoe. Sussex N. & Q.,vol. xv, no. 2.SYLVESTER, DOROTHY. The Common Fields ofthe Coastlands of Gwent. Agric. Hist. Rev.,vol. vI.SYLVESTER, DOROTHY. The Open Fields of

46 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWCheshire. Trans. Hist. Soe. of Lanes. andCheshire, vol. CVlIl. 1957.THOMAS, NICHOLAS. Excavations at CallowHill, Glympton, and Stonesfield, Oxon.Oxoniensia, vol. XXlI. 1957.THOMAS, SPENCER. Land Occupation, Ownership,and Utilization in the Parish of Llansantffraid.Ceredigion, vol. III. 1957.THOMPSON, F. M. L. Land Market in theNineteenth Century. Oxford EconomicPapers, vol. IX, no. 3.1957.THOMPSON, F. M. L. English Landownership:the Ailesbury Trust, x832-5ff. Econ. Hist.Rev., N.S., vol. XI.THOMSON, T. R. Notes on Eisey and WaterEaton. Wilts. Archaeolog. and Nat. Hist.Mag., vol. EVIl, no. 2o6.TODHUNTER, J. F. Thomas Smith of Waddington,I765-z823. Lines. Historian, vol. II,no. 5.UTTERSTROM, G. Climatic Fluctuations andPopulation Problems in early modern History.Scandinavian Econ. Hist. Rev., vol.III. 1955.W., J. The Rent of a Pepper-corn. Northants.Past and Present, vol. II, no. 4. 1957.WAKE, JOAN. Northamptonshire Records.Speculum, vol. XXXlII, no. 2.WALKER, JAMEs. Cruck-framed Buildings inScotland. Gwerin, vol. I, no. 3. 1957.WARD, GORDON. Forged Anglo-Saxon Charters.Archaeologia Cantiana, vol. LXXI.1957.WARD, J. D. U. Tithe Barns of the South West.Agriculture, vol. LXV, no. 4"WARD, JOHN T. Changes in Land Tenure(z9H-I95o). Jnl Land Agents' Soc. May,1958.WARD, JOHN T. Farm Sale Prices over a HundredYears. The Estates Gazette CentenarySupplement. May, 1958.WATSON; R. A Traditional Fylde Home.Gwerin, vol. II, no. I.W~LCH, C. E. Shotford Manor. Sussex N. andQ., vol. xv, no. I.WI-IAI~E, LEONARD. Norse Settlements in WirraLCheshire Historian, no. 8.WHETHAM, EDITH. Rent and the AgriculturalPrice Review. Econ. Jnl, vol. LXVlII, no. 271.WHITAKER, I. R. Two Hebridean Corn-Kilns.Gwerin, vol. I, no. 4. 1957.WHITWORTH, MARGARET. Original Document-Inventoryof the Nunnery of Legbourne.Lincs. Historian, vol. II, no. 5.WILLIAMS, D. ELWYN. Rumney Parish (x744-zB54 ) as seen in the Parish Registers andAccounts Books. S. Wales and Mon. Rec.Soc. Publications, no. 4. 1957.WILLIAMS, G. J. Glamorgan Customs in theEighteenth Century. Gwerin, vol. I, no. 3.1957.WILLIAMS, Rev. H. FtrLFORD. SampfordCourtney andHoneychurch. Rep. and Trans.Devon Assoc., vol. LXXXlX. 1957.WILLIAMS, J. G. The Cooper's Craft. Gwerin,vol. I, no. 4. I957.WILLIAMS, MOELWYN I. Seasonal Migrationsof Cardiganshire Harvest Gangs to the Valeof Glamorgan in the Nineteenth Century.Ceredigion, vol. III. 1957.WILLIAMS, NEVILLE. Sessions of the Clerk ofthe Market of the HousehoM in Middlesex.Trans. London and Middlesex Archaeolog.Soc., vol. XlX. 1957.WILLIAMS-JONES, KEITH. Llywelyn' s Charterto Cymer Abbey in i2o 9. Jnl MerionethHist. and Rec. Soc., vol. III. 1957.WILLIS, ARTHUR J. Church and Layman in theEighteenth Century. A Study of someArchives of the Ecclesiastical Courts. AmateurHistorian, vol. v, no. i.WILMOT, GRAHAM F. A. The Changing Scenein the Township of Higher Bebington, Wirral.Part II. Cheshire Historian, no. 8.WILSON, DAVID M., and HURST, JOHN G.MedievalBritainin i956. Medieval Archaeology,vol. I. 1957.WILSON, JOHN. Lower War Ing in Norland.Trans. Halifax Antiq. Soc., March 3 o,1957.WILSON, KENNETH. Forest Law. AmateurHistorian, vol. III, no. 7.WINNINCTON-INcRAM, A. J. Notes on theEighteenth-Century Manuscript Volume inHereford Cathedral Archives recordingvarious Events and Customs relating to theDiocese of Hereford. Woolhope Naturalists'Field Club Papers. 1957 .

BOOKS AND ARTICLESWINNINGTON-INGRAM,A. J. Thomas Thorn(e)-ton [probate inventory of the Master of theHospital at Ledbury]. Woolhope Naturalists'Field Club Papers. i957.WOOD, PETER. Second Excavation of the StripLynchers at Bishopstone, near Swindon,Wilts. June I955. Wilts. Archaeolog. andNat. Hist. Mag., vol. svn, no. 2o6.WOODMAN, A. VERE. The Buckinghamshireand Oxfordshire Rising of z549. Oxoniensia,vol. xxu. 1957.WOODVm~, A. VEr~. ~1 Note on Sir Walterde Hanle. Records of Bucks., vol. xvI, part 3.ON AGRARIAN HISTORY 47WRIGHT, C. E. Topographical Drawings inthe Department of Manuscripts, BritishMuseum. Archives, vol. III, no. 18. 1957.WRIGHT, PHILLIP A. Centenary of TractionEngine Pioneer. East Anglian Daily Times.September 13, 1958.WRIGHT, PmLLIP A. Pioneers of MechanisedReaping. East Anglian Daily Times. September30, 1958.YOUNG, ALISON. Excavations at Dun Cuier,Isle of Barra, Outer Hebrides. Proc. Soc.Antiq. Scotland, vol. LXXXlX.IILetter to the EditorAGRICULTURE IN ROMAN TIMESSIR,--Dr Applebaum writes: "While previouscultivation was mainly confined to chalkand limestone soils, Belgic settlement beganto invade the medium loams."I believe this may be true of certain areaswhich came under their influence. The Belgae,however, are not supposed to have arrivedbefore IOO B.c. We have grain deposits fromthe coastal strip of West Sussex dating backto 35o-25 ° B.C., showing that earlier immigrantshad realized the value of this flatcountry.Concerning the writer's summing up of thecrops introduced by the Romans, namely clubwheat and flax, the probability is that thesetwo plants were reintroduced, as club wheathas been recognized in deposits from severalIron Age sites. Flax impressions in potterycome from Windmill Hill, Wilts (Neolithic),and Westwood, Fife (Middle Bronze Age).Dr Applebaum considers that "the leveland productivity of Roman agriculture inBritain involved advances over the pre-Roman system." This no doubt applies togrowing crops, but to what extent? Wheatwas certainly the predominant crop, and inRoman days was grown more extensively thanin former days, although the average cerealdeposit on inspection portrays a very mixedone, wheat being the biggest constituent althoughother useful plants had evidentlycrept in such as Bromus. Little if anythingwas done to separate these seeds from the truecereals, and one must assume that plantbreeding, or at any rate selection, had advancedvery little.Yours faithfully,J. a. B. ARTHUR'Cydweli', Court Wick, Littlehampton.

Book ReviewsA. G. HAIJDRICOURT and M. J-B. DELAMARRE,L'Hornme et La Charrue ~ travers le Monde.Paris, 1955 . 506 pp.No single instrument has so affected the historyof the last 5,ooo years as the plough. LikePliny's ploughman, with back bent to his task,this history has been bent, even on occasionyoked, to the plough. We may--for sometime yet, we must--dispute the finer points ofthe relationship; the precise effects of ploughtype on field shape, village site, community,and so on. But no one is likely now to questionits broad and impressive proportions, or willinglyto put the plough (as does the BayeuxTapestry) in the margins of the story. By ira-• plication, indeed, English medieval historiansat least have, in a sense, often erred the otherway, by concentrating too much on arablefields, too little on pasture, rather as if, in theline of some sixteenth-century writers, theyfelt the plough's advance alone representedsolid and typical agrarian achievement; anemphasis which has not, unfortunately, preventedus being very mistaken about the historyof the plough in England, and consequentlyprobably wrong about much of thehistory of settlement. As these recently correctederrors show, 1 it is too soon to hope towrite a definitive history of the plough, evenin a single country, let alone "~t travers lemonde." But so much valuable work has beendone recently that some preliminary attemptat synthesis was desirable, if only to suggestlines of future enquiry. This book, the twentyfifthvolume in the important series of GdographicHumaine directed by M. Pierre Deffontaines,attempts to do two main things.First, and more important, to reconstruct thetypology of the plough throughout the world'shistory, basing this typology on detailed regionalevidence; and secondly, to suggestways in which this typology has been relatedto the needs and environments of men. Theresult is the most important general contributionto our knowledge of plough types thathas yet appeared, rivalling Leser 2 in learning(though not, unfortunately, in clarity of typeS),and excelling him in, so to say, human understanding.The human emphasis is fundamental andgives the work distinctiveness. Even whensome general proposition of typology is presenteda shade too enthusiastically, we seldomstray far from the men who made and used thetools. Their mental and physical habits ofwork, the living basis for their abiding conservatism;their inherited craftsmanship; thechanging needs of climate and soil; these andkindred points will ultimately be much morefully understood, but the importance of understandingthem is here firmly and decisivelyaccepted.This general approach is carried throughwith a great breadth of knowledge and an impressivebibliography. The familiar types ofevidence are all used: cylinder seals from theancient middle east; representations of manykinds from ancient Egypt, Greece, and laterperiods; the literary records, Pliny being discussedin considerable detail; the early Scandinavianinstruments on which Glob has recentlywritten a study of fundamental importance;4 regional plough types in use in the pasttwo centuries or so, this information beingsummarized in several valuable, if small-scale,distribution maps. Some of the archaeologicalmaterial is used less than is normal, for examplethe details of finds of coulters (there isx See especially F. G. Payne, 'The Plough in Ancient Britain', Archaeological yournal, ctv, x947,pp. 82-IxI; 'The British Plough', Agric. Hist. Rev., v, x957, pp. 74-84.2 p. Leser, Entstehung und Verbreitung des Pfluges, x93 I.8 The paper is wretched, and the stitching spasmodic and inadequate. Books of this importance deservebetter presentation. They also demand an index; it passes understanding why it should have beenissued without one.4 p. V. Glob, Ard and Plough in Prehistoric Scandinavia, 195I, which the authors have, I believe,overlooked.48

BOOK REVIEWS 49a special reason for this) and shares. Again, as or not the ard ori~nated elsewhere--and thean examination of wheeled carts and harness authors toy with the idea that it came fromshows, further comparison of ploughs with an area of 'dry farming'--the first for whichother tools, especially harrows, hoes, and we have evidence are in ancient Mesopotamiaspades, would (as the authors point out) be and Egypt, the oldest going back to aboutvaluable. On the other hand, the authors 3000 B.c., and implying, by their alreadyadduce less well-worn evidence: ideograms advanced development, a considerable past.from the middle east and China; detailed con- These ards are of very distinctive construcsiderationof variations in the nomenclature tion; two handles meet together at the lowerof the plough and its parts which, despite end to form a pointed, symmetrical shareobvious pitfalls, 1 can give important indica- beam and share combined, the 'depth' oftions of date and distribution. One striking which, in the Egyptian examples, is regulatedlimitation in the evidence is its sparseness for by what we know as a sheath. 8 Their use isthe period between the ancient worlds and also distinctive, for, according to the authorsfairly modern times. A great deal of work (as against the view of Leser), they were prineedsto be done here. In this country, for marily associated with sowing, either by ainstance, medieval accounts need closer in- central drill fixed between the handles, orvestigation; and more discussion will surely broadcast. It is from these already diverseclarifythevexedquestionofthesizeandcom- ancient middle eastern ards that--it is aspositionof the medieval plough-team. 2 sumed--all the ards and ploughs of the worldThe diversity of recorded plough types is, derive. It is here suggested that the later deofcourse, enormous; and the nature of the velopment of the ard took three main lines,evidence--inadequate dating, the forced re- more or less distinct. First, the type calledliance on survivals in backward areas, for in- here the araire chambige, in which the handlestance--makes the task of discerning the dif- (usually single) and share beam (whetherferent stages of development incredibly diffi- combined in one piece or not) pass throughcult. The typology here presented is, in many a mortise in the plough beam; in most cases,respects, novel; and, on the whole, it rings the share, if separate, is of the tanged typetrue. Its basic division is between the (early) (with the bar share as the limiting type), heresymmetrical instrument, the aratrum or ard, referred to as the reille (L. regula). The wellandthe asymmetrical carruca or plough pro- known Dostrup and Donneruplund ards 4 andperly speaking. And, although the book's title the votive bronze model from Cologne are ofimplies concentration on the latter, in fact it this kind; and the Virgilian aratrum is geneisthe ard which takes up more space. Whether rally (and surely rightly) interpreted as suchi e.g. though a carruca was extensively used in Anglo-Saxon England, the O.E. verb 'to plough' iserian, cognate with L. arare. For the word 'coulter' see Payne's remarks, Arch. Jl., cIV, I947, p. 92n."~ Two important recent contributions on English ploughs are overlooked by the authors: H. M. Colvin,'A Medieval Drawing of a Plough', Antiquity, xxwI, I953, PP. I65-7; M. Nightingale, 'Ploughingand Field Shape', ibid., pp. 2o-6. Col. Drew's work, deposited in the Public Record Office, shows thevalue of medieval accounts.3 Not, however, in all Egyptian examples; e.g.W.S. Smith, The Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt,I958, pl. 58B (Dynasty XI, 2134-1991 B.C.).4 The description of these instruments (pp. 78 ft.) is not altogether accurate; each has a pointed share(separate or made out of the foot of the handle or ard head) and what Glob calls a fore-share (here reille).Payne also seems to be wrong (Agric. Hist. Rev., v, I957) when he writes (p. 75) that the Donneruplundard "proves that the well-known specimen found at Dostrup in 1884 was incomplete, that it had lost avery important part, the ploughshare... The size of the mortise in the beam foot itself should haveraised doubts about its completeness." On the contrary, as Glob's plan of the mortise shows (Glob,op. cir., fig. 57), there is no room for such an additional piece; nor need for it, since the ard head isfashioned into a share, being altogether more massive than the ard head of the Donneruplund ard whichhad a separate wooden share. There were clearly at least two varieties of 'bow ard' (araire ehambige);equally efficient (there is no question of the Dostrup ard being merely a "thin pointed stick" as Payne

50 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEW(though not here). 1 Secondly, the arairemanche-sep, in which the plough beam passesthrough a mortise in the combined handlesharebeam; in modem times, at least, this hasbeen the most widely distributed type. Thirdly,the araire dental, which has a (usuallynarrow, straight, and 'shallow') share beaminto which the plough beam and the handleare separately tenoned. This is familiar as theinstrument of ancient Greece, and the authorsargue (not, in my view, convincingly) thatVirgil's aratrum was also of this type; the'crook ards' of ancient Scandinavia are aslightly developed variety. In each of thesethree types, the handle is most often single,but the lower portions of the primitive doublehandles survive, it is suggested, in the ears orprojections often found on each side of theshare beam.These three main types, and numerousvariants (including the corresponding rectangulartypes, which Leser made into one ofhis two basic plough types!) had clearlyemerged long before the beginning of our era,which is the approximate date to which theauthors assign the appearance (in the west) ofthe carruca, an instrument which is constructedand operated asymmetrically, and whichturns rather than merely pulverizes the soil.There was clearly an intermediate stage duringwhich the aratrum was employed similarly,by leaning it to one side and using the ears(or equivalent) to turn the soil. This adaptationof the aratrum led easily to the addition ofa coulter, of wheels to facilitate control (notedby Pliny as a recent innovation), and of abetter device to guide the soil over (of whichthe mould-board is the final example). Asfuture development showed (see e.g. themodern English swing plough) the wheelswere the least important addition. By contrast,coulter and better turning device were fundamental,and the differences in their arrange-ment and design divide carrucae into twobasic types: those in which the ploughmancan choose which way he turns the soil (theso-called "one-way plough"); and those inwhich he cannot.Broadly persuasive though this typology is,not all its stages carry equal conviction. Sinceso much depends on the precise point atwhich an instrument was introduced into anarea, it is not surprising, given the present uncertaintyover much of the dating, that thereare gaps in our knowledge where a rathertheoretical typology must do service for soundhistorical evidence. On occasion, the authorshardly seem to have allowed sufficiently forthe variety of skills and therefore the adaptabilitypossessed by users of the plough insome primitive communities; for instance,the late Bronze Age rock engravings at Finntorpshow two very different types of ard presumablyin use in the same area; Pliny pointsto similar variety, and in this country Britishcoulters may indicate differences between instruments.Again, the transitional stage betweenthe aratrum and the carruca is hardlystressed adequately. As Payne's articles haveshown, this is one of the really crucial momentsin the history of the plough, symmetricalconstruction (or nearly so) and asymmetricaluse, allowing the soil to be deeplycultivated and properly turned as demandedin well-watered land. Not surprisingly, perhaps,the authors have no very clear place intheir typology for this kind of bastard employment.But they also minimize the use of coulterswith ards. They admit that coulters wereoccasionally so used, but (I suspect) almostfeel that they ought not to have been. Theyexplain most of the early iron coulters as belongingto a separate instrument, a coutrier,consisting merely of a coulter attached to theend of a beam, with a handle for control, forwhose existence they cite one or two modernsays), though the D~strup ard must have been more difficult to make and more expensive to maintainbecause the combined share-handle demanded much working and might need complete replacement ifthe share part was damaged.1 See the very important article by R. Aitken on 'Virgil's Plough', Journal of Roman Studies, XLVl,I956, PP. 97-xo6. Perhaps we should take more seriously Seneca's comment that Virgil "aimed not toteach farmers, but to please readers" (Epistula, 86.~5).li!L:

BOOK REVIEWS 51examples and the evidence of Pliny. Neitherkind of evidence seems to do their case muchgood. P1iny, if read in a good text, 1 seems,more probably, to say what most people havealways supposed him to say; that, for the firstploughing (the verb is proscindere, on thetechnical meaning of which see Varro, ReturnRusticarum, I. xxIx. 2) of very thick or denseland (praedensa terra) there was a special typeof share used in conjunction with (and, literally,preceded by) a coulter on the same instrument.If plough types are difficult to arrange inhistorical sequence, the factors which determinedtheir evolution can, as yet, only beglimpsed in broadest outline; climate, soil,field shapes, resources of the users, and so on.But it is at least clear that simple generalizationswill not suffice. We are now much morecautious than historians once were about therelationship between ploughs and fields. Consideralso the effects of race and politicaldomination. If the authors are right, the politicalinfluence of China and of the Hindoocivilization were vital in the spread and evolutionof the plough in the east; in the west,while they agree that the Roman Empirebrought no fundamental change in ploughtypes, they suggest (not very plausibly) thatit may have helped to spread the araire dental.By contrast, the barbarian invasions no longerseem the great determinant they did, and like(apparently) the Arab conquests, probablyhad little effect on plough types. On these andsimilar points, the authors have contributed agreat deal. But they would be the first to agreethat the task of explaining the history of theplough is only in its infancy. "Nous ne prdsentonspas notre ouvrage," they conclude(p. 464), "comme une 'conclusion' maiscomme un 'point de ddpart'." If there is injusticein this, it is at least as unjust to themas to their predecessors in the field. Onehopes, however, that this remark will not beused as a general invitation to speculate onworld-wide plough history. A synthesis ofthis kind was certainly needed. But, betweenthe lines, its most insistent lesson really is this:the present need for close study of all types ofevidence on a less ambitious scale.T. H. ASTONJAMES H. SHmELER, Farm Crisis Igxg-z92 S.Cambridge University Press for Universityof California Press, I958. x+s45 pp.37 s. 6d.It is a sobering experience to find the eventsof the early 'twenties already being describedby a historian and the result selected for reviewin a historical journal. The historian isJames H. Shideler of the University of Californiaand he deals with the farm crisis in theU.S.A.His book is based on a most painstakingstudy of records of public agencies, privatemanuscript collections, federal documentsand official publications, newspapers andcorrespondence, farm journals, memoirs, andin fact of wellnigh all the records, publishedand unpublished, on the subject. It is not altogethersurprising, therefore, that it readsmore like a documentary than a commentary,although the reasons Mr Shideler gives forthe Crisis, and its significance in America'sagricultural history, are easily the mostinteresting features.Agriculture in the U.S.A., as in most othercountries, underwent a period of extremedepression between I92o and I923 in theprocess of readjustment from the inflatedconditions that arose during the first WorldWar. Mr Shideler thinks the period marks a"gulf between two worlds of American agriculture,an old world of soaring ambition restinguponexpansion and land valueincrement"and a "new world of uncertainty distinguishedby diversity, inequality, and contraction,"and this, presumably, is the reason why hehas concentrated his attention on the eventsof this relatively short period of time. Cer-1 The text the authors use is not the best. They omit the word infelix (?inflexus) which qualifiesculter, and, later on, give the name for the wheeled ploughs as planarati without mentioning the moreprobable plaumorati. There are at least eight other mistakes, one of which makes complete nonsense ofthe Latin.I jl

52 THE AGRICULTURALtainly there were things that the first WorldWar changed for ever, and an important onein the U.S.A. was its metamorphosis from adebtor to a creditor nation. But fundamentallythere was nothing new in the position,for prices had "tobogganed" before I9zo, andThe Grapes of Wrath described conditions inthe 'thirties.Even the attempt which the farmers madeto influence government policy in the early'twenties had its prototype in the PopulistParty which achieved such success that inI89o it was swept into power in a dozensouthern and western States and inspiredWilliam Jennings Bryan to urge the DemocratParty to fuse with it. And if the troubles in the'twenties were the result of overproduction,they only reflected the misfortunes of anearlier generation of farmers whom a Kansasvirago implored to "raise less corn and moreHell." Mr Shideler seems to think his historicalmodel is a linear one, when in fact it iscyclical.The emphasis which he puts on overproductionis another feature of Mr Shideler'sthesis with which not everyone will agree. Noone will question his facts: some cropssuffered from overproduction, others wereleft on the shelf by temporary market dislocations,while the railroads chose this of alltimes to impose big increases on their ratesfor agricl~!tural goods. Moreover Europe, althoughstill desperately in need of food, wasin a position to pay only much lower pricesthan previously. But are these facts of themselvessufficient to describe the catastrophicprice falls that occurred with such suddennessin the middle of I9zo and continued foreighteen months? Mr Shideler does not ignorecredit shortage and the policy of the FederalReserve Board during this period. Indeed hedevotes six pages to examining the interpretationwhich farmers put on monetarypolicy. But he gives no indication thatmonetary causes were very close indeed tothe heart of the trouble. Rather he blamesfarmers' organizations for concentrating theirattention on a credit "plot," and seeking reliefthrough emergency credit expansion whenHISTORY REVIEWthey should have been "searching for thecauses of the agricultural crisis." The factthat the decision of ,the Federal ReserveBoard to increase the re-discount rate to 7 percent coincided with the beginning of the fallin prices receives much less attention than itsimportance deserves. Yet most students ofthe subject would agree that the tightening ofcredit had an overriding effect on the courseof prices in this period, just as the demonetizingof silver was responsible for the suddennessof the recession in the middle eighteenseventies.This is not an exciting book: Steinbeck ismuch more readable. But there are some interestingfeatures in'it. It shows, for instance,that the idea of the 'soil bank' is not so novelas may be thought from the publicity it nowreceives. As early as I92I Wallace's Farmerwas trying to persuade farmers to 'bank' thefertility in the soil by raising less corn andmore legumes.Mr Shideler gives interesting sidelights onsome of the chief actors who occupied theagricultural stage at this time. Henry C.Wallace was described by one of his friends as"a natural born gamecock.., redheaded onhis head and in his soul." As Secretary forAgriculture he "lived close to his job and keptfarmer hours. He was tautly nervous; thestrain of responsibility to farmers duringtheir crisis and exhausting battles within theadministration to protect his department werephysically wearing." His death in I924 suggestshow near to the truth was this assessmentof Wallace.The quotation which gives Liberty HydeBailey's conception of farming, too, is toorare to be lost: "it is the farmer's rare privilegeto raise crops and rear animals. The sheerjoy of the thing is itself a reward... It will be acalamity if we sacrifice this vast reward by insistingso exclusively on a financial or businessview of agriculture. By such insistence weshall make the occupation sordid." There waswisdom in erecting one or two other buildingsbetween Bailey Hall and the Farm ManagementBuilding on the campus at Cornell !These pictures stand out from a mass ofi~ ---.4 : :

BOOK REVIEWS 53!irather wearying detail which is unlikely tointerest many British historians or agriculturists.But for any one who wishes torefer to the sources of the history of theperiod, this book is first-rate.HARWOOD LONGJ. K. STANFORD, British Friesians : a History ofthe Breed. Max Parrish, 1956. 216 pp.,illus, iSs. 6d.Breed histories have a Betjemanesque airabout them: they tend to be of a period, withAmpthill lamp posts, the Imperial Institute,and The Times. They delight the connoisseur;but have no great significance to the man inthe street. They are full of pedigrees of farmlivestock which never had practical value;and they are the collected biographies of menwho chose dairy bulls only by their shape andstood their beeves hock deep in straw immediatelya photographer hove in sight.Mr Stanford's history of the Friesian breedin Britain has none of this nonsense about it.He approaches the black-and-white cow witha pail in his hand, and judges his stock byyield of milk and not horn shape, by butterfatpercentage and not set-on of tail, by calvingindex and not colouring. His book is, therefore,about the first chronicle of any one breedof stock which is worth its place on the bookshelf,and not in the attic, of the agriculturalhistorian.The antecedents of the Friesian breed areone of the most tantalizing mysteries in farmhistory. From what European stock did itevolve; how closely is it related to the dairycow which was the foundation of the greatmedieval dairyindustry of the Low Countries;when did this type first come into Britain--was it to the monastic farms, or in the sixteenthcentury, or not until the 'Dutch cow'began to catch the attention of the Englishfarming writers of the late seventeenth ceritury?These, and a dozen more, questionscome to mind. Netherlands research has notyet found the answers, nor yet Mr Fussell'swork from the British side; and Mr Stanfordmay therefore be excused for his failure totake these matters any further.It is certain that Dutch cattle carrying factorsof size, high milk yield, and colour markingwere in England from at least the time ofthe Restoration. They had soon afterwardsestablished the prototypical Shorthorn of thenorth-east coast and a short-lived southernShorthorn breed in Kent. They moved outfrom these centres, strengthened by newdirect imports, to modify British local stockinto the Hereford beef breed, the dual-purposeLonghorn, and the dairy Gloucestersand Ayrshires; and the Low Countries bloodalso probably influenced indirectly thepresent Channel Island, Red Poll, and SouthDevon breeds. There are, therefore, nomodern milch breeds in Britain, except theKerry, which do not stem in greater or lesserdegree from Low Countries stock; and onlythe whole-coloured black and red breeds andthe Highlander among beef types have beenkept free from any recognizable Low Countriescross.All this great inpouring into the meltingpotof British bovine stock Mr Stanford onlytouches upon lightly. The history of theBritish Friesian as such is his prime concern.This had its first beginnings in Britain abouthalf way through the nineteenth century--rather earlier than Mr Stanford suggests--when a proportion of Dutch cattle importedon the hoof for meat began to be retained onfarms. From about 187o Friesian herds beginto appear, of which the Terling herd of LordRayleigh, started about 189o, is the earlieststill to survive.The British Friesian Cattle Society wasfounded in 19o 9 . It took the Society's firsthonorary inspectors three years to sort outabout 7,000 acceptable animals from the tensof thousands of commercial black-and-whitesas foundation stock for the first herd book.The breed was first scheduled at the RoyalShow in 1911, and drew a dozen entries; andat the first Terling sale in the same year anaverage of only £25 8s. a head was returned.The Friesian in Britain was then very much ofa cow-keeper's cow. Its present eminence isdue mainly to the work of the Breed Societyunder a succession of shrewd leaders. The

!I i17~ .............................................................................................i i ~54 THE AGRICULTURALHISTORY REVIEWfounder of the H.M.V. gramophone business,Mr Trevor Williams, was one of the first ofthese. In 1912 he was in negotiation with theMinistry of Agriculture for the import ofselected new blood from Holland, so that thehotch-potch of black-and-whites could bemade into a homogeneous breed. Members ofthe Society's council themselves financed thefirst importation of 60 animals, in 1914, frommilk-recorded stock in Holland. They costless than £2,5oo and were sold for £15,o0o--and the handsome windfall was the foundationof the Society's financial stability.Four years later the first 2,ooo-gallonerappeared--Eske Hetty, bred by Lord Rayleighfrom an ancestry which was "shroudedin mystery." Performances of this calibre,and the post-war boom, caused prices to riseto fantastic heights; in 1919 four animals fromthe Rayleigh stud made £14,385. The excitementsof these days are brought out well inthis book, with vivid anecdote and a judiciousselection of detail. Mr Stanford, unlikeearlier historians of other breeds, is also candidabout the Society's failures and thebreed's shortcomings.Despite a few setbacks, the Friesians couldby 1925 boast six 3,ooo-galloners; and bythen over 16o animals in the breed hadpassed the 2,ooo-gallon yield mark, againstonly sixteen in. all the other breeds in Britainput together. The supremacy of the BritishFriesian as a milk producer was now un..challenged; and it had been achieved in lessthan two decades of work by the breedSociety and in little more than a generation'swork by breeders. With such a subject MrStanford could hardly have failed to do justiceto a piece of rural history as impelling asany in the long story of British agriculture.R. TROW-SMITHP. M. SYNaE and Miss G. E. PETERSON, eds.,The Fruit Year Book, z958. Royal HorticulturalSociety, 1957. I76 pp., illus, lOS.The 1958 edition of The Fruit Year Bookmaintains the high standard of production ofprevious numbers at the same very reasonableprice. In addition to covering topics ofinterest to amateur and commercial fruitgrowersthis edition contains several articlesof a historical nature.In 'John Laurence and his pears' ProfessorH. W. Miles describes the fruit-growingactivities in the early eighteenth century ofthis enthusiastic clergyman, who, like manyof the same calling since, did much by hisexample and writings to encourage the art ofgardening. He published The Clergyman'sRecreation in .17i 4 and The Gentleman'sRecreation in 1716 , and the charming frontispieceof the latter book is reproduced here.Professor Miles points out that Laurence'slist of varieties of pears contains a few stilloccasionally to be found today.The Rev. C. L. Dunkerley writing on'Some notable nineteenth-century Englishfruit books' places Ronald's Pyrus MalusBrentfordiensis, published in 183 I, as marking"the end of an age of great and glorious fruitbooks' '---those lavishly illustrated' 'pomonas"costing at the time anything from thirty tofifty guineas each. Books produced in theperiod from I83I to 1865 were written for aless exclusive and more technically mindedpublic, but, nevertheless, writers like CharlesMcIntosh and Benjamin Maund, whoseworks are described here, also illustrated theirbooks with beautiful engravings coloured byhand. Three of these are reproduced in theYear Book. Mr Dunkerley expresses somesurprise that McIntosh should refer so freelyto Latin and Greek authors, and attributesthis to the fact that Loudon's Encyclopaedia ofGardening had been published only a fewyears previously. The practice of reproducingclassical advice on gardening, however, wasindulged in by only too many writers of horticulturalbooks from Thomas Hyll (1563)onwards.The Gardener's and Forester's Record, amonthly publication of the I83O'S, is the subjectof a short note by H. H. Crane. We aretold that this periodical, also illustrated withhand-coloured engravings was originally publishedat 6d. per copy!Many horticultural crops suffer from thedictates of fashion and wax and wane in...... ii

popularity in an unpredictable way. Miss B.A. Rake in 'The history of gooseberries inEngland' describes how this fruit, not verypopular today, was the subject of tremendousenthusiasm in the eighteenth and nineteenthcenturies, when members of GooseberryClubs were actively engaged in breedingmore and more new varieties. By 1831 therewere 722 varieties in existence.The history of such a popular domesticfruit as the apple, which, as stated by C. S.Gundry in 'The evolution of apple growing inEngland', can be traced for at least 2,oooyears, must inevitably have social implicationsof a much wider nature. Mr Gundrycompresses a great deal of information intohis essay which covers the whole of thisperiod, and it is to be hoped that he will havethe opportunity of continuing and expandingthis work. Apple growing represents a highlydeveloped skill, particularly in the propagationof the trees by grafting, a practicewhich was certainly known to the Romans.Mr Gundry is perhaps over cautious in statingin reference to the fifteenth century that"it can be assumed that this operation wascommonly used even in those days." Graftingwas practised by Brithnod, first Abbot ofEly, towards the end of the tenth century,and it is a matter of speculation whetheror not such skills were really lost for anylength of time during the period followingthe departure of the Romans from thiscountry. One would like to know much moreabout the standard of horticultural practicesduring pre-Norman and early medievaltimes.R. R. Williams contributes some historicalnotes on perry pears, those ancient, greatpear trees which are such a feature of Herefordshireand other west midland countieseven at the present day. Mr Williams recountssome of the delightful names of theseold varieties; Merrylegs, Mumblehead, Lumberskull,and others with a flavour evocativeof the eighteenth century, when indeed someof the existing trees were planted. He makes aplea for the revival of interest in this fruit andits end-product.BOOK REVIEWS 55All of these articles make enjoyable reading,and it is to be regretted that The FruitYear Book is now emulating the biennialhabit of some of our well-known applevarieties.WINIFRED M. DULLFORCE.AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS RESEARCH IN-STITUTE. The Agricultural Register. NewSeries, Changes in the Economic Pattern,i956- 7 . Oxford University Press. 234 pp.2IS.Twenty years ago the Agricultural EconomicsResearch Institute under Dr Orwin publishedsix annual volumes of the AgriculturalRegister which provided in a compact form allthe facts that any one was likely to need on theoutput, prices, legislation, and administrat.ionof British farming. In I953 and i954 aseries of supplements to the Farm Economistcontained similar information for the majorproducts (excluding milk) over the interveningyears of war and post-war planning.Under Mr Colin Clark the Institute has nowresumed the pre-war pattern with a volumedealing roughly with the two price reviews of1956 and 1957 and the year between. Separatechapters deal with the development ofagricultural policy; the changes in output ofthe principal commodities, the activities ofthe various marketing boards and imports ofcompeting supplies; the negotiations overthe European free trade area, the commonmarket and G.A.T.T.; agricultural workersand wages; rents, land values, and credit; theprices and supplies of other inputs, and thevarious grants in aid of production. The textis mainly a commentary on the ninety-twostatistical tables, supplemented by summariesof current legislation. The authors are tobe congratulated on their clear and conciseexposition and the price is remarkably moderatefor a book containing so much tabularmatter. The absence of references no doubthelped to make possible this low price butnevertheless detracts rather from the usefulnessof this undoubtedly useful work of reference.EDITH H. WHETHAM

,i56 THE AGRICULTURALANDREAS HOLMSEN, HALVARD BJ•RKVIK, andRIGMOR FRIMANNSLUND, The Old NorwegianPeasant Community. Reprint fromThe Scandinavian Economic History Review,Uppsala, I956. 8z pp.The Institute for Comparative Research inHuman Culture, founded in Oslo in I922,here makes available the first fruits of a partof its work in three very readable papers inEnglish. They are a general survey and historicalintroduction by Professor AndreasHolmsen; an account of farmsteads, villages,field systems, and ownership by HalvardBj6rkvik, and a paper on farm communityand neighbourhood community by RigmorFrimannslund. The two latter papers arelargely based on material from western Norwaywhere older social and farming patternslinger in communities isolated by difficultphysical conditions. The Oslo institute isaccumulating by questionnaire and fieldstudy a wealth of material which is the envyof less well-endowed institutions in westernEurope. These papers indicate its scope andprogress and summarize and analyse a portionof it. The papers describe and explainthe lay-out of fjord-side farms and fields.They provide interesting contrasts with farmingcommunities in less harsh European environmentsand are a pattern for local studyeverywhere. The excellent text figures ineludeline drawings by Arne Berg in whichsettlements of x88o are reconstructed in elevation.I.ille drawings of this type, a feature ofIrish folk-life studies, could be more widelyused to illuminate, and replace, some of thedetail now used to describe farms and fieldsand folk.MARGARET DAVIESD. R. DENMAN, Origins of Ownership. Allenand Unwin, I958. I9o pp. zzs. 6d.The subtitle of this book describes its content.It is a "brief history of landownership andtenure from earliest times to the modern era,"that is from Prehistory (Cap. I) throughRoman Britain, Old England, and the NormanKings (II-IV) to the Middle Ages(V-VI). There is a separate chapter on LandHISTORY REVIEWin the Boroughs (VII). The book is a synthesisof considerable reading over a verywide field, and its peculiar virtue is that itbrings together conclusions of social, economic,and legal historians, and is written fornone or for all of them. Thus the medieval(and modern) lawyer's strict division oftenures and his insistence on uncertainty asthe true test of viUeinage are exposed as notfitting the facts of medieval life; at all timesan attempt is made to get at the reasons forchange and development in the law. So muchhas been compressed into a small book thatthere is some obscurity. Alodiarii, bordarii,and cotarff make sudden entrances and exits--who were they? The assizes of novel disseisinand mort d'ancestor occur without explanation.The definitions of primer seisin,escheat, and forfeiture are very odd. Complexissues are presented fairly, yet with suchmetaphoric brevity that the reader may bebetter informed but cannot be wiser. Exceptionally,the reasons for making Domesdayand the development of sales of works to bondtenants are discussed at sufficient length toarouse interest and send the beginner to thebibliographies.This is, in short, an interesting and a puzzlingbook. Tbe aim of the author, as stated inhis preface, is "by dealing with the historicaldevelopment of fundamental principles ofproprietorship, to review briefly the stories"about "the origins of land ownership in England;" and to "draw them together in a singlenarrative." There is vagueness in this. Whatare "the fundamental principles of proprietorship;"what is meant by "ownership"?These basic questions are nowhere discussed;there is no general introduction and no conclusion.There are, rarely, broad statements:"the lord's interest, his seigno~y, is not absoluteownership. It is not ownership under theomnicompetent will of the lord, within thegrace of which the tenant is granted sanctionof occupation. The tenant's interest, hisfeudum, is truly ownership" (p. 8o). Themeaning is not wholly clear, but certainly thebald assertion that thefeudum is truly ownershipmust sound strange to any one acquain-ii)'t

BOOK REVIEWS 57ted with jurisprudence and the dominium ofRoman Law. To a lawyer the truth of thiscontention depends on the nature of thecl"~i~-, or the result of success, in a real actionbrought by the tenant of such afeudum. It is,of course, important to know what were thesocial and economic facts as well as what werethe legal rights of those who had interests inland, but these legal rights have to be considered,and it is not enough to say that theearly common law" is not judge-made law; itis revealed law" (p. Io7). The substantivecommon law of land depended on the writsystem and the judges who enforced thewrits. Without a writ to defend his possessionor assert his claim to land, a man was powerlessat law. Many writs were based on a seisinby the claimant or his ancestor. To excludethe writs and to give half a page to seisin is tomake impossible any analysis of ownership inearly English law.There remains a stimulating survey of landholdingin town and country for which begi n -ners will be grateful and in which those whoare further advanced will find much of interest.To lawyers in particular the wide sweepof the work should be a salutary reminder ofthe narrowness of conventional legal history.G. D. G. HALLACRONOMISCH-HISTORISCHE BIJDRAGEN, publishedby the Studiekring voor Geschiedenisvan de Landbouw. Vol. Iv containing(I) Ir. W. J. Dewez, De Landbouw in BrabantsWesthoek in het midden van de achttiendeeeuw; (z) Prof. B. H. Slicher vanBath, Een Fries Landbouwbedriff in de tweedehelfte van de zestiende eeuw. H. Veenman& Zonen, Wageningen, i958. viii+2o8 pp.(No price stated.)These two studies, combined with that ofJ. A. Kuperus, Resultaten van een GroningerLandbouwbedrijf (I832-I876) published invol. uI of Historia Agriculturae, provide ageneral outline of the work done and the resultsobtained in three areas of Holland duringthree centuries. All are based on originaldocuments.The sixteenth-century material used byProf. Slither is an account book kept byRienck Hemmema from I May x569 to 3 IDecember I573, which is very completelyanalysed in a careful introduction, followedby a transcript of the text. It is a detaileddocument that compares favourably withRobert Loder's Farm Accounts and with theAccount Book of a Kentish Estate, both relatingto English farming in the seventeenthcentury. The methods of working the arableland are discussed, the general routine beinga rotation of cereals and pulse, either alternatelyor two crops of grain followed by pulse,as dictated by the fluctuations of price. Theanimal husbandry, which included dairywork, is equally clear. The economics of theholding disclose the labour employed andwages paid, and the domestic conditions.Since the work was done in time of war thedocument is quite remarkable.The basis of Ir. Dewez's essay is a reporton the leaseholds of a number of tenants inBrabants Westhoek made by Johan Dingemansin i74o. The tenants were heavily indebt to their landlord, and the report providesmaterial showing the size of holdings, the useof the land as between arable and grassland,the crops grown on the arable, the maintenanceof the grassland, and the purposes forwhich the cattle were kept, e.g., for milk orbeef and manure production, and the kinds oflivestock, horses, pigs, sheep, and poultrycarried. One interesting point that emergesis that there has been comparatively littlechange in the number and size of holdings inthe area from the date of this report untilmodern times. The cereal crops grown weremainly wheat, barley, and oats, and there wassome clover and artificial grass. Fodder cropswere beans, peas, and buckwheat. A few potatoeswere grown. Industrial crops were madder,coleseed, and flax, but these do not seemto have been grown on a large scale. Thefallow still came round regularly in the rotation,but clover and artificial grass had alreadytaken the place of a proportion of it. Possiblythe farmers had changed the old three-coursefor a six-course by using the second fallow togrow clover, artificial grass, and buckwheat.2 I ~

i58 THE AGRICULTURALHorses were bred in some numbers. Themaintenance of cows was calculated at 1. 3per hectare, not very different from the Englishstandard of that date. Little informationcan be gathered about pigs, which were probablymainly used for domestic consumption.The results show that the net income was verysmall. Prices were low, and rents high.These two studies are a welcome additionto our knowledge of the history of Dutchfarming.G. E. FUSSELLB. H. SLICHER VAN BATH, E~ Samenlevingonder Spanning (A society in tension). Geschiedenisvan het platteland in Overijssel.¥ol. I. Historische Sociografiegn van betPlatteland. Van Gorcum & Co., N.V.,Assen, Holland, x957. x+768 pp., illus.Hfl. ~5.Holland is a small :country, and Overijssel isone of its provinces. As the title of the seriesindicates, this study is devoted mainly to thesocial and economic history of this provincefrom the early middle ages to the present day.Careful studies of such localities are importantin their bearing upon wider areas of socialhistory. It could not, of course, neglect thedevelopment of agriculture, which is a fundamental;but the tension arose when the populationincreased more rapidly than the area ofcultivable land could be expanded with thecontemporaz 3, means available.Different parts of the country were affecteddifferently at different dates. Already inCarolingian times and the following centuriesthere was some urban settlement in Deventer,Oldenzaal, Ootmarsum, and Goor, but thischaracteristic development became moremarked in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.The large-scale peasant farmers formedthe oldest kernel of population, for it isclear that the SaUand district to the west ofZwollerkerspel, the High Shrievalty of Hassalt,and the whole of Vollenhove were verythinly populated in the early middle ages. Theoldest settlements were on the Salland andTwente sand land and the river clay alongthe banks of the river Ijssel. The pre-eon-HISTORY REVIEWquest population here was not, however, sodense as that in England, but was about doublethat of the Mosel between Coblenz andTrier. Professor Shcher shows that rightdown to A.D. I25O Overijssel was in factrather underpopulated.He points out that the thirteenth centurywas a time of prosperity all over WesternEurope, coupled with a large increase of population.Overijssel followed the same pattern.It was during this period that a class ofkeuters (crofters), people with no hereditaryor semi-hereditary rights to land occupation,appeared. It was in this century that the moorlandof Vollenhove was settled. The populationhere were cattle breeders, fishers, andbarge crews. These occupations were so differentfrom arable farming that the settlerscame from Friesland and elsewhere. Thoughthere was probably little or no over-populationin the sand land by 1475, there was a densityof x6.o6 persons per square kilometre asagainst 5" 1 before I2OO over all Overijssel.During the following two centuries this figurerose to 2I. 3 o. The appearance of the keutersand the beginnings of the textile and turf-cuttingindustries are perhaps sufficiently explainedby this large increase in population.Professor Slicher has tabulated the furtherdevelopments as heavy over-population andthe growth of industry between 165o and1815: a reversion to farming with progressivemethods from 1815 to 189o, with no overpopulation:and from I89O to the present daythe rise of farming to greater importance inthe economy of the province than industry,with a consequent agrarian over-population.It seems that the term over-population isused in the sense of a number of peoplegreater than could be provided with foodfrom the available land surface.Between 1675 and 1755 the possibilities ofexpanding the cultivated area were slight, andthe arable farmers suffered through lowgrainprices. The area cultivated was also restrictedby the scarcity of manure, the supplies ofplaggenbemesting (turf manure), and otherfactors such as the decline in cattle numbersthrough losses by disease. The result was that

BOOK REVIEWS 59the expansion of the arable area did not keeppace with the population. Insufficient foodwas produced and the weavers in Almelo, forexample, reduced to poverty, became slackand spineless. But the outbreaks of cattle diseaseresulted in an extension of grain-growing.The wars of the eighteenth century broughta temporarily renewed prosperity to the textileindustry, but an industrial crisis after 176oaffected both that occupation and the turfdiggingof Vollenhove. Other industries therewere none, and poverty increased very largely.A desperate population took refuge i rt a largeconsumption of alcohol, in Holland brandy asin England it had used gin. After 176o , however,grain prices rose again, but not wages.The only bright spot in the general gloom ofpoverty was the agricultural improvementthat took place after i76o.The potato was introduced in the secondhalf of the eighteenth century, and was usedboth as food for the poor, and for cattle feed.Buckwheat was another important new crop.It had been known in the fifteenth century,but its great expansion took place in theeighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It wasgrovzn for cattle feed on burned-over heathland. Most important of all was the bettertype of cattle bred as the ravages of diseasewere being restored, and these gave largersupplies of animal manure to supplement theturf, and added nitrogen to the soil. Bothcows and pigs increased in number in theearly nineteenth century. The improvementof the cultivated land included better grasslandso that grazing cows on the commonsbecame less necessary, and controlled breedingsimple.The first half of the nineteenth century wasa period of prosperity. There was less potatodisease in Overijssel than in other parts ofEurope, and this meant good fortune for thegrowers. By i85o Overijssel was less indus.trial than in x795. Then came the agriculturalcrisis of the later years. The spirit of reclamationdeclined. After i889 urbanization tookpride of place, especially in Twente. The introductionof steam power to the textile industryabout I86o was an important factorhere, and a second industrial period began. Itwas the fourth phase in the course of development:first agriculture, then domestic industry,next renewed and improved farming, andfinally factory industry.This book is a pioneer work, and all that itis possible to do is to give some indication ofits contents. Professor Slicher has been fortunatein the wealth of new sources he hasbeen able to consult, and he has made ampleuse of them. The study is very detailed anddeserves to be read with attention. It has agood deal to tell us, by implication if not byspecific statement, of how men met the consequencesof their own increase in one smallarea of the earth's surface. It however presentssome difficulties for English readersunless a large-scale map of the province isused; at least that is what I have found.G. E. FUSSELLReport of the Royal Commission on CommonLand, 1955-1958, Cmnd. 462, H.M.S.O.,1958. viii+284 pp., illus, x4s.Authoritative accounts of the common land ofEngland and Wales are all too rare, and muchof the available information is difficult of access.Hence the pub!ication of this RoyalCommission Report will be widely welcomed.An official report, it nevertheless makes absorbingreading. It deals with such commonland as remains today, that is, largely unenclosedcommons or open pasture, and somecommon meadows. In the first six chapters,status, ownership, management and use, andthe necessary safeguards are among the mattersreviewed, and these are followed by twochapters setting out the recommendations.The second half of the volume consists ofAppendices of great interest.In Appendix II, 'History of Common Landand Common Rights', Dr W. G. Hoskinsdeals with the subject historically from theearliest times, and his division of the historyof commons into six main periods is illuminating,and provides a masterly key to their story.He looks briefly at the open arable fields onlyin so far as their history is linked with the expansionor contraction of the commons. The

J60 THE AGRICULTURALagricultural historian will turn to this succinctaccount with gratitude.Appendix III, 'Some Legal Problems', bySir Ivor Jennings, traces these problems backto numerous Commons Acts and to otherActs dealing with inclosure and property, aswell as to custom and common law. In doingso, he underlines the extraordinary complexityof the legal position today.Several tables and two maps summarizethe distribution of common land in I873 andI956-8 by counties. The information is amplifiedby Professor L. Dudley Stamp in AppendixIV, 'The Geographical Distributionof Common Land'. In eighty-three pages hebrings together largely unpublished material,"the fruits of extensive enquiries in everycounty in England and Wales. The treatmentis by counties grouped in five regional blocks,and many features of interest are brought out:for example, the geological basis of the distributionof the surviving commons, which are,after all, largely residual; the difficulties ofmanagement; the variations in utilization;the differences between English and Welshcommons; and, most striking, the discrepanciesbetween the returns for commons acreagein I873 and i956-8 , and between theseand the area of rough grazing at both dates.As the Report makes amply clear, the oneand a half million acres of common land whichsurvive today are fraught with problems ofevery kind: problems of ownership, of forgottenor disputed rights, of ancient claimsand customs, and of the incompatibility oftime-honoured rights and new demands. Historicuses like grazing, estovers, and turbary,are frequently at variance with the presentneed to expand our home timber supplies, toerect electric pylons, to develop water catchmentareas, and to provide space for the recreationof large urban populations. Thusdrainage, quarrying, and mining, housingprogrammes, increasing food production,green belts, and many other familiar mattersare associated with the question of what weare to do with the remaining commons andwhether they are, in fact, to be regarded asoutmoded remnants of a vanishing system ofHISTORY REVIEWcommunal farming or to be valued as "uniqueas a reservoir of land which has not been fullyexploited."It is, significantly, to the latter view that theCommission leans. As is rightly pointed out,the value of the commons and the needs of thepublic today are utterly different from thoseof a century ago, so a century and more hencethey are likely to be different again. Hence theneed to regard the commons as both a heritagefrom the past enshrining much of ancientcustom and historic interest, and as a trust tobe wisely administered both for today and tomorrow.The recommendations stress theneed for registering and mapping all commonland, for safeguarding existing rights, ensuringpublic access, and at the same time allowingfor development or improvement schemesfor projects of national or regional importance.There is no doubt as to the timeliness ofthis volume. The need for a clarification of theposition and the formulation of a realisticpolicy was urgent. In conducting these enquiries,the Commission has weighed a vastamount of evidence, pondered innumerableproblems, and made valuable recommendations.It has also produced a Report which islikely to remain a standard work on the subjectfor many years to come, and at the sametime to act as a stimulus for the further researchwhich our common lands still merit.DOROTHY SYLVESTERDOROTHY SYLVESTER and GEOFFREY NULTY(eds.), The Historical Atlas of Cheshire.Cheshire Community Council, 53 WatergateRow, Chester; 1958. viii+64 pp.IOS. 6d.It will be a thousand pities if the circulation ofthis atlas is limited to the county of origin, forit contains material of great interest to allstudents of English local history. Readers ofthis REVIEW, in particular, should be gratefulfor the maps illustrating the distribution ofopen arable and common meadow, the selectionof rural plans, and the three Domesdaymaps of (a) wastes and woodlands, (b) manoffalpopulation, (c) agriculture and industry.i,t':ir

BOOK REVIEWS 51It has taken nearly six years to collect the informationembodied in the atlas, and the resultconstitutes an example which other countieswill do well to follow. The editors hint at thepossibility of a second volume. If this is forthcoming,one may hope that the lettering of themaps will be brought into closer conformitywith Ordnance Survey standards. In all otherrespects the atlas is extremely well presented.The Cheshire Community Council deservesthe gratitude of students for making it availableat so modest a price.H. P. R. FINBERGE. W. MARTIN, Where London Ends: EnglishProvincial Life after 175o. Phoenix House,1958. 312 pp., illus. 3os.This is a polemical, nostalgic, pretentiousbook. It is polemical because the purpose ofthe material that Mr Martin has collected onlocal government, religion, education, medicine,and the press is to point his argumentthat the country town has something valuableto contribute to English life as a counterbalanceto the 'metropolitanism' of London andthe big industrial cities, and not just to givean account of English provincial life since175o. It is nostalgic because Mr Martin looksback to a time when towns were small andagriculture and industry "blended." Hewants what he calls his two divisions of Englandto draw nearer together in amity andunderstanding till they achieve CharlesKingsley's ideal of "a complete interpenetrationof city and country, a complete fusion oftheir different modes of life, and a confirmationof the advantages of both, such as nocountry in the world has ever seen." Or isever likely to see, might well be the comment.For such a view is unhistorical We certainlyneed to know more about the historywandsociology---of towns. Nevertheless there is nodenying the stagnation or shrinkage of mostof the small market towns which find favourin Mr Martin's eyes. And of recent years thecriticism of the 'garden city' idea, whichmight provide one practical expression ofthem, has been growing. At the same time hedoes less than justice to the contribution thelarge industrial cities make to cultural life.Nasty as they seem to Mr Martin living in hisDevon village, the large industrial towns, andparticularly London, continue to expand becauseof what they positively have to offer.They offer different attractions from thesmall market town but not necessarily inferiorones. Privacy may be preferred to neighbourliness.Mr Martin's case is pretentiously presentedin inelegant prose with an ostentatiousparade of authorities and a misleading seriesof references. For the general reader this maynot matter, but it should not pass withoutcomment in a scholarly journal. It is impossibleto trace quotations, because no pagereferences are given, and oi). cit.'s and ibid.'sabound. For example, "Smailes, op. tit."appears on p. 117, but the title of the book isgiven more than sixty pages earlier on p. 41.In any competition for titles which best obscurethe contents of the books they adorn,Mr Martin, with Where London Ends to followThe Secret People, must be well in the lead.The serious student of agrarian history willfind little in Mr Martin's book to repay hiseffort in reading it, but it will lend confidenceto those who already share the author's views.W. E. MINCHINTONW. D. PARISH and HELENA HALL, A Dictionaryof the Sussex Dialect and Collection ofProvincialisms in use in the County of Sussex.R. J. Acford, Industrial Estate, Chichester,1957. xxii+ i86 pp., illus. 35 s.The Rev. W. D. Parish, vicar of Selmeston(pronounced 'Simpson'), published A Dictionaryof the Sussex Dialect in 1875; it haslong been out of print, and Miss Helena Hall,who with her brother had for many yearscollected additional material, has now incorporatedthe whole of Parish's work, includingthe delightful anecdotes with which he illustratedtim Sussex use of words, in this muchextended Dictionary, adding to its value withnumerous thumb-nail sketches, mostly ofagricultural implements. It is a remarkableachievement for one now in her eighties--anage the more noteworthy when we read theitemw"Snotty-gog. A yew berry or fruit. As

62 THE AGRICULTURALchildren we used to eat them, expelling thepips." Possibly the poison of the yew is confinedto the pips and foliage; but few peoplewould have commended its berries as food forchildren.Both Parish and Miss Hall have realized theimpossibility of completely segregating 'Sussex'words; many of the words here given arefound not only in neighbouring counties butin distant parts of the country. They are,however, all non-dictionary words whichhave been noted in use in Sussex. In oneinstance, however, Miss Hall leans over theother way. After describing 'Rides'--thedoorband part of a hinge, which rides on the'hook'--she adds, "Really a technical termand not provincial." But it is both; for, at anyrate down to the seventeenth century, 'hooksand rides' was a term confined to Sussex andKent. The local names for birds and flowers,and for the typically Sussex product of mud(gawm, gubber, slub, stuggy, clodgy, etc.) arefascinating; and if 'rebellious' for bilious and'collapse of the sun' for eclipse are idiosyncraticrather than provincial, they show thecountryman's determination to be the masterand not the servant of words. A delightfulappendix of Sussex Sayings and Crafts completesthis remarkable book and includesrecipes for various Sussex dishes, such as'Plumeavies'--though personally I maintainthat they sheuld be cut square and not round.L. F. SALZMANJOAN THIRSK and JEAN IMRA¥ (eds.), SuffolkFarming in the Nineteenth Century. SuffolkRecords Society, Yol. I. County Hall,Ipswich. I78 pp. 3os.This first publication of the Suffolk RecordsSociety consists of a memoir ofV. B. Redstoneand Miss L. J. Redstone, who played a largepart in the establishment of the record officesin Bury and Ipswich; an essay of some twentypages on Suffolk Farming in the NineteenthCentury; and a hundred and thirty-threepages of extracts from record material, mainlyfrom the East or West Suffolk County RecordOffices and private owners.Mrs Thirsk's essay, in extremely readableHISTORY REVIEWstyle, is adequate, but tends to perpetuate theconventional outline of nineteenth-centuryagricultural history interlarded with Suffolkexamples. It does not, and probably in thespace and time available could not, set out tobe a penetrating study of the agriculture of thecounty within the period.One must, however, question the value ofdevoting so much space to the reproduction ofextracts from record material. Some are entertaining,some by themselves of interest, but,simply because they are extracts, few can beof use to the serious student. There cannotreally be much justification at a time whenpublication costs are so high for devoting acomplete volume to a kind of pot-pourri reflectingon the general fortunes of agriculturein the county. Indeed, at the best the documentsare expanded footnotes to the essay.If there had been available one kind ofmaterial as extensive, say, as Robert Loder'sFarm Accounts (Camden Society, ThirdSeries, LIII), then there might have been justificationfor editing and publishing a substantialpart of it. Much of the material in theextracts is of the kind we should expect to findin county record offices or among estatepapers (letters about rent reduction, specificationsof cottages, negotiations for a lease or thepremiums offered by the East Suffolk AgriculturalAssociation in 1849 ) . Others, such as extractsfrom a Select Committee of Evidence orReport of the Royal Commission on Labour,come from published sources.From the material which Mrs Thirsk andMiss Imray have gathered together it is clearthat there exists in the county a wealth ofmaterial for a really comprehensive study ofSuffolk Agriculture in the Nineteenth Century.The present volume cannot be describedas more than a well-produced appetitewhetter, or, to borrow a term from thecinema, a 'trailer'.It is sad not to speak better of it, for theSuffolk Records Society is the first to befounded by voluntary subscription since thewar and sets in this first volume a high andworthy standard of book-production.J. w. Y. HIGGSi'i

BOOK REVIEWS 63H. C. PAWSON, Robert BakewelL CrosbyLockwood, 1957. viii+2oo pp., illus. 25 s.Robert Bakewell is accepted as one of thegreat pioneers of livestock farming, and wouldappear to provide an ideal subject for a biography.Professor Pawson has obviously hada keen interest in the Leicestershire breederfor many years and it is largely thanks to hisefforts that a collection of letters from Bakewellto George Culley was discovered and isnow lodged at King's College, Newcastle. Thesecond half of this book consists of a transcriptof these and other letters, a valuable primarysource for agricultural historians. They containconclusive proof of Bakewell's bankruptcyand reveal many interesting aspects of hischaracter, breeding methods, and businessoutlook. The prices he got for hiring his ramswere notoriously high, but he certainly wouldnot have agreed with modern breeders whopublicize high prices as a good advertisement;he believed that "talking of prices ratherharms the cause, for if some People can nothave the Best they will not have another...therefore I think the less said of it the better."The first part of the book is a long essaygiving the main details of Bakewell's life andsome account of his breeding methods. ProfessorCooper contributes a present-dayvaluation of his work, suggesting that itsmajor feature was the development of theprogeny test as the basis of a selection programme.Ahhough this book is a useful addition toour knowledge of Bakewell, it is not a completeor definitive biography--and was notprobably intended to be. It is to be hoped,however, that it will encourage the publicationof authoritative biographies of other outstandingagriculturalists, for these can provideinvaluable contributions to our understandingof agrarian history and usually havea wider reading appeal than general histories.An essential feature of such biographies, however,should be to help us to understand, notonly how a particular individual succeeded insolving certain problems, but why such problemshad become of universal importance atthe relevant time. A little more historic per-spective would have made this book on Bakewelleven more useful.GEORGE HOUSTONJ. F. SMITHCORS, Evolution of the VeterinaryArt. A narrative account to x85o. VeterinaryMedicine Publishing Co., Kansas City,Miss., I957. $6.5o.This is the first comprehensive study of thehistory of veterinary medicine to appear sincethe vast work of Major-General Sir FrederickSmith, the final volume of which was publishedin 1933 . (His name is rather oddly givenin the bibliography as Smith, F.) It is by somuchthe more welcome. Naturally it owes agreat deal to Sir Frederick, and unfortunatelyit accepts some of his dogma rather uncritically.It is easy to do so. Perhaps the most difficultthing for a writer of technical or scientific history.is to project himself into the mental atmosphereof an earlier time. Sir Frederickwascertainly not able to do this. Markham andMascall, writing in the early seventeenth century,were obviously ignorant compared withtheir twentieth-century successors, but Smithcondemns them out of hand as ignorantquacks, and Mr Smithcors follows suit. Nodoubt they were when judged by the measureof modern knowledge, and truly some of theirsuggested cures were barbarous and disgusting,but they were men of their own time, andthey, like the rest of us, were confined withinthe restricted boundaries of contemporaryscience. It is insufficient to dismiss them forthis reason.On the other hand, Mr Smithcors is inclinedto attribute modern knowledge tomuch more ancient writers. For example, onp. I24 he infers that the Welsh knew beforethe Norman Conquest that liver fluke infestationwas caused by grazing wet herbage wherethe snail host had its habitat. In his discussionof ancient Egyptian, Vedic, and Chinese writingshe has taken a similar line. He believesthat these ancients possessed elements ofmodern knowledge, and this may, in fact, bedue to his interpretation of their writingsin the light of modern science rather than

64 THE AGRICULTURALHISTORY REVIEWtheir actual content. Similar conclusions havebeen reached by writers in other fields, andmust be received with equal reserve.The literature of the more modern periodis more accessible, and possibly more generallyknown, and, despite his frequent relianceupon and acceptance of Sir Frederick Smith'sjudgements, Mr Smithcors easily unravels thetangled skein of development. Many ancienterrors were perpetuated until the nineteenthcentury, and much of the treatment of animaldisease was left in the hands of ignorant farriers,horse leeches, and cow doctors who reliedupon traditional methods, which seem tous blatantly ill-judged, even cruel, and oftenmuch worse than the disease.The modern science of veterinary medicinemay perhaps be said to have been founded bythe horse anatomy of Ruini, and it developedslowly during the eighteenth century, thoughpractice lagged far behind theory. The elementaryjob of shoeing was often badly done,and the horse's hooves mutilated before theshoe was nailed on. Most of the writers on thesubject, too, were shameless plagiarists. Withthe founding of the French veterinary schoolsimprovements began to be made. The establishmentof the London and Edinburgh collegesfollowed nearly half a century later, andfrom that time progress has continued, thoughat first it was not all that had been expected.The book, like others of its type, is a usefulsummary of the subject, and has the merit ofbeing written by a modern scientist, but hereand there it is marred by a lamentable facetiousness,which seems inappropriate in aserious treatise. This should be eliminated inany future edition. It would also be improvedby the expression of a more personal judgement,and less reliance upon authority.Nevertheless it is convenient to have such awork at hand, and, if used with discretion, itforms a useful work of reference.G. E. FUSSELLLetter tothe EditorSIR,--Thanks to the kindness of LordSpencer in making me free of the MunimentRoom at Althorp, I have for some time pastbeen studying the farming activities of thethird Earl Spencer, founder of the RoyalAgricultural Society. In one of his CattleBooks under date 19 October I834 is theentry:"I find that out of z3z calves bred fromalloy cows I38 were breeding heifers. But thatout of zz 4 calves bred from cows not havingmy alloy IoI were breeding heifers. It seemstherefore that it is rather more than 6 to 5in favour of a bull calf from a cow not havingalloy, but z 3 tO 19 in favour of a heifer froma cow having alloy."Nowhere else in his papers is this alloy mentionedand it is not the subject of any of hisarticles published in the Journal of the RoyalAgricultural Society.Can any of your readers suggest what it wasor tell me of any source where further informationabout it might be found?Yours faithfully,Caversfield, Bicester.E. H. WYNDHAMI

Photo-reprint by The Broadwater Press Limited, Welwyn Garden City,Hertfordshire, England.

VOLUME VII 1959PART II$PRINCIPAL CONTENTSLivestock in the Brehon Lawsby J. O'LOANStatistics of Sheep in Medieval Englandby REGINALD LENNARDEnclosure in Kestevenby DENNIS R. MILLSAgricultural Rent in South-East England, 1788-1825by H. G. HUNT

THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWVOLUME VII PART 2 • 1959CONTENTSLivestock in the Brehon LawsStatistics of Sheep in Medieval EnglandEnclosure in KestevenAgricultural Rent in South-East England,I788-I825Social Mobility in Nineteenth-Century Devonj. O'Loan page 65Reginald Lennard 75Dennis R. Mills 82H. G. Hunt 98.Duncan Mitchell io8Work in ProgressJoan ThirskIiOReviews:Peasant Society and Culture, by Robert RedfieldMedieval England, ed. A. L. PooleThe New Cambridge Modern History. Vol. II: TheReformation, ed. G. R. EltonThe Royal Forest of Lancaster, by R. Cunliffe ShawValley on the March. A Itistory of a Group of Manorson the Herefordshire March of Wales,by Lord Rennell of RoddCustumals of the Sussex Manors of the Archbishop ofCanterbury, ed. B. C. Redwood and A. E. WilsonThe Country Craftsman: A Study of some RuralCrafts and the Rural Industries Organizationhz England, by W. M. WilliamsGardener to Queen Anne: Henry Wise and the FormalGarden, by David GreenNotes and CommentsNotes on ContributorsE. E. Evans I ~ iH. P. R. Finberg i2iE. A. L. Moir i 2~Joan ThirskI23R. H. Hilton 124F. R. H. Du Boulay 125W. G. HoskinsJ. W. Y. Higgs127IZ874, 978im

THEAgricultural History ReviewVolumes VI & VIII958" 9PUBLISHEDBYTHEBRITISHAGRICULTURALHISTORYSOCIETYdi

Printed at The B;'oadzvater PressWelzv3,n Garden City, Hert~s.

CONTENTSVolume VICistercian Sheep-Farming and Wool-Sales in the ThirteemhCenturyThe Common Fields of the Coastlands of GwentLabour Relations in Scottish Agriculture before 187oList of Books and Articles on Agrarian History issued sinceSeptember 1956Agriculture in Roman BritainThe East Anglian Foldeourse: Some QueriesThe Lost Village and the Landscape of the Yorkshire WoldsWork in ProgressBook Reviews:A History of British Livestock Husbandry to r7oo, by RobertTrow-SmithEnglish Peasant Farming: the Agrarian History of Lincolnshirefl'om Tudor to Recent Times, by Joan ThirskOats: their Cuhivation and Use from Aneiept Times to tkePresent Day, by William M. FindlayTie Estates of the Higher Nobility in Fourteenth-Century England,by G. A. HolmesThe Conmton Lands of Hampshire, by L. Ellis TavenerThe Midland Peasant, by W. G. HoskinsRural Depopulation hz England and Wales, by John SavilleThe Carrhtgton Diary, by W. Branch-JohnsonIrish Folk Ways, by E. Estyn EvansOcherki kolonizatsff zapadnogo Urala v XVII-nachale XVIlIv, by A. A. PreobrazbenskiiOcherki po istorff zemledelii Sibh'i, XVII vek, by V. I. ShunkovChangbtg Patterns bt Israel Agriculture, by Haim HalperinMedieval Englavd, an Aerial Survey, by M. W. Beresford andJ. K. S. St JosephHistory of the County of Oxford, Vol. v, ed. Mary D. LobelLes caractkres originaux de l'histoire ~Ttrale fran~aise, ed. RobertDauvergneIlisto13, of Dab3, Journalism ht the United States, by John T.Schlebecker and Andrew W. HopkinsNotes and CommentsNotes on ContributorsLetters to the Editor1V~embers of the British Agricultural History SocietyR. A. DonkinDorothy SylvesterGeorge HoustonJoan ThirskShimon ApplebaumAlan SimpsonAlan HarrisJoan ThirskJoan ThirskR. Trozo-SmithR. Trozv-SmithR. H. HiltovJ. D. ChambersF. R. H. Du BoulayEdith H. WhethamJ. W. Y. HiggsJohn MogeyR. E. F. SmithR. E. F. SmithG. P. HirschH. P. R. FinbergGeoffrey MarthtMargaret Daviespage29274 2668797IOI545558595960616263114I14115116117118.4. IV. Marsden11926, 4I, 5 I, 86, 968, I285 z, 53, IlII20

CONTENTSVolume VIIThe Animal Remains found at Edrkstall AbbeySome Agricultural History SalvagedThe Tithe Surveys of the Mid-Nineteenth CenturyPlough Rituals in England and ScotlandList of Books and Articles on Agrarian History issued sinceSeptember i957Livestock in the Brehon LawsStatistics of Sheep in Medieval EnglandEnclosure in KestevenAgricultural Rent in South-East England, 1788-1825Social Mobility in Nineteenth-Century DevonWork in ProgressBook Reviews:L'Homme et La Charrue d travers le Monde, by A. G. Haudricourtand M. J-B. DelamarreFarm Crisis, ~919-'23, by James H. ShidelerBritish Friesians: a History of the Breed, by J. K. StanfordThe Fruit Year Book, 1958The Agricultural l~egister. Changes in the Economic Pattern,I956-7The Old Norwegian Peasant Community, by A. Holmsen andothersOrigins of Ownership, by D. R. DenmanDe Landbouw in Brabants Westhoek hz bed nddden van de achttiendeeeuw, by Ir. W. J. DewezEen Fries Landbouwbedriff in de tweede helfte van de zestiendeeeuw, by B. H. Slither van BathEen Samenlevhtg onder Spannhlg, by B. H. Slicker van Bath2~eport of the Royal Commission on Common LandThe Historical Atlas of CheshireWhere London Ends, by E. W. MartinA Dictionary of the Sussex Dialect, by W. D. Parish and HelenaHallSuffolk Farndng hi the Nineteenth CenturyRobert Bakewell, by H. C. PawsonEvolution of the Veterinary Art, by J. F. SmithcorsPeasant Society and Culture, by Robert RedfieldMedieval England, ed. A. L. PooleThe New Cambridge ~Iodern History. Vol. II: The Reformation,ed. G. R. EltonThe Royal Forest of Lancaster, by R. Cunliffe ShawVaUey on the March. A History of a Group of Manors on theHerefordshire March of Wales, by Lord Rennell of RoddCustumals of the Sussex Manors of the Archbishop of Camerbmy,ed. B. C. Redwood and A. E. WilsonThe Country Craftsman: A Study of some Rural Crafts and theRural Industries Organization in England, by W. M. WillianasGardener to Queen Amw: Hem3, Wise and the Formal Garden,by David GreenNotes and CommentsNotes on ContributorsLetters to the EditorM. L. RyderH. Cecil PawsonH. C. Prb~ceThomas DavidsonJoan ThirskJ. O'LoanReghzald LennardDennis R. MillsH. G. HuntDuncan 3litchellJoan ThirskT. H. AstonHarwood LongR. Trozo-SmithWinifred M. DullforceEdith H. WhethantMargaret DaviesG. D. G. HallG. E. FusseUG. E. FusseUG. E. FussellDorothy Sylveste~"H. P. R. FinbergW. E. NHnchintonL. F. SalzmanJ. W. Y. HiggsGeorge HoustonG. E. FussellE. E. EvansH. P. R. Finbe~E. A. L. 2PloirJoan ThirskR. H. HiltonF. 12. H. Du BoulayW. G. HoskinsJ. W. Y. Higgspage i6I4z73865758298io8IIO485153545556565757585960616I6z636312II2II22I23Z2 4t25I27i2826, 37, 74, 97i3, 8i47, 64

ILivestock in the Brehon LawsBy J. O'LOANN his conquest of Gaul (58-50 B.c.) Caesar liquidated most of the Celticcivilizations of western Europe, apart from those in Britain and Ireland.If the Celtic kingdoms of the continental mainland had any literature atthe time of their downfall it perished then, and so the literary history ofCeltic western Europe is almost exclusively dependent on surviving Irishdocuments. Considering the vicissitudes through which the majority of thesepassed, it is amazing that so many have survived. As a source of historicalinformation, the most important, and in fact in its original source the earliest,body of this literature to survive is the Brehon Law tracts. A concise explanationof what these tracts are in nature and origin is given as follows byour best known authority, Dr D. A. Binchy.--"For centuries this ancient lore (Old Irish Law Tracts) was preservedorally in the native professional schools. Then in the seventh century--orperhaps even in the sixth--doubtless under the influence of the Christianmonastic schools, it was committed to writing, and finally about the beginningof the eighth century it was embodied in a series of canonical textswhich were henceforward regarded as sacrosanct and immutable, capable ofbeing interpreted by later jurists but not of being altered. The pattern ofsociety outlined in these ancient tracts goes back far beyond the eighth century-indeedto pre-Christian times, for though the Irish Laws... have aChristian facade their basic structure is pagan. ''1The content of Brehon Law is as varied as the life of the people, andranges from law of the person to the regulation of almost trivial details offarming. In this latter context Brehon Law constitutes an agriculturalliterature which is almost, if not quite, unique so far as western Europe isconcerned, and nothing comparable with it in descriptive detail was producedin this country until the mid-eighteenth century. While some partsof the Laws may be regarded as theorizing or fanciful, the material whichfollows here indicates that far from being abstract, much of it is practical,down-to-earth farming detail, the accuracy of which is becoming moreapparent with the development of scientific farming knoMedge. That theperiod which produced the Laws was also one of enlightened farming istherefore an obvious inference.In arriving at these conclusions one is tempted to speculate on suchquestions as whether a contemporary, comparable period did not exist in1 D. A. Binchy, Early Irish Society, ed. Dillon, Dublin, 1954, p. 53.65

66 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWCeltic Gaul or Celtic Britain. Was Caesar attracted to those countries bythe existence of a rude populace or by a people proficient in the productionof wealth from the soil, but not his equals in the art of war? Did he createsuch havoc as to prevent the development there of a body of social and farmingliterature comparable to the Brehon Laws? Do the Laws of Ine tend toconfirm this speculation? Must it not be accepted that the attraction forCaesar, as for the Norse and Normans centuries later, was farming wealthbeing produced by a people whose military defences were vulnerable?The style and manner in which much of the Laws are expressed is primitivein that the scribe presumes in his reader an acquaintance with the circumstancesand matters he treats of almost equal to his own. Unfortunatelyour acquaintance with the circumstances is no longer close, nor is there muchanalogous contemporary material to assist in elucidating the picture. Afterthe collapse of the Celtic political system (16o3), the old manuscript copiesof the Brehon Laws were hawked around for nearly two centuries, buteventually found their way into safe keeping. A little over a century ago (I 8 5 2)a commission was set up to undertake the work of transcription and translation.This task devolved mainly on two Celtic scholars, John O'Donovan andEugene O'Curry, neither of whom lived to see the work completed; butcompleted it was eventually, though, in consequence of the undevelopedstate of Celtic philology at the time, imperfectly. None the less, a great workwas performed which has preserved for future generations a literary basisfor Irish history of which other countries would possibly have made betteruse. The entire work is included in five volumes, with a sixth for glossary.'Text and glosses and translations cover a total of over 2,ooo quarto pages.Since the first publication, corrected transcriptions and translations havebeen prepared of some sections, mainly by Dr Binchy and the late ProfessorsMcNeill and Thurneysen. (The latter's translations are into German.) Thiswork is still in progress.The material in the Laws is composed of two sections, the text, or originalimmutable part, which may be dated as seventh-century or earlier, and theglosses, which may be roughly eighth- to fifteenth-century though most areeleventh- to twelfth-century. The extracts quoted here are from the text exceptwhere otherwise indicated, and consequently reflect data and facts asat a period perhaps little less than two thousand years ago. The mattersdealt with in this paper are merely a sample of the wealth of farming historywhich the laws contain.In the physical characters of livestock mentioned in Brehon Law or deduciblefrom the details given we are provided with textual descriptions ofanimals for a period for which agricultural historians in neighbouring

LIVESTOCK IN THE BREHON LAWS 67countries have to depend on the evidence of skeletal specimens discovered byarchaeological excavation.COWSUnder the law of distress or distraint (Athgabail), "three white cows weretaken by Asal from Mogh son of Nuadhat by an immediate seizure; and theylay down a night at Ferta [=Slane, Co. Meath] on the Boyne; they escapedfrom him; they had left their calves and their white milk flowed upon theground. He went in pursuit of them and seized six milch cows at the houseat day-break ...."The cow land (Tir-ba) of Corm Cedorach from which these horned cowswere taken had been given to Fergus .... -1Two physical features of these cows are mentioned, the colour and thehorns. The specification of colour indicates by inference that cattle coloursother than white existed and presumably were so common that they might asreadily have been seized as the three white cows. The mention of the fact thatthe cows were horned implies that polled cattle were known: such physicalfeatures as are possessed by all cattle, e.g. tails and ears, are not mentioned.It is probably significant also that the colour of the six cows is not mentioned.The particular reference to the white milk flowing on to the ground suggests,though it does not conclusively prove, a plentiful supply of milk, incontrast perhaps with the generally held belief that milking quality in cattleis of modern origin.This seizure was by no means a marauding expedition, but, as indicated, alegal seizure under the law of distraint. Under this law it was not permissibleto seize goods in excess of the value of the damage claimed. This maypossibly suggest a premium on the value of white cows, as three of themevidently equalled six milch cows of unspecified colour. Premium value mayaccount for the specific mention of the colour, and if this inference is correct;.t suggests specialized breeding. That this kind of specialization did in factprevail in the eighth or early ninth century is indicated by the first recensionabout that period of the Tain Bo, the prose saga describing the Great CattleRaid of Cooley.The evidence contained in the seizure recorded here would lend supportto the belief that the Tain Bo, as well as being a great literary epic, has itsfoundation in fact which antedates recorded history.The gloss to this quotation makes Mogh Nuadhat a contemporary ofCorm of the Hundred Battles. In legend Mogh Nuadhat was Conn's rivalfor high kingship. Their period is placed in the second century A.D. 21 Ancient Laws of Ireland, I, Dublin, ~86I, p. 65.Hayden & Moonan, A Short Histor) of the Irish People, London, x927, p. 14.

68 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWA system of livestock farming (Cain Aigillne) in which the farmer orstockman borrowed livestock from the Chief of the tuath (district) and repaidthe loan at or before the end of three years in the form of similar orcomparable animals is treated of in the Laws. (A practice still operated in thesouth-western dairying district before the last war; the dairy herd wasleased to an operator who got the calves for his work, the owner of the herdand land getting the value of the milk delivered to the creamery. This, if nota survival of Cain Aigillne, is much akin to it.)Under Cain Aigillne various animals are specified as suitable for repayment,and to prevent dispute as to quality, the type of animal is described insome detail. A cow is to be "twenty fists in girth whose fat is one third of it. ''1This dimension can be translated with sufficient accuracy for comparisonwith present-day cattle. Considerable effort was evidently made under theLaws to standardize measurement. The length of three barley grains was aninch or finger breadth. Four inches or finger breadths were a hand or fist,and three hands or fists a foot. 2 Also two hands or fists with the thumbs extendedwere a foot. As hands, fists, and feet would admit of considerablevariations, depending on the individual, "the legitimate hand which is usedfor estimating and measuring" is prescribed and the term "lawful measure"is so emphasized as to leave no doubt of the care taken (II, p. 247 ). It is notapparent how the "legitimate hand" was determined, but it is not taxingcredulity to assume that ill case of doubt or serious dispute the barley grainswere referred to.It may be contended that barley grains of the period under discussion hadonly a tenuous connection with grain of modern times and that no justifiableconclusions can be based on present-day grain. It has been found instructive,if not something of a revelation, to place barley grains end to end ill a row andmeasure their lengths. The first feature to note is the almost uncanny uniformityill grain length in an ordinary sample, and the second is the accuracyof three grains to the inch. Fig. I shows the first 7 2 barley grains pouredfrom a completely random sample and placed in random order in threelines of 2 4 grains each. The total length of eight inches per line and theuniformity of three grains to an inch are remarkable. The available evidenceindicates little or no change in the stature of our people over the past twothousand years, and a normal hand is still four inches. Inferentially, therefore,barley grain has altered little or nothing in this period. Nor is it rashto assume that in choosing barley grains to determine length, grains of normalsize would have been selected.1 Ancient Laws of Ireland, II, Dublin, 1869, p. 249. 2 Ibid., ni, Dublin, 1873, p. 335.

LIVESTOCK IN THE BREHON LAWS 69FIQ. I (reduced).The hand was of course the standard of measure ill many ancient civilizations,and in the present period of change from equine to mechanical tractionit may not be out of place to record that most farmers ill the past (andmany still) could estimate the height of horses ill hands with commendableaccuracy. Having regard therefore to the emphasis laid on measurements inBrehon Law and to the history of measures generally, it would probablybe very wrong to assume that the Brehon measurements were haphazard oronly approximate.It is to be presumed that the 2o-hand measurement specified was theminimum cow ordinarily acceptable as repayment, and therefore a good cowrather than one of such unusual quality as would constitute difficulty inpayment. It would seem a reasonable inference that cattle size at the periodin question differed little from present-day stock. This deduction may be illsome contrast to general opinion about livestock for the period in question.It is not improbable that the 2o-hand girth stipulation applied particularlyto cattle of the central plain and other fertile pasture lands, and that inthe hill areas smaller cattle prevailed as at present, and were acceptable asrent.A cow's girth is not of course a reliable guide to her weight even withinparticular breeds. The relationship of girth to weight or size would also beinfluenced by the condition of the animal at any particular time. A considerablenumber of measurements of Ayrshires in full milk and in average farmcondition suggests that relatively few cows of this breed reach a girth oftwenty hands.The following measurements and particulars of cows exhibited at theRoyal Dublin Society's Spring Show in May 1958 may be taken as a fairindication of the girth-weight relationship:(I) Friesian ist calf heifer c. 7½- cwt, 72 inches girth = 18 hands(2) Friesian cow c. I I cwt, 8o inches girth = 2o hands(3) Friesian cow c. 12 cwt, 76 inches girth = 19 hands

70 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEW(4) Friesian cow c. 13 cwt, 80½ inches girth(5) Hereford big aged cow, 88 inches girth(6) Aberdeen Angus young cow c. io cwt, 73½ inches girth(7) Aberdeen Angus young cow c. 8 cwt, 71 inches girth(8) Kerry big cow, 76 inches girth(9) Dairy Shorthorn cow c. 13 cwt, 84 inches girth----- 2o~ hands= 2z hands= i8~ hands----- i7~ hands= x 9 hands~- 2I handsAll these beasts were in show condition. No. 8 was the biggest Kerry in theShow, and her girth suggests that few animals of this breed would make2o hands' girth. No. 9 won the first prize in her class.The general inference therefore is that a cow of twenty hands' girth is abiggish animal in any of our modern breeds.Part of the fee of fosterage was a cow "which on being milked into a twelve-'inch vessel fills it" (gloss, II, p. I77 ). Unfortunately only one dimension,probably the diameter, of this vessel is given, but the text continues: "Ittakes the materials for three cakes of man's baking or six of woman's bakingto fill the vessel." A cake of woman's baking was two fists broad and a fistthick (II, p. 255 ). The dough for six such cakes baked from whole wheat mealwould have a volume of c. 9 quarts, while a vessel i 2 inches diameter, 6 inchesdeep, and slightly tub-shaped, would give the same volume. A cow in fullmilk giving nine quarts at a milking would under modern conditions yieldabout 800 gallons per lactation. The basis for this estimate is unfortunatelyanything but exact, but the desire has been to depress rather than magnifythe figure. This, together with the fact that while they contain many obviousmistakes due usually to transcription, the laws generally indicate little or notendency to magnify unduly, suggests that cows were flush of milk, and is inkeeping ,~ith the observation of the white milk flowing from Mogh's cowswhen seized and driven a distance. In this context may also be mentioned thatunder Brehon Law the highest unit of value was "the great milch cow"worth 24 screpals of silver.The stipulation of one-third fat in the cow is of considerable interest. Thiscan obviously apply only to the carcase of the beast after slaughter.In a detailed investigation conducted at Cambridge University Schoolof Agriculture with cattle of varying degrees of fatness, to assess, inter alia,the palatability of the meat, the highest award given by a panel of trainedmeat tasters was to an animal in which the fat was 28 per cent of the carcaseand 33~ per cent of the particular joint cooked for tasting. The reportsays, "Tasting tests revealed that there is a close connection between thefatness of a joint and its palatability when roasted. Up to the point at whichrather more than one-third of the joint is fatty tissue the palatability is en-

LIVESTOCK IN THE BREHON LAWS 71hanced as fatness increases. Beyond this point the palatability diminishes. ''1The result of this investigation into a matter hitherto but poorly understood,but of considerable practical importance, renders the Brehon Lawstipulation, to say the least of it, remarkable. It is also convincing evidencethat the ancient system of measurement was anything but haphazard. Itsuggests also a knowledge of livestock generally associated only with moderntimes.YOUNGSTOCKRepayment under Cain Aigillne could also be made in the form of youngstock. "A calf value a sack (of wheat), eight hands in girth, healthy aftercastration, grazed with the milking cows (or wkh the milch cows on grass),with only the space of three fingers between his two loins and his kidneys,not killed by 'fairy-plague' (kidney disease, gloss) but slaughtered as it wasintended to be by the breeder..." (n, p. 239 )."A calf value two sacks, sound after castration, also grazed with the milchcows from the beginning of the summer till it is exhibited to the chief (towhom the merit is due); ten hands its girth, its loins cover its kidneys asbefore, sound, of good body, well formed, well grazed..." (n, p. 245 )."A calf of the value of three sacks, twelve hands its girth, sound equally asbefore, grazed with the milking cows from the beginning of the summer untilit is presented to the chief in the winter time, to be presented lawfully togetherwkh its measurements and estimations and with proper assurances..." (II, p. 249 )."A calf of the value of four sacks, a male stirk, I4 hands the lawful measuremeatof its girth, which has remained healthy till it became a yearling bull (doerna slan ina Dartadas), its two loins cover its kidneys, grazed with themilch cows till exhibited, free from injury or disease..." (n, p. 253)."A calf of the value of a sack to be roasted in summer and a calf value foursacks to be boiled in summer."The first three girth measurements of eight, ten, and twelve hands obviouslyapply to calves in their first season. The calf of the value of a sack tobe roasted in summer would be little more than a veal calf, as calving was presumablytimed to coincide with spring grass. The twelve-hand-girth animalwas shown in winter and so presumably between six and nine months old.The fourteen-hand-girth is of a young bull in his second summer andpresumably towards the end of summer (he is to be boiled in summer), whenhe had grazed the season with the milch cows, and therefore approachingeighteen months old.The space of three fingers behind the ribs is interesting. This is the1 E. H. Callow in Journal of Agricultural Science, XXXlV, 1944, p. i77.

72 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWmeasure still applied by the ordinary cattle jobber buying on the hoof--evidently a time-honoured test.These measurements refer to cattle of substantial size and definitely notto smaller dairy breeds such as present-day Kerrys or Jerseys. As alreadymentioned, the dimensions quoted are all from the text and therefore relateto the early centuries of the Christian era or perhaps even earlier.PIGSPigs were also legal tender. "A (pig's) belly worth a sack, nine fists itslength, a fist with the thumb extended is the width (between the fore legs)of the front fork, and a fist the width of its hind fork, three fists its breadthin the middle, and three fingers its average thickness." (n, p. 239.)"A flitch the fat and lean measuring two fingers each.., two fingers fromthe lean to the cut in back, two fists of thin and two fists of thick, eight fistsits length and four fists its width, from a two- to a three-year-old pig."(n, p. 247. )The gloss refers to a two-year-old pig as a pig of two litters and a threeyear-oldpig as a pig of three litters. This might suggest that hogs wereslaughtered at a moderately early age. Although forest pannage was evidentlyimportant if not the main food, there is reference to fattening on corn andmilk (n, p. 367). The two fists each of thin and thick obviously refer to equalwidths of 'streaky' and 'back'."A flitch three fingers between its fat and lean, eight fists its length andfour fists its breadth, from a two-year-old to a three-year-old." In this casethe gloss refers simply to a two-year-old pig as a pig of two years and a threeyear-oldas a pig of three years (n, p. 249 )."And a flitch three fingers at the base of the hand, for this is the averageof all the measurements mentioned hitherto; of the fat and lean, eight fistsits length and four fists its breadth." (II, p. z5 I.)"And a flitch the thickness of a hand at the base of the fingers--of the handof the lawful measure--between the fat and lean, eight fists its length andfour fists its width." (II, p. 255.)Apart from the interesting detail of a fist with the thumb extended betweenthe fore legs and a fist between the hind legs, we have thus the followingpicture:(I) A belly 9 hands long 3 hands wide and 3 fingers thick(2) A flitch 8 hands long 4 hands wide and 2 fingers fat and 2 lean(3) A flitch 8 hands long 4 hands wide and 3 fingers thick(4) A flitch 8 hands long 4 hands wide and 3 fingers thick(5) A flitch 8 hands long 4 hands wide and 4 fingers thick

LIVESTOCK IN THE BREHON LAWS 73The reference to the width of a fist between the hind legs and of a fistwith the thumb extended between the fore legs is an interesting anatomicalobservation. Presumably this measurement was made with the pig on itsback at the time of slaughter. We may have succeeded in breeding the foreenda little narrower but as an approximation it is still not far wrong for afat pig of 2 cwt live weight.Unfortunately we cannot know between what points the length of theflitch was measured. In carcase grading as at present operated the measurementis from the indentation of the first rib to the anterior edge of the aitchbone. It is perhaps more than a coincidence that the length of side for thehighest grade (AA+) in the English grading system for bacon pigs is 800 mm.(3 I½ inches) as compared with 8 hands (32 inches) required in Brehon Law?The fact that the belly was a hand longer than the side is some guide on thispoint.The four hands' breadth is normal for a high-grade pig of about two cwtlive weight.In the rather complicated code of compensation dealt with in the Book ofAicle (one of the oldest sections of Brehon Law) the amounts payable arespecified for the young pigs of a litter up to nine pigs with the proviso "if itbe certain the sow would have had milk for them." (nI, p. 373.) This suggeststhat while the sow might produce more at farrowing, nine was the maximumnumber normally expected to be reared. An average of nine per litter is stillgood farming: On the same page there is reference to "the litter of the year"(al na bliadhna) suggesting that normally one litter was expected. Thisagrees with the purport of the gloss referred to above regarding two- andthree-year-old pigs.HORSESIt is much to be regretted that the one measurement of a farm animal stillreckoned in hands is not mentioned in Brehon Law. Practically all that isindicated in the various references to horses is that there were workinghorses, regarded as of only moderate value, and valuable animals, presumablysaddle horses, which if borrowed might not be worked under penalty.While it would appear reasonable to conclude from the material quotedthat farm stock in Ireland in the early centuries of the Christian era resembledthat of modern times much more closely than is generally assumed, what isalso clear and equally interesting is the ancient stockman's awareness ofquality and what constituted it in a beast. A pig was not just a pig, it was a pigwith length and depth and a proper proportion of fat and lean. A young1 Fatstock Guarantee Scheme I958-59 (HMSO), p. z5 (Scot. & N.I.).

74 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWbeast had to be sound, of good body, and well formed; a beef-cow carcassshould be one-third fat.Thurneysen's translation of "Cain Aigillne" and notes thereon in ZeitschriftfiirKeltische Philologie, Vols. i4, 15, and I6, and Binchy's vocabularyand legal glossary to Crith Gablach have been used for any necessary correctionsof the original translations.I am indebted to Dr Binchy for reading this article and discussing variouspoints.Notes andTHE BRITISH AGRICULTURAL HISTORYSOCIETYThe Annual Conference this year took theform of a Joint Conference with the EconomicHistory Society at Wye College in Kent on thesubject of Agriculture and Rural Life. Onehundred and four members of the two societiesattended the Conference, which lastedfrom Friday, IO April, until Monday, 13April i959. The proceedings opened on theFriday evening with a paper by Professor E.M. Cams-Wilson on English Industrial Villagesin the Later Middle Ages. On Saturdaymorning papers were read by Dr Joan Thirskon Tudor Enclosures and Mr G. P. Askew onThe Development of the Romney MarshLandscape. In the afternoon there were alternativeexcursions to Romney Marsh andCanterbury. In the evening the Vice-Principal of Wye College entertained theConference to sherry and this was followedby Mr Colin Clark speaking on The Growthof the World's Agricultural Productivity. Thetwo papers on Sunday morning were by DrG. E. Mingay on The Changing Size ofFarms in the Eighteenth Century and MrEdwin Attwood on The Development ofState Support for Agriculture. In the afternoonmembers of the Conference took part ina tour of the Wye College farms. In the eveningthe formal business of the Conference wasconcluded with a paper by Mr T. W. FletcherCommentson The Great Depression of English Agriculture,I873-96.The chair at the Annual General Meetingon the Sunday morning was taken by theChairman of the Executive Committee, MrGeorge Ordish. Sir Keith Murray was clectedPresident in place of Sir James Scott Watson,who retired after holding the office since thefoundation of the Society. Mr G. E. Fussellpaid tribute to Sir James's work for theSociety and expressed the Society's pleasureat obtaining so distinguished a successor. Theother officers were re-elected and Mr G. B.Bisset, Dr W. H. Chaloner, and Dr W. G.Hoskins were elected to fill the places on theExecutive Committee vacated by Mr VictorBonham-Carter, Mr George Houston, andMr W. Harwood Long.Mr George Ordish in presenting the reportof the Executive Committee explainedthat membership had risen from 5x6 at thelast Annual General Meeting to 559. He alsoexpressed the Society's satisfaction at the successof the Joint Conference.In presenting the Treasurer's Report, ProfessorThomas expressed himself satisfiedwith the financial situation. The balancebrought forward was £229 as opposed to £224the previous year, despite the fact that printing,stationery, and postage costs had all risen.At a meeting of the Executive Committee(continued on page 97)!l

Statistics of Sheep in Medieval EnglandA QUESTIONOF INTERPRETATIONIBy REGINALDLENNARDT has recently been maintained that computation by the 'great' or 'long'hundred of six score was "the prevailing usage in sheep-farming accounts"in medieval England and that even the numbers of sheep in theearly twelfth-century surveys of the Gloucestershire manors of the Abbayeaux-Damesought to be interpreted in that sense. 1 Since this contention, ifcorrect, would profoundly affect the statistics of medieval sheep-farming,an examination of evidence bearing upon the matter may be of someuse.Direct evidence from manorial accounts is not very abundant, for themethod of computation they employ in this particular can only be determinedwith certainty if the numbers involved amount to a hundred or more,if they are expressed in 'hundreds' and not merely in scores, and if thearithmetic of addition or subtraction is both accurate and such as to showwhat a 'hundred' means. Thus in the well-known series of Wellingboroughaccounts, none of the seventeen thirteenth-century accounts provides dataof the required nature for sheep and it is only when we come to the accountof 13o4 that we find sure proof of the sheep being reckoned by the long hundred.~ There are however other sources of information--specific referencesto the type of hundred employed in lists of stock or grants of pasturage, there-stocking accounts in the Pipe Rolls, and some valuations ill the Rotuli deDominabusmand these sources are available for the twelfth century, whereasthe earliest surviving manorial accounts are those preserved in the PipeRoll of the Bishopric of Winchester for the year 12o8- 9.The sources are scattered and in many cases unpublished, and my researchesamong them have not gone very far; but the facts I have been ableto collect seem none the less to justify some fairly definite conclusions.I. In the first place, eastern England north of the Thames provides undoubtedexamples of sheep enumerated by the great hundred. In Yorkshireits use is specifically indicated in twelfth- or early thirteenth-century grantsof pasturage at Raskelfe and East Bolton in the North Riding and at Bramley,1 See the letter from Prof. Postan in the Times Literary Supplement, 13 Feb. ~959.o. Wellingborough Manorial Accounts, ed. F. M. Page, Northants Record Soc., p. 93 (5 scoreand Io-l-45~7 score=ccLv, i.e. 295 ). Some of the earlier accounts show a use of the greathundred in the enumeration of pigeons and, in spite of a slight arithmetical inaccuracy, it isevident it was used for lambs in that of I298- 9.75

76 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWWest Bretton, and Marton in the West Riding. 1 From Lincolnshire thereare similar grants relating to Snelland and Wickenby, and all account of theCrowland Abbey grange at Monklode for the year 1258- 9 which demonstrablyemploys the six-score hundred in the enumeration of ewes andlambs. 2 At Ringstead in Norfolk there were, according to a twelfth-centurysurvey, ducentae oves per sexcies viginti in the time of Henry I, and the samemethod of reckoning was apparently employed for the sheep at Brancaster inthat county2 Perhaps this was also the case at Elsworth in Cambridgeshire,where the puzzling entry centum oves id est decies viginti seems to requireemendation by reading sexcies in place of decies. 4 In Huntingdonshire thevaluation centum oves vel sexaginta solidi at Hemingford strongly suggests thesame conclusion, and at Wellingborough in Northamptonshire, as we haveseen, the sheep were numbered in this way in 13o4 .5 At Sandon in Hertfordshireand at Tidwoldintun (now Heybridge) in Essex we have clear examplesin the so-called Domesday of St Paul's which was compiled in 1222.6 Thereis also some reason for thinking that in the Rotuli de Dominabus of I 185 thegreat hundred was employed for the enumeration of sheep at Aynho(Northants), Hockliffe and Chalgrave (Bedfordshire), Moulsoe and Easington(Bucks.), and Tunstead and Cockley Cley (Norfolk), for at each of theseplaces an addition or deficit of one or more 'hundred' sheep is reckoned toaffect the valuation at the rate of £ I per 'hundred', and at Wiveton (Norfolk)and Staverton (Suffolk) the addition of 6o sheep is estimated to increase thevalue by ten shillings32. In the part of England to which the foregoing examples belong usagewas certainly not uniform. This might indeed be inferred from the very factthat it was sometimes thought necessary to indicate that a six-score hundred1 Early Yorkshire Charters, ed. Farrer and Clay, II, No. 79o; IV, No. 92; III, Nos. I289 and1791 ; vii, No. 151.2 Stenton, Danelaw Charters, No. 229; ibid., p. xliv, note i, citing Cott. Vesp. E. XVlII,fo. I24b; F. M. Page, Estates of Crowland Abbey, pp. 189-9o (where, in the case of lambs,8 'hundred'+ 4 score--(3 'hundred'+72+8 score+3+2o+6)= 3 'hundred' and 59).3 Ramsey Abbey Cart., Rolls Series, III, pp. 266'and "61 (where decem must surely be anerror for centum ill the text decem et viginti octo matres oves per sexcies viginti).ibid., p. 248.5 ibid., p. 241 et supra.6 op. cit., Camden Soc., pp. 13, 53 (cc oves per sexcies viginti and duodecies xx oves q' faduntC£).op. cir., Pipe Roll Soc., pp. 3 o, 33, 34, 4 I, 44, 48, 58, and, for Wiveton and Staverton, pp. 55,64. The 'value' is clearly the value per annum: of Tunstead we read that the custodians additisc ovibus accreveruntfirmam ville de xxs; cp. Chalgrave, p. 34. Some doubt, however, must be feltabout tile applicability of the Wiveton-Staverton ratio to the other cases, because the rate in thelatter is ostensibly the same as that allowed in defaIta ovium in Pipe Rolls of the same period, asto which see below.

STATISTICS OF SHEEP IN MEDIEVAL ENGLAND 77must be understood? But positive evidence is not lacking. Apart from thatof the Pipe Rolls, which will be considered later, we find that at Snainton inthe North Riding of Yorkshire pasture is granted ducentis ovibus scilicet deciesviginti, that the stock at South Walsham in Norfolk includes ter centum oresad minus centum, that the five-score hundred is unmistakably used for theenumeration of the sheep in an agreement about Edolvesnasa in Essex."These three examples are of twelfth-century date; and in the next centuryone notes that the ordinary hundred was used for four classes of sheep in anaccount of Berkhamsted in Hertfordshire and for the multones (wethers)in the already cited account of Monklode in Lincolnshire, although thatemploys the six-score hundred for ewes and lambs." Later again, arithmeticreveals the ordinary hundred in accounts of Oakington and DryDrayton in Cambridgeshire for the year 1322-3, in an account of theEast Fen in Lincolnshire for 135o-1, and in one of Forncett in Norfolkfor I378. ~3- Outside the east of England I have not come across a single case ofsheep computed by the great hundred, and, though the limited extent of myresearches prevents one from attaching much weight to this fact, it has somesignificance in view of the evidence that I have encountered for the alternativeusage. The ordinary hundred was evidently employed throughout theWinchester Pipe Roll of 12o8- 9, which provides arithmetical proof of thisfor seventeen manors in Hampshire and for Downton and Knoyle inWiltshire, Taunton in Somerset, Harwell in Berkshire, Witney and Adderburyin Oxfordshire, Farnham in Surrey, and Wycombe in Buckinghamshire?Other thirteenth-century accounts are similarly informing in regardto Mere in Wiltshire and Banstead in Surrey, while for Acton in Middlesexproof is furnished by two charters of I229-3 o, since, in describing the sameinstauramentum, one of them speaks of a hundred sheep and the other of five1 Note the emphatic language of the East Bolton charter: Early Yorkshire Charters, IV, No. 9 z.( Sciendum est autem quod predicte quadringente oves per magnum centum numberabuntur.)o ibid., I, No. 616 (i 18o-9o); Register of St Benet of Holme, Norfolk Record Sot., No. 148(1141-9); Don:esday of St Paul's, p. 131 (apparently last half of I2th century). In the lastease 13 score+ I+9+8o+46=cccc quatuor minus."Earldom of CornwaU Accounts, 1296-7, Camden Soe., p. 25; Estates of Crowland, p. 19o.In the Monklode case 4 'hundred' and 84 multones+ 3 + 80= 5 'hundred' and 67; and a deductionof 48+46+ 15 from this total leaves 4 'hundred' and 58. Perhaps in the manuscript a largeC=12o and a small c-----IOO as Miss Page suggests in Wellingborough Manorial Accounts,p. xxxvii; but no distinction is shown in the printed text.4 Estates of Crowland, pp. 251 (ewes), 258 (multones); A Terrier of Fleet, ed. N. Neilson,p. 182; F. G. Davenport, Economic Development of a Norfolk Manor, Appendix IX, p. lix, note.5 Pipe Roll of the Bishopric of Winchester, z2o8- 9 (ed. under supervision of Hubert Hall),passim, and, for the places named, pp. 22, 75-6, 71, 16, 19, 59, 4 o, 34.

78 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWscore? In the early part of the next century the same story is told by accountsof Combe in Hampshire and Maldon in Surrey. 2 And, far away from thesesouthern examples, a mid-fourteenth-century bailiff's roll of Coundon inDurham clearly employs the ordinary hundred in ks statistics of multonesand hoggastri; but the county of Durham should probably be regarded asbelonging to the eastern region of ambiguous usage, for, though I have notseen anything which proves the use of the great hundred for sheep within ksbounds, an account of Bishop Middleham (made in the same year as that ofCoundon) gives the number of pigeons as CClxper minus centum, which suggeststhat the five-score hundred could not here be taken for granted. 84. The most comprehensive evidence comes from the Pipe Rolls. But thesecontain a trap for the unwary. In some of them there are numerous entriesrecording sums of money allowed for deficiencies in the stocking of manors.I take these to be deductions made from thefirma or rent because the fullcomplement of stock was lacking. But however that may be, the point whichconcerns the problem before us is that again and again the sum allowed inthe case of sheep works out at exactly twopence a head for a whole year, ifwe assume that the great hundred was employed in their enumeration. Itwould be easy to jump to the conclusion that that was in fact the mode ofreckoning. But then side by side with entries of this kind we find others forthe purchase of sheep which clearly imply the use of a five-score hundred.For example the Pipe Roll of 1195 records that at Melbourne in Derbyshire2os. was allowed for a default of a 'hundred' sheep (pro c ovibus) which wouldbe twopence a head if c= 12o; but, in its account of stock purchased for themanor of Wirksworth in the same county, it tells us that io5s. 6d. was paidpro cc et xi ovibus, which is just sixpence a head if c=ioo, and this wasthe regular price allowed for the purchase of sheep at that time. 4 The con-1 Earldom of Cornwall Accounts, p. 67; H. C. M. Lambert, History of Banstead, p. 315;Early Charters of St Paul's, Camden Soc., Nos. 299 and 300. For Banstead an account for thexxyear 1363- 4 also provides proof: ibid., p. 346 (ccciiiixv+lvi+xxiii----- cccclxxiiii).Documents of the English Lands of the Abbey of Bec (Camden Soc.), pp. 155 , 167-8; SurreyManorial Accounts (Surrey Record Soc.), pp. 72-3 .a Bishop HatfieId's Survey, Suttees Soc., pp. 223, 241.Pipe RoU 7 R.I., p. 15. Some instructions issued to the itinerant justices in 1194 regardingthe restocking of manors provide that the price of a coarse-woolled sheep (ovis lanae grossioris)shall be sixpence, that of a fine-woolled sheep (ovis crispa) ten pence.--Stubbs, Select Charters,9th edition, p. 255. Dr Poole has pointed out that the Pipe Rolls of the next two years show thatthese prices were closely adhered to and that ores crispae were only introduced on one manor.--English Hist. Rev., April 194o, p. 285. Curiously enough the price in that case works out at 4 d.a head, but no doubt this represents the excess over the coarse-woolled sheep they replaced.--Chancellor's Roll 8 R.I., p. 19o. Some of the inferred prices are quite independent of thedisputed 'hundred': e.g. 34 sheep bought for I7S. at Bledlow, Bueks.mPipe Roll 7 R.!., p. 35.

STATISTICS OF SHEEP IN MEDIEVAL ENCLAND 79'1tradiction proves, however, to be only apparent. The allowances for 'defaults'were not calculated at twopence a head, but at the rate of two shillingsfor ten sheep or half that for a half-year. Thus in the same roll we find fourshillings for a default of 20 sheep at Kirton in Lincolnshire and 3os. pro c etl owib~ at Bampton in Oxfordshire, and, in that of the preceding year, 42s.pro cc et x owibus at Wirksworth, and at Somerton in Somerset a sum of22s. 6d. for half a year de cc et xxw owibus. I It appears indeed that the 'hundred'of the entries about defaults, like that of purchase entries, was the ordinaryhundred of five score. But the witness of the latter has still to be considered.In a few cases the price per head is specifically stated. In the Pipe Roll of1184- 5 it is recorded that £19 lOS. was paid in respect of the lands of Guyde Rochford in Essex pro D et quater xx et w owibus precium cujusque wiii ~''~In that of 1197 we read that at Meon in Hampshire, where 2-} marks (i.e.£i I3S. 4d.) were paid pro c owibus, the price was fourpence a head (owecomputata iiiid.); and in that of 1199 a statement that 500 sheep were obtainedfor two Cumberland manors at a cost of £25 is followed by the wordsscilicet pro owe xii d." These were unusual prices for their dates, and perhapsthat is why the explanatory note was added. Without such aids, however,the use of the ordinary hundred is clearly revealed ill an overwhelmingmajority of cases by the fact that the total sum, divided by the number ofsheep, yields a definite and acceptable quotient if they are so reckoned anddoes not do so if the figures are interpreted by the long hundred. The evidenceis conveniently assembled in Dr A. L. Poole's article on Live StockPrices in the Twelfth Century, which was published in 194 ° and tabulatesfor the chief classes of stock all the prices that call be inferred from thePipe Rolls from 1163 to I I99.~ For sheep, Dr Poole gives 168 examples andonly in seven of them did he judge that the long hundred was employed.These were in Northumberland (at Ellingham and on the land of Williamde Vesci), in Nottinghamshire (at Worksop and Gringley), in Suffolk (atOrford), in Cambridgeshire (at Balsham), and on some lands of Ralph deCaugi, the location of which is not clear. ~ Apart from the uncertainty attachingto the last case, these examples conform to the pattern of usage suggestedby the evidence previously examined and only increase the area in which1 Ibid., p. 28; Pipe Roll 6 R.I., pp. 80, i84. The Wirksworth deficit corresponds almostexactly with the purchase noted above as made the next year.o Pipe Roll 31 H.II., p. 43. Round pointed out in i9I 3 that this entry shows that thesesheep "were reckoned by the short hundred."--Rotuli de Domhzabus, Introduction, p. xxxiii.3 Pipe Roll 9 R.I., p. I7; i John, p. ~zo. 4 op. cit., pp. 286-94.5 Pipe Rolls 17 H.II., pp. 4, II6; 30 H.II., pp. Ioo, i55; 31 H.II., p. Io; 34 H.II., p. 5.

8OTHE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWthat showed that the long hundred was sometimes employed by adding in,stances from Northumberland and Nottinghamshire. Moreover the factthat local usage was thus followed in the Pipe Rolls enhances the value oftheir evidence, for it makes it impossible to argue that they only reflect thepractice of the Exchequer. And the range of their witness is remarkable. Theroll for the year ii95 especially deserves examination as it contains an exceptionalamount of relevant material, and for the purpose of the presentinquiry it is necessary to go into some matters of detail that are not dealtwith in Dr Poole's article. Of the 60 purchases of sheep which it records, 4 zwere for numbers expressed in figures that include either the numeral C or,in two cases, D. On the assumption that C= ioo and D-~5oo all the 6o caseswork out at exactly sixpence a head. It is true t-hat 2 4 of them would alsoyield a quotient in whole pence if interpreted by the long hundred. But theprice would then be fivepence a head and that cannot be regarded as anadmissible figure. The roll supplies no unequivocal example of it, whereas aprice of sixpence is unequivocally revealed in 38 cases and is moreover theprice named for coarse-woolled sheep in the instructions to the justices} Itseems indeed certain that the ordinary hundred was employed throughoutthis roll. And its witness takes us into nineteen counties--those of Derby,Nottingham, Warwick, Oxford, Buckingham, Bedford, Norfolk, Essex,Middlesex, Kent, Surrey, Hampshire, Berkshire, Wiltshire, Gloucestershire,Somerset, Dorset, Devon, and Cornwall. Moreover this list can beextended on the evidence of other twelfth-century rolls which contain indisputableexamples of sheep reckoned by the shert hundred in Northumberland,Cumberland, Hertfordshire, Huntingdonshire, and Sussex, andothers that should probably be interpreted as such from Yorkshire, Leicestershire,and Northamptonshire. ~5. i have failed to find any evidence at all for seven western counties--those of Westmorland, Lancaster, Chester, Shropshire, Stafford, Worcester,and Hereford. But for the rest of England it is possible to summarize theresults of the foregoing inquiry. It has shown that the six-score hundred wasIn all the twelfth-century Pipe Rolls there appear to be only three clear cases of sheepbought at fivepence a head. These were at Eaton Bray (Bedfordshire) in Ii85, Edlesborough(Bucks.) in Ii86, and Gomshall (Surrey) in Ii93.2 The cases here classed as probable are among those which work out at sixpence a head ifC-- Ioo and at fivepence if C= I 2o, but one can hardly regard them as certainly employing thefive-score hundred because they are anterior to the instructions of II94 , and, in the years towhich they belong, the sixpenny price was not so well established as it had become by II95.Dr Poole, however, interpreted them by the ordinary hundred, and probably he was right. Onlythree cases are involved--Tickhill, Yorkshire; Frisby on the Wreak, Leicestershire; and Sulby,Northants: see Pipe Rolls I2 H.II., p. 50; 32 H.II., p. I34; 6 R.I., p. 27.

STATISTICS OF SHEEP IN MEDIEVAL ENGLAND 81sometimes used for the enumeration of sheep in thirteen counties, while awarning that the ordinary hundred could not be taken for granted in thecounty of Durham may perhaps justify its addition to the list. If Durhamis included, a clear geographical pattern is revealed. The fourteen countiesform a single block, each being contiguous to one or more of the others. Theyinclude every eastern seaboard county from the Tweed to the Thames, and,of those that lie inland, Nottinghamshire and Northamptonshire are themost western. On the other hand, a use of the ordinary hundred in sheepstatistics has been discerned in 25 counties, or, if the 'probable' examplesare admitted, in 28.1 These include all the counties south of Thames andthey also include every one of the above-mentioned fourteen counties withthe exception of Suffolk. There is thus no justification whatever for theview that the long hundred was "the prevailing usage in sheep-farming accounts."In eastern England north of Thames both modes of reckoning wereemployed and the statistician may well feel some doubt which to assumewhen he is faced by a bare statement about 'hundreds'. But in the rest of thecountry (apart from those seven western counties for which I can offer noevidence) he ought to regard a 'hundred' as meaning five score 'unless thecontrary appears'. And, so far as my investigations have gone, it does notappear.1 Besides the 24 (or 27) counties mentioned in paragraph 4, these figures include Lincolnshire(East Fen and the Monldode multones) cited in paragraph z above.NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORSJ. O'Loan, B.Agr.Sc., is an Associate of theRoyal College of Science, Ireland, and aSenior Inspector in the Department of Agriculture,Dublin.Reginald Lennard, M.A., sometime Readerin Economic History in the University of Oxford,has made many contributions to agrarianhistory, the most recent being his RuralEngland, xo86-i~35 , published this year bythe Clarendon Press.Dennis R. Mills, M.A., F.R.G.S., authorof several articles on the historical geographyof Lincolnshire, is an assistant master andlibrarian at Heathfield High School, EarlShilton, Leicestershire.H. G. Hunt, B.Sc. (Econ.), Ph.D., is Lecturerin Modern Economic History at theWoolwich Polytechnic. He has publishedarticles in the Economic History Review andelsewhere.G. Duncan Mitchell, M.B.E., B.Sc.(Econ,), Senior Lecturer-in-Charge, Sociology,University of Exeter, has contributedarticles to Human Relations, The SociologicalReview, and Public Administration. A book ofhis, entitled Sociology: the Study of SocialSystems, is now in the press.

Enclosure in KestevenBy DENNISR. MILLSINTRODUCTIONENERALLY speaking, the enclosure movements of the sixteenth tonineteenth centuries assumed their greatest importance in the areaswhere the open-field system had been most firmly established, thatis, in the 'Midland Triangle' and scarpland England, with the exception ofparts of the south-east. Although it has long been recognized that there werelocal and regional contrasts within these areas, many of them still remain tobe studied in detail. Detailed studies are essential to a fuller understandingof the variations in the pace of enclosure from one period to another and fromone place to another. The present paper has therefore been prepared in anattempt to summarize some of the source material for Kesteven and to putforward some tentative conclusions based upon it. Particular attention hasbeen paid to the mapping of enclosure evidence and to relating it to what isknown of soil conditions, land utilization, and differences in land tenure andownership. Some consideration is also given to the economic effects of enclosures,since they provide a very important clue to the original motives forenclosure.The subject was approached in the first place by means of the Parliamentaryawards, data from which were mapped wherever possible. 1 This methodnot only revealed the extent of private enclosure in parishes where there wasalso an award, but also helped to throw into sharper relief the distribution ofthose parishes wholly enclosed by private agreement. Enclosure of this typewas then investigated by reference to glebe and town terriers, estate papers,and other documentary and printed sources.THE PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY OF KESTEVEN AND THESELECTION OF SAMPLE AREASAlthough it is not the largest of the three Divisions of Lincolnshire,Kesteven embraces within its bounds a relatively large part of the Englishscarpland and is comparable in size with Oxfordshire and modern Surrey.It is approximately elliptical in shape and contains three major landscapedivisions, each of them elongated from north to south. In the west there is asection of the Lias Clay vale; in the centre is an upland, generally known in1 The awards are in the custody of the Kesteven County Council. The writer wishes to thankthe Council and Mr J. E. Holman for placing these documents at his disposal. Dates quotedare those of award maps, unless otherwise stated.82

ENCLOSURE IN KESTEVEN 83the north as the Heath and in the south as the Kesteven Plateau, which consistsof Middle Jurassic rocks, principally limestones, marlstones, and clays;and in the east this upland is succeeded by a strip of largely peaty fenlandcontiguous with the Fens of Holland and Lindsey. But within these broaddivisions there are many local variations in geology, soil, slope, naturaldrainage, and water supply which are reflected to a very great extent in thepatterns of early settlement and township boundaries.A close study of these patterns has made possible the division of the 215townships into seventeen groups, each group containing townships of similarphysical geography. 1 The present discussion is concerned with only threeof these groups, or Regions, which have been selected in such a way that allthree major landscape divisions are. represented.THE ORAFFOE TERRACES (Fig. I)This Region is situated within the Liassic Clay Vale which sweeps acrossnorthern Leicestershire, eastern Nottinghamshire, and western Lincolnshirein a curving strip about ten miles wide. In the area to the west ofLincoln, however, the 'solid' clay is overlain by extensive spreads of fluvioglacialgravels, forming a series of terraces at heights of 4o-11 o feet. Althoughmost of the Region is now drained by streams of the Witham system, thewatershed between that river and the Trent has remained relatively unstableeven in recent historic time. °- The physical keynotes of the area aretherefore threefold: a remarkable lack of steep gradients, a mixture of clayn nd sandy soils, and a liability to flooding in the northern and eastern parts.The gridiroix pattern of township boundaries, so characteristic of clayvales, is absent from the Graffoe Terraces, for although the townships areroughly oblong in shape, their overall pattern is as irregular as that of theterraces on which they are laid out. Each of the early settlements was establishedon a gravel site located, with the exception of North Scarle, near thejunction of gravels and clay. It is probable therefore that the township fieldsgenerally lay on either side of the village, some on clay soils, some on thesandy soils of the gravels, as at Swinderby and Thorpe. 3 In addition tonormal agricultural townships there were four areas which retained thestatus of extra-parochial land well into the nineteenth century: these were1 See D. R. Mills, 'Regions of Kesteven devised for the purposes of agricultural history',Reports and Papers of the Lincs. Architectural and Archaeological Soc., vii (2), 1957, pp. 60-82.Readers would find useful the Quarter-Inch Geological Map.See J. S. Padley, Fens andFloods of Mid-Lincolnshire, Lincoln, 1885, Plart I.3 Thorpe Enclosure Award; a Swinderby glebe terrier refers to North and Middle ClayFields and South Sand Field.--Lincs. Archives Office (=LAO), TeE. 6/522 , 1613.

_84 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEW_.._.:~: .... : ...;::: •.~:.~: :\:'~"::: ::~o . . . . . . . . . . . %"... . . . .Z I "L'::Z~:~:~.:*~L"..=-::'4.'~:::::::~ "-.l i: : : :~ ~ :" : i~. - : ~ ' ~ . - . ; : :~-~--. ~ ---~ --" "-~ • .~::~: :: : : : : : : ::~: ~~~-_'Ni/l._-:-7,~o~-*"4 .' 5 ;:: !~ e!i! !! i i'~i~_-_-_-_--~ ~-----4/ ..... "'" 2:'.".."-'.: ..... , ..... ~ : -. -. '. ~ . 7. .- ._ .' ." . t ./. .... • .... ~( ~ t~-.'. • .... ff'.l "¢ 1150 ~ E ~ • ~ ; :l).~t• .~ z'" ......... . •" • :'; : • : ; .L.~J.".. :.. :.~-_ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .' '6 .~:-'"./::::::::::::i#~'-'~':'~:'":".u:/:-------.------*~-".:4::::::!z-: ..... .~..: •: : : • : • : : : "..d'~.. ~: : :~. ".~'d/;: : :.•.~..• .'£.......-----#'....~ .... t1: • :l. •:,' :"::. :.......,. ":x'...•.'...:.x/- :...~... ,._ ............... 4 . . . . . """ "" "-~"" I~¢1 .............. . . . . . . . . . . .: : : .~,: .~ "-" ..d; ............r ............." . . . . . . . . . . . . .: "- :..L. :::::::::::::::::::::::. " "~• ' . •*,~;.~'d... : . . .........\ . . . .=-'~"• . ~ . . . . . . . . . . . ~~:::,~oo-~o ::4". :.~ ...... :-~'~--'-- ::.".-'..,. .... -, . . . . . . . . . °. • o o,4,,d .1~ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , . . . . . "t" ~ ~ ,~"• o,~, - , - * . . .~:..- ........... ~......~ ....... ~ . ~ ~ .::" ~,: : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : :i"':': .......... i"" :~": L: : :-~: ~:" -_--~2-~::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: ..... .,.-_- -..........-~.,.......... :: :.~K: : :: :,;:~'.:, - ~ _ - _ ~ - "-::;':-...~..~, . . . . . --/.k.: ..... ,.~..~ ..... / : ~ " ~ ~~..~:/. ~-•, • °.0 ..-. ~-~::. . -,,,.: e. -:'.-,.•- ~.., .~-------~_~.,:~-..'.,. ........... :tl "~. : • .." 3/t :.:," & o t z======================= t ~ . ~ ,/.:. .... ::::::.:::..:-:,,"ii: i??i:i/,i'd" ::'~f"t! 5 ~!i!{iiii~ :~ GRAFFOE TERRACES"t2~.i~.':.i"'>~" PROGRESS OF ENCLOSUREiFIG. IKEY: I, Privately enclosed; z, Woodland; 3, Enclosed by Act from open arable field; 4, Enclosedfrom common waste; 5, Grouped settlements; 6, Western limit of Fen.TOWNSHIPS: I, N. Scarle; 2, Eagle; 2A, Eagle Hall; 2D, Swinethorpe; 3, Doddington;3 A, Whisby; ¢, Skellingthorpe; 4% Boultham; 5, Swinderby; 5A, Morton; 6, Thorpe.Eagle Hall, the site of a preceptory of the Knights Templars, and the threeattached granges of Morton, Swinethorpe, and Eagle Woodhouse. 1In terms of enclosure history, the distinctive feature of this Region is thefact that only approximately 2 4 per cent of the total area was enclosed by1 White's History and Directory of Lincs., 1872, sub Eagle, Swinethorpe, and Morton. SinceEagle Woodhouse contained only I io acres, it has been included with Eagle for present pur-poses.

ENCLOSURE IN KESTEVEN 85Parliamentary awards. Belonging to a similar period was a small but significantarea of private enclosure (about 5" 6 per cent of the total); its significancelies in the fact that there is so far little evidence of private enclosurein the other selected Regions after about i74o (see Table, p. 96). With theexception of those in Thorpe, the open fields of this Region had been enclosedprivately before I7OO; Parliamentary enclosure was therefore largelyconcerned here with the areas of moorland and meadow which had survivedearlier action. It is interesting to notice that even in North Scarle, where enclosurewas complete by 1664 , the field land was affected earlier than thewastes. Thus an episcopal letter of that year records that about 1614 theEast Field was enclosed, followed about thirty years later by two morefields, and finally after another fourteen years by "the common waste andother desert grounds. ''1 Thus an attempt must be made to explain, not onlythe early incidence of enclosure in this Region, but also why the open fieldswere the first areas to be affected.It is now a familiar idea that where lords were in possession of the greaterpart of the land in a manor, they were able to press enclosure at art earlydate. Of this type of enclosure there appear to be certainly two, and possiblyfour, examples in the Graffoe Terraces (see Appendix). The case of Boulthamwas recorded by the inquisition of depopulation of 16o 7. "Wm. Broxholme,esq., being owner of all the houses and lands in Boultham (except 2 houses)hath decayed all of them by taking the Lands, Meadows, and Pastures fromthem and hath converted the arable into pasture and enclosed the same. ''~Likewise at Doddington the greater part of the estate, excluding the moors,had been enclosed by the Burghs before the survey of 1585 .8A second category of old-enclosed land lay in the extra-parochial areas offormer monastic ownership, while yet a third category belonged very largelyto free- or copy-holders at the time of its enclosure. This last category includesthe whole of North Scarle and Swinderby and the greater part ofEagle. The Swinderby enclosure, which took place in 163o , was succeededby virtually thirty years of litigation between the Disney family (as lords ofthe manor) and the copyholders, who numbered 23 in 1628. In this year anagreement was reached between the parties to carry out the enclosure of929 acres of common field and 1,18o acres of moor arid waste. The final1 LAO, Ter. IO/88, 1664.2 BM, Julius Caesar Papers, Add. MS. 11574, fo. 66. From the evidence of the enclosureact in Boultham Church the fen grounds appear not to have been enclosed, although they mayhave been removed from common usage. I am much indebted to Dr Joan Thirsk for the loanof her transcript of these Papers and for considerable patient advice in the preparation of thisarticle.3 R. E. G. Cole, History of Doddington, 1897 , pp. 54-5-

!!;:i ~86 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWagreement of I658- 9 can be counted at least a partial victory for the copyholders,since by that agreement they became freeholders. 1 It is importantto inquire, however, why they and their neighbours in Eagle and NorthScarle were apparently willing parties to enclosure.The one circumstance common to freeholder, copyholder, tenant, andlord in the Graffoe Terraces was the nature of the soil. It is not difficult toimagine that by the sixteenth century the sandy soil areas of the open fieldshad become exhausted by constant cropping, while on the other hand it wasfelt that the clay areas would be more profitable under grass. ~ Peasant farmerswere not averse to extensions of pasture farming, 8 and while they couldhave resorted to a type of ley farming as elsewhere, enclosure was clearly abetter solution to their difficulties. It is perhaps instructive to recall thatThorpe was the only parish in this Region in which open fields remaineduntil the eighteenth century, and that it is in this parish only that a calcareoussandstone gives rise to an area of rather better sandy loams. Didlandowners in Thorpe hesitate to follow the local fashion of enclosing becausethey did not suffer such a crying need to improve the fertility of theirsoil?So much for early enclosure. The later phase, beginning about i74o andlasting for a little over a century, was concerned (except in Thorpe) solelywith the enclosure of common moorland and meadow. There appear to bethree major reasons why this enclosure did not occur earlier.First, the soil was very poor; and secondly, the northern parts of Skellingthorpeand Boultham were liable to flooding.~ A third reason may lie in thefact that although they were the least valuable part of the parish, the enclosureof commons could often occasion the most trouble. The division ofthe commons had been much debated, for example, at Swinderby in theprevious century, and collections of eighteenth-century estate papers frequentlycontain correspondence about claims to common rights in parishesI Cole, 'Swinderby Inclosure, A.D. I629-I658' , Deanery of Graffoe Magazine, June I896-Aug. 1897. I wish to thank Mrs J. Varley and Mrs D. M. Owen for helping me to trace thisreference and for a considerable amount of assistance with other documentary material.2 BM, Julius Caesar Papers, loc. ,'it., ft. 66, 68, 69. Conversion of arable to pasture is specificallymentioned at Boultham and Skellingthorpe, while the conversion of houses of husbandryinto cottages is reported at Eagle and Whisby. At Eagle in 1656 the tenants and copyholders,petitioning for enclosure, stated that "most of the land now tilled is more proper for grass, andthat moor ground now eaten as common is fitter for corn, as is proved by experience amongstour next neighbours..." (W. O. Massingberd, 'Enclosures and Depopulations in Lincolnshire',Lincs. N. and Q., x, 19o8-9, p. 76).3 Joan Thirsk, FenlandFarming in the Sixteenth Century, University of Leicester, OccasionalPapers, No. 3, 1953, P. 41.LAO, LD 7I/4 .

ENCLOSURE IN KESTEVEN 87about to be enclosed. 1 Perhaps no better example could be found thanSkellingthorpe itself, where, although the Act was passed in the session18o3- 4 and the enclosure carried out in 18o6, the award was not finallyenrolled until 183 ° . Much of the delay was due to disputes over drainage,disagreements between commissioners, and other matters; but not a littleconfusion appears to have been caused by the claims to common rights madeby the lord of the manor of Boultham and by large numbers of freeholdersand tenants in North Hykeham."On the other hand, the enclosure of moor in Doddington, Whisby, andEagle Barnsdale by private agreement was made possible by the fact that ineach case only one lay owner was involved. Here there was no need to invokethe new method of enclosure, a circumstance which only serves to emphasizehow the new legal machinery facilitated the solution of disputes almostinvariably attendant upon the enclosure of a whole parish.THE NORTHERN FEN MARGIN (Fig. II)Although the western extremity of the Northern Fen Margin lies only amile or so from the easternmost part of the Graffoe Terraces, there aremarked differences of physical build between the two Regions. Eastwardsof the clay vale one encounters the steep scarp of the Cliff, capped by therelatively resistant Lincolnshire Limestone. This is succeeded by the gentledip slope some six to ten miles long which may be divided into two parts.The western part is the Heath proper, about five to six miles wide, withheights ranging between ioo and 2oo feet above sea level. Here the limestoneoutcrops, but in the eastern part it is replaced by a strip, one to four mileswide, in which there is a mixture of soils derived from both solid rocks anddrift at heights of 3o-Ioo feet. This area may be termed the central zoneof the Region, for on its eastern flank are the peat Fens stretching awayeastwards for a distance of three or four miles to the River Witham atheights barely above sea level. The townships of this Region are characteristicallylong and narrow, and include within their boundaries portions ofeach of the three physical zones. Towards the Lincoln Gap, in the north,the central zone narrows considerably and the townships become lesselongated.With one exception the early settlements of this Region were made at thejunction of the limestone and the central zone, generally in a shallow valleywhich afforded some shelter and a supply of water. A further advantage ofthese sites was their proximity to the areas of soil most sukable for the* E.g., LAO, Aswarby, 5/I4 re fen in Timberland in east Kesteven.o LAO, LD 7i/2o-22 and TLE 37WD, especially 3/IX.

88 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEW]1i!i- - - -.::.v.;::~::;:- ..... -.'; .... }::::::~:.~'::::::::;~--..--_- -_-_i.~ : : !!ii~ ii,.'.-'~.::::: ::.. ..... :x ::: ~-Z--_- ~ ZGE----p--~ I::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: N~-z~z=:===~ '~ ~---------------------~ ~ ~ 222 ~ .... :.:..:~. ..... : 24.:.::::::.i :. _ --..: ,...'_, ~-~-'2 . . . . ~I ~ 1787 ~',~: ~--~ : "• : : ~. ..... ~'" : : :" "" : : ".~",~-.ff', I ~.01 .-'_ -, r-,',_~,.-....- _-_-_ -.,.-...,-._-: ~'_ "%.~ . j ""v.~,, ~.,~,..:? ": .:: '/ ~[- . . . . . . . >- . . . . .':~"C-~."~3 •~ , , . I~.."~ .":~ k:::& "'~" ~ . . . . . . . ~ ....... ~,-.'~" ~ a'"¢:?:" '~':.~.2.'z~ ~ '-------C">-'------------\' [-~ 5"".,.,..., z~ ~ ~ _,__ ~--------- ......... ? ---->~-'-"-"-'" ~: ....... .,• _ _ _- 1776 . . . . . >..- . . . . ,,:; .... [~ 6,.- _.,,~:: .~_~- . -_-._-_-_-_-_- -_-. -,,,,."--"~_-..-..,-,.~- -~,---'-_-_~ -,.,.~._.,.,. . . . . . . .... . .: .~-. ......... .'"'L~. . . .- - ".-~'~- "k~- -. . . -,-_'-_-_~,~.~,-.-"...."::':-_'-~---~,--'-.- ..,~ ----,;' ---~ ---i------- ~,,: : : : :~----" . . . . . . . ~ . . . . . Y.-" • : "';:::: ............. ~------ ~f4'i'.:i i !....; ';,!!F P: !!j:~.'.'Y:- ,.C--7-~-~_~--~£--~.::::'• ,=.,,._~' : • ";,:..: 1: .o" : _- - -_- .::.:. v',~_.'_'-_- ~7~ . ~ ~ !~-_-_-_-_-_~~--_-..-.-" '------"-- -"- --- c:."~-.-~ _-.---. - 177 .,,~"---'---- . . . . .. . ..... . .. .---"~'-' . .. . ~ :.'-~Y . ' " : : ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::...........................HILE$.~-----_~.~.. ....... ~: ' ::.i :::"::: . ~o. 30 ::::::::::~" ...... .- ~ ? ',,~/~'-¢ ..... ~ .... NORTHERN FEN MARGINPROGRESS OF ENCLOSUREFIG. IIKEY as for Fig. ITOWNSHIPS: 22, Canwick; 23, Washingborough; 24, Heighington; 25, Branston; 26, Potterhanworth;27, Noeton; 28, Dunston; 29, Metheringham; 3 o, Blankney. In 30, Linwood ismarked on the edge of the Fen.establishment of open fields; at least, that is the impression to be gained fromthe evidence of the eighteenth century. 1The remarkable feature of this Region's history is that 23,ooo acres wereenclosed by Parliamentary awards, representing about 62 per cent of thetotal area; except for 349 acres of fenland enclosed in 1834 , the whole of thiswork was carried out in the brief period between 1766 and the end of thecentury (see Table). Between about 17oo and the beginning of this periodthere appears to have been a lull in enclosing activity, as there probably wasin the Graffoe Terraces, for only in the case of Blankney is there evidence ofprivate enclosure after 17oo. 21 The exception was Linwood in Blankney, a monastic settlement overlooking the Fens(C. W. Foster and T. Longley, The Lincohlshire Domesday, Lincoln Record Society, XlX, 1924,p. liv).2 It must be remembered, however, that the main source of evidence is glebe terriers, whichbecame less reliable and less numerous in the eighteenth century.

7ENCLOSUREIN KESTEVEN 89Within the old enclosed lands of this Region three types of enclosure maybe identified:(i) Former monastic land--at Linwood in Blankney, Sheepwash in Canwick,and Nocton Park.(2) Almost the whole of the parish of Washingborough, which includedthe township of Heighington, had been enclosed by 17oo.(3) In the other townships there was little early enclosure on the Heath,rather more in the Fens, but most of all ill the central zone of mixed soilswhere the open fields were to be found. The latter area also contained largepatches of woodland in the townships of Nocton and Potterhanworth. 1The experience of the Northern Fell Margin, in regard to monastic land,was therefore similar to that of the Graffoe Terraces. This type of enclosureprobably belongs to a period much earlier than the sixteenth century andmay be partly explained by the fact that monastic foundations were oftengranted blocks of demesne land, for the Statute of Merton (1235-6) recognizedthe lord's power to enclose his own demesne, whereas in the case ofwaste he had to leave a 'sufficiency' for the tenants. 2Turning to Washingborough, it is impossible to cite any particular reasonfor early enclosure; it was clearly not a case of a single dominating lord, forboth townships contained substantial numbers of freeholders. Such was thecase also at neighbouring Branston where 500 acres were enclosed in 1682,apparently at the instigation of the freeholders; but this enclosure was allinstance of the third category listed above, for which a partial explanation canbe put forward.In that part of the central zone which overlooks the Fens large areas wereoccupied in the eighteenth century by common pasture or woodland. Theseareas marked the spreads of heavy Boulder Clay soil and the very light soilsof gravel terraces. However the predominant soils in this zone are mediumand heavy loams which undoubtedly were the most fertile soils in theNorthern Fen Margin before the effective drainage of the Fens. The key toprogress was therefore to enclose some of this fertile area, leaving aside thecommon pastures and meadows of Heath and Fen, the enclosure of whichmight in any case have presented unwelcome problems as at Swinderby.Thus the 500 acres at Branston, which represented a quarter of the arable,1 Woodland was generally not enclosed in the normal sense, but gradually absorbed in thelord's demesne.--W. H. R. Currier, The Enclosure and Redistribution of Our Land, Oxford,192o, p. 22.Curtler, op. cir., p. 65. Demesne land was granted at Vaudey in Edenham, Nocton Park,Kyme, and Eagle HaI1.--VCH Lincs., II, pp. I44 , 169, 173 , 2II. For details of Linwood seeD. M. Williamson, 'Kesteven Villages in the Middle Ages', Lincs. Historian, II (2), Spr. 1955,pp. 16-17 •

90 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWwere enclosed for conversion to pasture; it was said to be much needed for thecattle in wet years when the Fens were flooded, the arable having been leftuntilled because draught cattle could not be properly maintained. 1 Thepresence of very large common pastures on the Heath and in the Fens didnot necessarily imply, therefore, that there was sufficient pasture of goodquality for the feeding of draught beasts.The manner in which the better soil areas were enclosed first is wellillustrated by Blankney, where a succession of informative glebe terriersshows that enclosure was taking place to the east of the village in the earlyseventeenth century. Only in the eighteenth century were the less attractiveareas to the west enclosed, and enclosure was still incomplete there at the timeof the award of 1799 . Enclosure had also been taking place in the Fen in theearly seventeenth century, for in 1633 an agreement was signed between thelord of the manor and a yeoman concerning the rearrangement of Fen closesto their mutual convenience. 2 The lord was Sir William Widrington whosefamily resided in Blankney in the early eighteenth century (if not before)and was replaced by the Chaplins. The latter family owned about ninety percent of the township at the time of the award. It is therefore tempting toascribe to the influence of these families the advanced stage of private enclosurein Blankney; on the other hand, Nocton was similarly owned, yetless than a quarter of the parish had been enclosed when the award wascarried out.The sudden and extensive impact of the Parliamentary enclosure movementin this Region has already been touched upon. Although the NorthernFen Margin was not alone in this respect, ~ it is possible to detect an additionalreason for hurrying on the enclosure of Fen districts. The first serious attemptmade in the eighteenth century to improve the drainage of theseWitham or northern Fens took place in the I76O'S , and since it was concentratedwholly on the river itself it was not sufficiently successful to makethe Fens suitable for arable farming. 4 This could only be achieved by considerablyimproving and extending the small drainage dykes in the Fenitself and by erecting windmills to pump water off the land into the river andthe dykes. Schemes were devised whereby owners of land in the Fens paidfor drainage by means of an 'acre tax', i.e. on apro rata basis. These schemeswere first operated under the Act of 1761 , enclosed, common, and halfyear'sland all being assessed on different scales; but when the need for1 LAO, Benefice Papers, 2/30. 2 LAO, Cragg 5/1/19.3 j. Thirsk, English Peasant Farming, 1957, pp. 212, 238-9, 262-3, and 292.4 S. H. Wheeler, The History of the Fens of South Lincolnshire, London, 2nd ed., 1895,pp. 153-4.

ENCLOSURE IN KESTEVEN 91further work arose, enclosure was obviously an expedient course of action.In the first place, it increased the revenue from the drainage rate; in thesecond, it facilitated the purchase of land for dykes and embankments; andin the third place, it enabled the owners to'get a bigger return from the land.Thus in all the parishes of this Region Fen enclosure either preceded localdrainage or was carried out by means of a joint drainage and enclosure Act. 1The optimism of those who pressed for enclosure and drainage wasclearly justified, for contemporary commentaries speak of heavy crops,particularly of oats and coleseed, being grown on the newly turned soil ofthe Fens. In the same period the open Heaths were enclosed, one Act usuallysufficing for the whole of each township. The Heaths had been renowned fortheir bleakness and loneliness, for their rabbit warrens, and for poor sheeppasture which was apt to burn up in the summer, but all this was changed bythe adoption of the Norfolk system of farming. 2THE SOUTHERN LIMESTONE HEATH (Fig. nI)Persons travelling southwards along the Jurassic upland from Lincolnare conscious of subtle yet appreciable changes in the appearance of thelandscape. The summit levels rise from around 200-250 feet to about 350-4o0. With the increase in height is associated a deeper dissection of theplateau surface by both dry and occupied valleys. To the south of theAncaster Gap, the upland is often known as the 'Kesteven Plateau', a namewhich recognizes the prevalence of very low angles of dip and the conspicuoussimilarity in summit heights. A further difference between northand south lies in the fact that large patches of Boulder Clay, mostly derivedfrom Jurassic clays, are found on the plateau south of Ancaster, whereas thelimestone to the north is almost completely free of drift.The Southern Limestone Heath contains fourteen small townships,several of which are members of multi-township parishes. The characteristictownship shape is that of a broad oblong, stretching from west toeast from crest to crest across the valley of a southward-flowing stream (e.g.Little Bytham), or, more occasionally, half-way, from crest to stream (e.g.Counthorpe). Thus in each township there was land by the river suitable formeadow; while on the hilltops and hillsides the mixture of creech (limestone)and clay soils appears to have been largely occupied by the openarable fields, with the exception of woodland and very small areas of commonpasture.During the period 1767-1818 about 4 ° per cent of the Southern Lime-1Ibid., pp. 153 , 182-9; Thirsk, op. cir., pp. 212 and 214.2 Thirsk, op. tit., pp. 22o--8, 257-6~, 276-82.

I !il!92THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWI/.'. q---h/::::::::~'~ ~.~< .......... ~ .t ~_~k".', .~__._2: : :: ~ : : I'~g :. ~ .... -~t '~ .........~ :y_i~7-_-j_'r_~'::::::::::: ~L;.~ ,.q: :":: :.~: :::::: :~,. -_~.. i :/_-_---_ ~. r~_~. ...... _ _ ~ ............ :.o. ~, o . . _ _ _ ~t" • • ~ ....... .J.t~2 . . . . .L . . . . . . . . . . . . . •~-~i-~...~..k, •' .... j-::: ~::::o: 141 ,: ~-t,"~_'•Z ~ ~ n :)Y'~. eT 14Uy :: ~.:: :~,~:: ..... ". :: ..... ;- ,.'"~ ...: .-...:-.-- ..... ;~'~---~.: .:: .... :::..: : ...,,"'":':'"':'~";;'~'::::::::':~".~:h~:~ :::::::::::::::::::::\::': ~,.. ..... ~ ::::::::::::::::::::: ...... ,............ : ........ ....~ F...~ .., .... ..::~: "'g~'~ .......... :o.141c.:~i!]':t... . .... ~: . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... :. .: .... • ...... ~-~ou.os "..:-.- 144"" o'~ ......... ~'" e'n-~. ...... :.~7~::: .... :'~i: .... :!:-,:::iFt*¢~'2~Mi~i;!i!ii!!!ii;!~• ~'----'-- ":-.: :.':",~.'.." ....... I . - O O .. ' .' . . . . . . . . . . . . .~ ; : ~ . : : : : : ~ "- i ~ ; .'; r ..... - 7 :::y" ~ _ j ~ 141~ -•" . 2 - : Q ~ . . ~ . ~ " ! ::: ?::-.r--~ ....~r~-~, "~7:'TTff!::.... ?--J:'!. • ::i~!i 2 :::: " ~.:" :! ! :. ~ - ~ ' ~, ~ ~ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " .-~a. • I~ t, . . . . . l~ o" 14~v ............. • ~ .......................... • ' ....::.:.. .... :;:::::"" , ....'-'.:,'.:]:::~:,~"J-,:,-_'~Z~:::::": " .. ~' .,,.. '.~;~'..... . JCba =.~'-..'~ ~.... Lh :L_" [=:~,'_:c.',~.,• ",-m,SOUTHERN LIMESTONE HEATHPROGRESSOF ENCLOSUREFIG. IIIKEY as for Fig. ITOWNSHIPS: 136 , Corby; 139, Swayfield; I4O, Swinstead; I4I, Edenham, with I4IA,Elsthorpe, 141% Grimsthorpe, 14IC, Scottlethorpe; 143, Castle Bytham; 144, Counthorpe;144 A, Cre eton; 145, Little Bytham; 146, Careby; 146A, Aunby; 146B, Holywell; 147, Witham;148 , Tort; I48A , Lound; I48B, Manthorpe; I5O, Carlby.stone Heath was enclosed by various Acts (see Table). This Region thereforebears some comparison with the Graffoe Terraces, where Parliamentary enclosurewas a long drawn-out process affecting an area which, by the standardsof north-east Kesteven, was relatively small. All immediate distinctionmust be made between the five townships that were wholly enclosedbefore 17oo, and the eight in which well over two-thirds of the land wasenclosed by award• Only Witham-on-the-Hill is left aside; in this township476 acres were enclosed by award, out of a total of 2,167.mm

'!!: !ENCLOSURE IN KESTEVEN 93A combination of three circumstances appears to have brought about theenclosures of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. First, there was ashortage of pasture, not only for the more commercially-minded farmer,, butprobably also for those who practised the normal husbandry of an openfieldtownship. A comparison of a typical award map for this Region (e.g.Little Bytham) with one for the Northern Fen Margin (e.g. Metheringham)immediately reveals how small were the common meadows and pastures ofthe Southern Limestone Heath in the eighteenth century. Moreover it iswell known that in the previous century farmers of this locality were in thehabit of hiring pastures in the fenland to the east. 1 Furthermore, there arefrequent references in glebe terriers to 'lands' in the open fields which wereeither partially or entirely grassed down. Some of these lea lands remainedin that state for upwards of a century and probably reflect both a shortage ofpasture and difficulties of cultivation.Secondly, it is important to notice that several powerful landed familie~were resident in this neighbourhood in the sixteenth and succeecl~ng centuries.Thus the presence of the Bertie family (dukes of A~,;aster) at GrimsthorpeCastle in Edenham, the Hatchers ,e careby, the Goodalls andReynardsons at Holywell, and the Izact~ets at Creeton (where whole townshipswere enclosed without an award), and the Harringtons and Johnsonsat Witham (where early enclosure was very extensive) serves to emphasize,in this Region at least, the importance of the gentry in relation to the earlyenclosure movement. These families were not only manorial lords, but alsothe principal, if not the sole, lay landowners.On the other hand, it is clear that the same or similar families owned considerableareas of land in the townships which were enclosed by award.Although such townships generally contained a sprinkling of small freeholders,the gentry were in a powerful position and could probably have enclosedif they had pressed the matter sufficiently. The third circumstancewhich led to early enclosure therefore appears to be that the gentry had someparticular reason for enclosing townships in which they resided. There islittle evidence that 'landscaping' was important before the late seventeenthcentury. A more plausible reason is that the gentry were themselves farmingconsiderable parts of their home manors and were thus led to a policy ofselective enclosure.The price revolution of the Elizabethan and early Stuart periods was ahard time for the gentry; their expenses rose, yet they had little chance ofraising their rents quickly owing to the system of long leases and copyholdsfor life or other long periods which then obtained. Amongst four possible1 Thirsk, .English Peasant Farming, p. 176.

94 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWsolutions open to them, which Professor Tawney has listed, is the following:"... He could expand his own business activities, run his home farm,r~t to supply his household, but as a commercial concern, enlarge hisdemesnes; and enclose for the purpose of carrying more stock or increasingthe output of grain. ''1 It is clear that the Hatchers pursued this kind ofpolicy at Careby, while there is a strong suggestion that Grimsthorpe was thescene of extensive sheep farming at least as early as 1584 .~In contrast with the progress made by the early enclosure movement, enclosureby award was relatively slow, and in I8OO, when the movement hadvirtually finished in north-east Kesteven, there were still several townshipsunenclosed. The way in which this Region lagged behind is perplexing,especially in view of the residence of so many landed gentry, but a partial-explanation may be put forward. While enclosure in north-east KesteveI1paved the way to the extension of grain acreages to meet the demands of anexpanding industrial market, it could have had only limited effects in thatdirectio~ ;n the Southern Limestone Heath. There the unenclosed land wasalready very largcl 7 ~mder cultivation, and although enclosure could haveled to improved yields it coula have made possible no appreciable increasesin grain acreages (apart from the elimination of fallow). In fact, ArthurYoung observed that in south Kesteven "upon soils clay and mould, whichdo for grazing, inclosure changes arable to grass; but upon creech continuedarable."8On the other hand, it is important to consider whether enclosure in thisperiod was the effect of a progressive attitude to farming rather than thecause. In the middle of the nineteenth century south Kesteven was the onepart of Lincolnshire which was picked out by Clarke to receive his stingingcriticism. 4 What a similar observer might have said ill 18OO is not clear;nevertheless, the suspicion lingers that poor farmers and a conservativetradition failed to help, if they did not positively hold back, Parliamemaryenclosure in this Region.CONCLUSIONSIt is clear that within the relatively small compass of the areas studiedthere occurred wide differences in the timing and pace of enclosure. Never-1 R. H. Tawney, 'The Rise of the Gentry, 1558-164o' , in Essays in Economic History, ed.E. M. Carus-Wilson, London, 1954, pp. 184- 5.Thirsk, FenlandFarming, p. 51 ; and ETzglish Peasant Farming, p. 176; LAO, ANC 1/3/19.8 A. Young, A General View of the Agriculture of the Co. of Lincoln, London, 1799, p. 468.4 j. A. Clarke, The Agriculture of the County of Lincoln in x85r, London, 1852, pp. 124- 5and 151.,!,J

ENCLOSURE IN KESTEVEN 95theless it is possible to make several general observations at two levels, theregional and the parochial.Each of the three regions appears to have been strongly affected bynational changes in the prosperity of agriculture. Only in this manner is itpossible to account for the two great waves of enclosing activity which occurredapproximately between 15oo and 154o and between 175o and 184o.These were periods of farming prosperity, a fact which establishes the importanceof the economic factor in relation to enclosure.The form of the enclosure, however, varied from one region to another,for the economic benefits to be gained from enclosure depended partly onthe physical circumstances of the region. Thus, for instance, early enclosureproceeded rapidly in the Graffoe Terraces, where soil exhaustion was mostkeenly felt. Within each region, too, there were variations in the pace of enclosure.In the Northern Fen Margin early enclosure was most apparent inthe central zone, for it was in this zone that enclosure could bring thegreatest benefits. Of the two remaining zones, the limestone Heath was lessaffected by early enclosure than the Fens, a fact which suggests that landimprovements on the Heath were virtually impossible until the value ofturnip cultivation was recognized in the second half of the eighteenth century.At the parochial level the pattern of events is less easy to interpret, sinceso much depended upon local personalities and balances of power. Neverthelessthere is evidence in all three regions that resident lords and monasticfoundations were generally associated with early enclosure. Enclosure bymanorial lords was not merely a result of their social dominance, but also,as Professor Tawney has pointed out, a result of the peculiar way in whichthey were open to economic pressures. At the opposite extreme, townshipswhich contained a large number of freeholders were enclosed later, unlessexceptional difficulties of farming forced unanimity upon them, as in theGraffoe Terraces and at Branston. The case of Branston is outstanding,since it occurred in 1682, during a general lull in enclosing activity.Finally, some points of comparison may be made with two neighbouringcounties where enclosure history has been studied. In Leicestershire Parliamentaryenclosure was marked by an extension of permanent pasture, andnot of arable farming, as was generally the case in Kesteven. 1 In bothNottinghamshire and Leicestershire, as in Kesteven, the factor of landownershipis one of many factors which must be considered in explaining the courseof enclosure history. On the other hand, an interesting point of contrast1 H. G. Hunt, The Parliamentary Enclosure Movement in Leicestershire, I73o-x842 , unpublishedLondon Ph.D. thesis, I955 (i956), p. 240.

i/i: ! ...................................................96 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEW'Ioccurs between Nottinghamshire and Kesteven in the eighteenth century:while private enclosure was of little importance in Kesteven during thatcentury, in Nottinghamshire over forty per cent of the total land was enclosedby this method, in contrast to the twelve per cent enclosed before17oo. 1 Such a big difference between neighbouring counties in both thetiming and the method of enclosure serves to emphasize that many morelocal studies of enclosure must be made before a full understanding can bereached.TABLE TO SUMMARIZE ENCLOSURE IN SELECTED REGIONS OF KESTEVENPERIOD AND TYPEOF ENCLOSUREGRAFFOET~aRACESNORTHERN FENMARGINISOUTHERNLIMESTONE HEATHEnclosed privatelyby i7oo7 2 • 0%15,743 acs.36"2%13,827 acs.60 "0%18,o2o acs.Enclosed privately17oo--18oo2.08%45 ° acs.0"7%c. 3oo acs.Nil?Nil?Enclosed by Act17oo--18oo7"09%1,53o acs.61 "I°/o23,355 acs.15"I%4,528 acs.Open in18oo18.83%3,854 acs.0"9%349 acs.24"3%7,172 acs.Enclosed by bothmethods 17oo-187o21,577 acs. 37,831 acs. 29,720 acs.28.8%5,834 acs.62"7%24,453 acs.39"4%I 1,8o 9 acs.APPENDIX ON SOURCESMost of the sources upon which this paper is based are quoted in detail inAppendices 4, 9, and 16 of my M.A. thesis: D. R. Mills, Population andSettlement in Kesteven, c. ;775-c. z885, University of Nottingham, 1957(I 958). The following is a list of additional sources, mostly relating to landownership,which are quoted neither in my thesis, nor in the footnotes above:(a) DOCUMENTARYKesteven Land Tax Duplicates, 18o8 (LAO).Whisby Tithe Award, LAO F3z.Branston Tithe Award, LAO E54I.1 j. D. Chambers, Nottinghamshire in the Eighteenth Century, London, 1932 , p. 149.:ii

(b)ENCLOSURE IN KESTEVEN 97PRINTEDBurke's Peerage, I898 , sub Chaplin.R. E. G. Cole, Speculum Dioeceseos Lincolniensis, A.D. 17o5-I723,Lincoln Record Society, IV, 1913 , pp. 22, 29 , and 43.LAO, Archivists' Report, i948--5o.A. R. Maddison, Lincolnshire Peerages, Harleian Society, 19o3-6, n,PP. 4 °, 437, and 461 ; ni, p. lO41.NOTES AND COMMENTS (continued from page 74)held later in the day, Mr George Ordish wasre-elected Chairman.FUTURE CONFERENCESA Joint Conference on Scottish AgriculturalHistory will be held with the School ofScottish Studies, Edinburgh University, onSaturday, 26 September 1959. Further detailsmay be obtained from Mr GeorgeHouston, Department of Political Economy,University of Glasgow.The One-Day Joint Conference with theAssociation of Agriculture will be held in theInstitute of Education, University of London,on Saturday, 5 December 1959.The Annual General Meeting and Conferencefor 196o will be held at Harper AdamsAgricultural College, near Newport, Shropshire,from the evening of Thursday, 7 April,till breakfast-time on Saturday, 9 April.SCOTTISH STUDIESScottish Studies, Volume 3, i, 1959 (the Journalof the School of Scottish Studies of theUniversity of Edinburgh) contains threearticles bearing on the Statistical Accounts ofScotland. F. V. Emery of the Oxford UniversitySchool of Geography gives a geographicaldescription of Scotland prior to theStatistical Accounts. Arthur Geddes of theEdinburgh University Department of Geographywrites about the Statistical Accountsof 179o-1825 and 1835-45. Finally, A. M.Struthers of the Scottish Council of SocialService discusses the progress of a pilotscheme for a third Statistical Account afterthe Second World War. In the same numberIan Whitaker records the types of woodenharrows used in North Uist.The Scottish Historical Review, Volume 38(I), 1959, contains two articles of interest toreaders of the AGRICULTURAL HISTORY RE-VIEW. The first is a description of the customof taking the cattle to summer shielings orupland pastures, which was once a commonfeature of Highland farming; it is by VictorGaffney, a former research student at EdinburghUniversity. The other is by AsgautSteinnes of Oslo and deals with the existenceof the Scandinavian 'Huseby' (technicalname for a royal administrative farm of militarycharacter) land system in Orkney in theninth and tenth centuries.FORTY YEARS OF DANISH FARM RECORDSDet landokonomiske Driftsbureau (TheDanish Institute of Farm Management andAgricultural Economics) has recently publisheda survey entitled Technical andEconomic Changes in Danish Farming. The Institutewas established in 1916 and between1916 and 1957 analysed no less than 32,402sets of farm accounts. The present publicationsummarizes the trends in Danish farming,which these accounts reveal, between1917 and 1957 .

MAgricultural Rent in South,EastEngland, x788-x 5By H. G. HUNTOST of our knowledge concerning the development of agricultureand the fortunes of landowners and farmers during the late eighteenthand early nineteenth centuries is derived from the commentaryof contemporary witnesses. The county reports to the Board ofAgriculture, the correspondence published in the Annals of Agriculture, andthe numerous pamphlets on the plight of the poor contain many referencesto the inflation of farmers' profits and landlords' rents during the NapoleonicWars. The Reports of the Select Committees in I82o, I82I, 1822, and i833leave no doubt about the widespread distress among farmers and thedifficulties of estate stewards during the period of adjustment that followed,particularly in the early I82O'S. But if the general trends are clear, much ofthe evidence suffers from a lack of precision. To take just one example,John Boys, writing on the agriculture of Kent in i8o5, states that "Since theformer edition of this work [ I796], rents have much increased, and in someinstances have experienced an enormous advance; particularly in rich soils,and in the neighbourhood of market towns. The late extravagantly highprices of corn operated as a bounty upon its production, by encouraging anenlarged cultivation. ''1 This observation shows quite clearly some of thechanges that were taking place at the turn of the century; nevertheless onewould like to know a great deal more about them. What was the extent of theincrease in rent? For how long did it continue, and how quickly was thelandlord able to tap the increased prosperity of the farmers? Similarly, theminutes of evidence taken by the Select Committee in 182x, although voluminous,leave a number of important questions unanswered. 2 It is evidentthat by that date prosperity was at an end. But it is necessary to discover howquickly and in what ways rents were adjusted to the changes in the fortunesof the tenants, and when the actual turning-points came. Fresh advances inthis field of study are now to be made mainly by the detailed examination ofestate papers and other material which throw light on these questions. Acontribution is made in this article by the analysis of changes in agriculturalrent in one area of south-east England.The Kent Archives Office contains a fine series of account books pertain-1 General View of the Agriculture of the County of Kent, 18o5, p, 39.2 British Pad. Papers, 1821, Vol. IX.98

AGRICULTURAL RENT IN SOUTH-EAST ENGLAND 99ing to the estate of Lord Darnley of Cobham. 1 In addition to his extensiveestate in Ireland and smaller properties in other parts of England, Darnleyowned a good deal of land in north-west Kent, particularly ill the parishesof Cobham, Gravesend, Cliffe, Chalk, and Cuxton. The account bookscompiled by his steward, William Stevenson, contain details of the incomeand expenses of Darnley's Kentish property in the late eighteenth and earlynineteenth centuries and are of great value to the historian in providingcomplete and continuous data concerning rents, sizes of farms, leases, andcapital improvements on the estate. In order to trace the course of agriculturalrents it is necessary to distinguish the income from Darnley's farmsfrom that of his other property. The latter included a large number of housesand gardens, shops, a rope yard, a shipwright's yard, a boatbuilder's yard,a corn mill, and a public house. Darnley was the impropriator of tithes in anumber of parishes and also owned land used for digging chalk." In 1788Darnley owned ten farms in north-west Kent varying in size from 250 acresto 700 acres, the aggregate area being approximately 3,8oo acres. 3 By 182ohe had considerably enlarged his estate to 7,500 acres by the purchase of afurther twenty-five farms. The following table summarizes the changes inhis income from farm rents between 1788 and 182o, including the rent fromthe farms he purchased between these dates.Date 4 Aggregate Rent Date Aggregate RentI788-89 £2,229 18o7-o8 £5,2431791-92 £3,098 181o-11 £6,5251794-95 £3,269 1813-14 £7,2601797-98 £3,349 1816-17 £7,47718Ol-O2 £3,486 1819-2o £8,i4918o4-o5 £4,022Darnley's total farm rents rose from £2#29 in 1788 to £8,i49 in i82o, anincrease of 266 per cent in thirty-two years. While this large rise can partlybe accounted for by the increase in land values between these two dates, hispurchases of land also helped to swell his income from farm rents. Thus it1 K.A.O. U565.2 Some of his land was leased by a group of men who proposed to construct a tunnel underthe Thames at Gravesend. For the plan of the project, which was never carried out, see K.A.O.Q/RUM 89.3 It is not possible to ascertain the exact size of Darnley's estate in i788 since there was nosurvey of his farms at that time and acreages are not mentioned in the account books. Latersurveys, although providing a guide., do not contain references to recent increases or reductionsin the size of the farms.Darnley's financial year ran from Michaelmas to Michaelmas.

i i'!!~:i!i :100 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWis clearly necessary to consider separately (a) the rent from those farms hepossessed in 1788 and (b) the rent from those farms subsequently purchased.First let us trace the rents paid by the occupiers of the former group offarms. The aggregate rent from these farms rose from £2,229 in 1788 to£4,4o4 in 182o, i.e. a rise of about IOO per cent. This rise did not take placeevenly. A close analysis of the rent changes shows that five distinct periodscan be distinguished:Average increase in rentper annum1788-99 1.6%18oo-o 4 1.8%18o5-1I 5"°%1812-15 nilI816-2o 3" 3%If we compare these changes with the price of corn in Kent (Fig. I) allinteresting correlation emerges. Corn prices fluctuated considerably fromyear to year, but apart from one or two years of good harvest, prices were onaverage creeping upwards between 1788 and 18o 4. Rents also underwent a120 --I00.¢DC~~. 60~ 4020I I I I.1780 1790 1800 1810 1820Fro. IKent Corn Prices (first week in October), fromthe London Gazette. After I82O prices are the average from Canterbury.,!~rt

7}AGRICULTURAL RENT IN SOUTH-EAST ENGLAND 101modest rise in this period. The most rapid advances in rent took place between18o 5 and 1811 when wheat prices were increasing rapidly. On theother hand, rents were almost stagnant between 18 I2 and 1815 when wheatprices fell by more than 5 ° per cent. Between the end of the war and I82Orents began to rise again. This at first sight seems puzzling in view of theuncertainty among farmers and landowners and of the sharp fall of cornprices in I8I 9 and 182o. The estate account books show, however, thatDarnley enlarged a number of his farms each by a small acreage from hispurchases of land in this period, and that this rather than any change inland values accounts for the increase in rent.The additions to Darnley's Kentish property between i788 and 1820 weremade in four main stages: eleven farms were purchased between 179o andI793, two in 18o3-4, three in 18o8-9, and nine between i8i 7 and I82o. The~,000 --FARMS OWNED BYDARNLEY IN 1788£4,000 - -£3,000 --£2,000--FARMS PURCHASEDBY DARNLEY 1790-3£1,000 --FARMS PURCHASED. . . . . ~ BY DARNLEY 1803-4I I I I1785 1790 1800 1810 1810Fm. IILord Darnley's agricultural rent.rents from the farms purchased up to 18o 4 have been traced in Fig. II andthe annual average rate of increase shown in the following table.Average annual rate of increase in rentFarms purchased i79o- 3 Farms purchased 18o3- 4I793-99 I "5% - -I8OO-O 4 2.o% - -18°5-1I z3'5% 6.6%I812--I 5 nil nilI816-20 nil I "4%

102 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWThe course of rents on the newly acquired farms is similar to that on thefarms already in Darnley's possession in 1788. The period of most rapidincrease appears to have been 18o5-1i, while rents were generally stable afterI812.Rents could be changed most quickly on farms held by tenants-at-will.Before 1815 many of Darnley's farms were, however, occupied by farmersholding leases of between seven and twelve years' duration, 1 and thistended to reduce the sensitivity of rents to prices. Nevertheless when thetime came to renew a lease the enlarged income of the farmer was at leastpartly absorbed by an increase in rent. Two examples will show how thefortunes of farming changed and how Darnley's steward took every opportunityof seeing that the rent was at an economic level. In 1788 the tenantof Knight's Place Farm in Cobham paid £80 p.a. for some 200 acres. At theexpiry of the lease in 179o the rent was raised to £ioo p.a. with a new leasefor twelve years. In 18o2 the rent was raised to £16o and the farmer wasforced to accept a tenancy-at-will in place of his lease. Further rises in renttook place in rapid succession, to £i8o p.a. in 18o 3 and to £23o p.a. in 18o 9when a lease for twelve years was granted. By 1814 and 1815 the falling priceshad forced the tenant to run up arrears on his high rent which had been contractedat the height of the boom, and he was forced to quit the farm. Hissuccessor contracted a lease in x 8 x 6 for twelve years at the same rent and wasable to pay his way for three years during the partial recovery of prices. Butin 1819 depression set in and the farmer found himself in difficulties. Hisarrears rose from £119 in 1819 to £461 in 1822, and Darnley was forced togive him a rebate of 25 per cent of his rent in 1823 to prevent him fromsinking further into debt. A similar case was that of Ranscombe Farm (some25o acres) in the parish of Cuxton where the changes of rent were as follows :Date Rent Da~ Rent1788 £12o 18o8 £300I79O £I45 I812 £2882I798 £I8O I82O £200i8oi £200The reduction in rent at Michaelmas I82O came after the tenant had piledup £657 in arrears, and Darnley was also compelled to grant a rebate inorder to keep the farm occupied. The conversion of leaseholds to tenancies-1 It was normal for Kentish tenants to hold leases of from seven to fourteen years' duration.2 A reduction in rent took place in this year when the tenant agreed to pay the tithe which hadpreviously been paid by the landlord.

AGRICULTURAL RENT IN SOUTH-EAST ENGLAND 103at-will between 1795 and 1812 was evidently a move by Darnley to tap morequickly the increases in his tenants' incomes due to rising prices. Leaseswere only granted on terms which anticipated future rises in prices. ThusDarnley granted a twelve-year lease on Green Farm, some 400 acres in theparish of Shorne, in 18o3, but the new tenant was forced to accept an enormousincrease in rent from £194 to £35o p.a. 1The height of prosperity in farming in north-west Kent appears, from thechanges in agricultural rents, to have been in the years between 18o 5 and1812. After 1812 corn prices began to fall sharply, and the uncertainty of thefuture at the end of the war is reflected in the terms of new agreements thatwere reached between landlord and tenants. After 1814 it was exceptionalfor a rent to be increased at the expiry of a lease. 2 In a number of cases leaseswere converted to tenancies-at-will, perhaps a precautionary measure in viewof the varying forecasts of the future of corn prices. The fortunes of farmersvaried according to the dates when their leases expired. Those farmers whocontracted new terms for a lease, say, of twelve years or longer when priceswere still rising rapidly, found themselves in serious difficulties by 182o;whereas those whose leases expired immediately after the war managed toescape an increase in rent and were thus less burdened during the ensuingdepression. The state of anxiety amongst farmers even as early as 1813 isshown by the fact that Darnley agreed that the tenant of Wickham Farm,266 acres in the parish of Wickham, should receive a rebate of £5 ° on hisannual rent of £4oo whenever the average price of wheat fell below £4 perquarter. 3The general apprehension at the end of the war was somewhat allayedduring 1816, 1817, and 1818, when prices showed a mild recovery, but towardsthe end of 1819 corn prices began to fall (owing partly to a suddenimportation of corn but mainly to good harvests) and continued to do sountil they reached their nadir in 1822. The worst fears of depression wererealized and petitions of distress poured into the Commons from farmersthroughout the country. What was the reaction on the Darnley estate?Darnley's aggregate agricultural rent after I82O has not been traced in Fig. IIbecause the figures obtained would not be comparable with those at earlierdates. Darnley's steward was engaged in a considerable readjustment of the1 K.A.O. U565 A22a.Except where the size of the farm was increased as in the cases discussed above.3 K.A.O. U565 A32a. It is interesting to note that according to a clause in a lease grantedto another farmer ten years later the landlord agreed to give a rebate of £5 ° on a rent of £3oowhen the price of wheat fell below 52 shillings a quarter. The difference in the price of wheatto qualify the farmer for a rebate in 1813 compared to 1823 is indicative of the changed expectationsof farmers and landlords.

104 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWestate: some farms were being split up and let off in small acreages, sometimesfor non-agricultural purposes, other farms were being increased insize and much land was being bought and sold. Where, however, his originalfarms were left intact it is possible to trace the course of rents into the lateI82O'S and after. One inevitable development was that Darnley was forcedto reduce rents on a number of farms in order to keep them in occupationduring the depression. The following examples illustrate this.Farm Size (acres) Old rent New rentCheney's Farm (Cuxton) 219 £286 £230High Birch Farm (Cuxton) 209 £18o £I4oCourt Lodge & Whorne's 457 £43 ° £39 °Place Farms (Cuxton)Year ofreductionI8z3x8z3z8z 3Those farms on which reductions in rent were allowed were held by tenantsat-will.Rents paid by leaseholders could not be so quickly adjusted to thechanged market prices. Darnley's steward was wise enough to realize, however,that if he held his tenants to their original bargain many of them wouldhave to quit. Thus while nominal rents paid on unexpired leases remainedconstant throughout the depression, rebates were allowed to those farmersin severe distress. For example, the tenant of East Court Farm (Manor ofEast Chalk) was allowed a £6o rebate on his rent of £646 in 1820. In thefollowing year a number of tenants were allowed rebates ranging from z 5 percent to 25 per cent "in consequence of all agricultural produce selling atprices below the expence of growing it. ''1 Similar allowances were made inI822 and i823, some of the rebates rising to 3 ° per cent. This timely financialassistance by the landlord undoubtedly had the effect of saving his leaseholdtenants from insolvency and enabling them to continue farming in theface of the depression. One tenant, the occupier of West Cliffe Court Farm(7oo acres), had fallen behind on his rent to the extent of £650 in I822, and arebate of £725 enabled him to start with a clean slate in the following year.By I824 the worst of the immediate depression had passed, ~ and Darnley nolonger found it necessary to allow rebates on his rents. Many of the tenanciesat-willwere converted to leaseholds once more, and leaseholders were beingcharged more realistic rents on the renewal of their contracts.1 K.A.O. U565 A4oa.2 The recovery in prices in I824 and z825 was followed by another depression in the laterI82o's. See G. E. Fussell and M. Compton, 'Agricultural adjustments after the NapoleonicWars', Economic History (Supplement to the Economic Journal), m, No. i4, I939, pp. i86 etseg.JIil!i

AGRICULTURAL RENT IN SOUTH-EAST ENGLAND 105We have seen how unpaid rent had to be written off by the landlord in theearly I82O'S. It is interesting to establish how far changes in the aggregatearrears of rent on Darnley's estate reflect changes in the prosperity of farming.The graph of arrears on agricultural land in Fig. III shows that, apart£2,000 - -\£1,500 .-.£1,000 --/£500 --III1790 18oo181o1820FIG. IIIRent arrears on Darnley's estate.!;from the year i795, arrears on the estate were negligible in the last decade ofthe eighteenth century. The £445 of farm rent arrears in i795 can be attributedto the bad weather in the late summer of that year which delayed theharvest and compelled some farmers to be late in paying their rent. The increasein aggregate arrears in the first twelve years of the nineteenth centurytook place in a period of prosperity, and was mainly due to the inability offarmers to pay, in the first year or two, rents which had been scaled up inanticipation of further rises in agricultural prices. The arrears after r 812 are,however, of a more serious nature and are a truer reflection of the vicissitudesof that period. Farmers found it difficult to pay their rents when prices werefalling; thus the level of arrears soared to over £I,7Oo in I8I 5 after threeyears of rapidly falling corn prices. Arrears rose again to a record height iniSr 9 after a sharp downward turn in corn prices. But the level of arrears didnot always vary inversely with the price of corn even in the post-war years,since a late payment by a farmer, not always the result of an unfavourable

106 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWmarket for his produce, was entered as an arrear ill the account book. Moreover,in the years between 1819 and 1823 arrears were kept down, and insome cases cleared up, by the rent rebate that Darnley allowed his tenants.Thus the level of arrears in each year is not always a reliable guide to theprosperity of farming.Corn prices during the agricultural depression in the early 182o's were onaverage no lower than they had been in the i78o's and early i79o's; it wasthe difference in the farmers' costs between the two periods which largelyexplains the severity of the distress. We have seen how leaseholders wereburdened with high rents contracted during the height of the boom ten yearspreviously. John Lake, the Kentish witness before the Committee of 1821,mentions the failure of certain tradesmen such as blacksmiths and wheelwrightsto reduce their charges. 1 The malt tax also bore heavily on the farmerssince it was still the widespread practice to supply a quantity of beerfree of charge to agricultural labourers. ~ One item of farmers' expenses, thatof labourers' wages, can be traced in detail. Darnley's home farm, 378 acresin Cobham, was managed by the steward, and we may consider the wagespaid by him at Cobham to reflect the general level paid by the farmers in thesurrounding parishes. The following table shows the wages paid to daylabourers employed on the farm at Cobham up to 1814. After 1815 wages ofagricultural labourers paid by the day no longer appear in the estate books.But the wages of day labourers employed in the grounds of Cobham Hall arestill recorded, and these may be taken as a guide to the wages of agriculturallabourers since the two sets of wages were identical before 1815.Day Wages of Male Agricultural Labourers on Darnley's Home Farm 3Winter Summer Harvest PeriodI79O IS. 6d. IS. 8d. 2s. od.1794 IS. 6d. IS. 8d. 2s. od.1797 2s. od. 2s. od. 2s. 4 d.I8OO 2s. od. 2s. od. 2s. 6d.18o 3 2s. od. 2s. od. 2s. 6d.18o6 2s. 6d. 2s. 6d. 2s. 6d.I8O 9 2s. 6d. 2s. 6d. 3 s. od.1812 3 s. od. 3 s. od. 3 s. od.1814 2s. 6d. 2s. 6d. 2s. 6d.1 British Pad. Papers, 1821, IX, p. 74.Poor rates were of course very much heavier ill the I82O'S compared with thirty yearsearlier, and this burden appears to have been shouldered by the tenants.a These figures do not include a daily allowance of beer received by the labourers.

AGRICULTURAL RENT IN SOUTH-EAST ENGLAND 107Day Wages of Male Labourers employed by the Month in the Grounds ofCobham Hall 11815 2s. 6d. & 2s. od? 1821 2s. od. & is. 8d.1817 2s. 6d. & 2s. od. 1823 is. 8d. & is. 6d.I819 2s. 3d. I825 2s. 6d. & zs. od.The daily wages of labourers responded fairly swiftly to changes in the fortunesof farming. Money wages on Darnley's home farm rose between 4 d.and 6d. per day in the middle of the I79o's and further rises of 6d. per daytook place between 18o 3 and 18o6 and between 1809 and 1812, the maximumrate of three shillings per day being reached in the latter year. By 1814 thediminishing prosperity of agriculture had its effect on labourers' wageswhich fell to 2s. 6d. per day. This rate was maintained during the next threeyears of uncertainty, but in 1819 the onset of depression resulted in anotherfall in wages, this time to 2s. 3 d. per day. As the agricultural depressiondeveloped, wages were forced down until by 1823 they reached the level obtainingin 179o , although a recovery in corn prices in 1824 and 1825 enabledlabourers to gain a higher rate once more. Thus, while the wages of daylabourers rose by IOO per cent in the period of prosperity up to 1812, 8 farmerswere able to reduce them by the same extent in almost half the timeduring the harder times that followed.The general conclusions drawn from the statistics presented in this articlemay be briefly summarized. We have seen that agricultural rent increasedbetween 1788 and 1812, first at a fairly modest rate, but later, after 18o5,very rapidly. The close correlation between rents and corn prices shows thatthe landlord was quick to participate in the 'unearned' increase in farmers'incomes. During the period of rapidly rising prices the landlord ensured hisshare in the growing prosperity of agriculture in two ways. Some farmerswere required to pay high rents when their leases were renewed in anticipationof further price rises; others were forced to accept tenancies-at-willwhich were subject to frequent changes in rent. The good harvests between1813 and 1815 called a halt to rising farming profits, and rents consequentlyceased their upward trend. The comparative stability in rents continued in1816, 1817, and 1818 (allowing for the increase in size of some farms) despitea mild recovery in prices and the Corn Law. In 1819 prices began to fallagain and a severe depression set in lasting till 1824. Worst hit were those1 The figures do not include a daily allowance of beer received by the labourers.The lower rate was usually paid in the winter months after Christmas.3 The rise in the wages of agricultural labourers between i794 and I8 I2 was spectacular inview of the fact that they had scarcely changed during the previous ninety years.

108 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWtenants with leases dating from 18 r z and earlier who could continue to farmtheir land only by eating into reserves or by piling up arrears of rent. Tenantswith one-year contracts received immediate relief by a reduction in rent.Leaseholders were, however, less fortunately placed, but were relieved byabatements in their rent, up to thirty per cent in some cases, until theirleases ran out or until the worst of the immediate depression was over. Thuswhile the landlord had been quick to profit by the scarcity of foodstuffs duringthe war and had been somewhat reluctant to reduce his rents after thepeak of I812, he had accepted the fact of lower land values by I82o. Readjustmentto the changed circumstances was not achieved without considerablefinancial loss by the farmers. But tenants in difficulty betweeni8x 9 and i823 were not evicted, since the landlord preferred to adopt arealistic attitude rather than see his land withdrawn from cultivation. 11 This was usually the case. See, for example, Joan Thirsk and ]lean Imray, Suffolk Farmingin the Nineteenth Century, Suffolk Record Society, I, x958 , pp. 96 et seq.Social Mobility in Nineteenth.CenturyDevonDBy DUNCANEVON is an area of small farms. Thetradition is not a new one, for RobertFraser, writing toward the end ofthe eighteenth century, noted it. "Farms ingeneral are small, from twenty to forty acresbeing the common run of the holdings inthis county." But he observed that therewere some changes. "Of late, the farmersare beginning to increase, and one farmeris sometimes found to occupy two, three, ormore of these tenements; but I found veryfew farmers exceed two, or at most threehundred acres." There was, in his words, a"respectable class of yeomanry."1 This traditionof independent small-holdings was, andstill remains, strong. The question arises,however, how this class of small-holder wasrecruited. Some evidence is available to showMITCHELLthat it was not altogether a self-perpetuatingclass, but that it drew some of its membersfrom the labourers.To appreciate this factor of social mobilitywe have to note two things. First, duringthe nineteenth century farmers quite oftenchanged their holdings. In the years followingthe Napoleonic wars the return on farm producewas small; but although rentals wererepeatedly lowered by from 25 to 3 ° per cent,such reductions did not prevent a considerablemovement among farmers from oneholding to another and cheaper one. 2 In thelater times of relative prosperity the movementwas reversed. This geographical mobilityin fact persisted down to I939. Men didnot always feel obliged to farm the same landas their forbears, although they seldom left* Robert Fraser, General View of the County of Devon, I794, p. 17.2 Agricultural State of the Kingdom in February, March, and April ~8~6.

SOCIAL MOBILITY IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY DEVON 109the same district, unless it was to emigrateoverseas.Secondly, labourers' wages during the lastquarter of the nineteenth century varied betweeneleven and twelve shillings per week.They had been tending to increase since thex 850%; thus in I858 they were between sevenand eight shillings in north Devon, and betweeneight and nine shillings in southDevon. Perquisites such as four pints ofcider per week and eight quarts during theharvest time were included. By 188o a goodman might earn fifteen shillings per week,rather higher than for some other parts ofsouthern England.The combination of improving wages andavailable small-holdings for rental providedopportunities for social advancement. Butjust how was it accomplished? Two exampleswill be given by way of illustration; both aredrawn from the South Hams area.In 188o a stonebreaker, whose father wasa farm labourer earning fifteen shillings perweek, was employed on the roads at an averagewage of seventeen shillings. On this wagehe saved enough to buy a horse and cart andso offer his services to the local authority as acarter of stones for road repairs. This enabledhim to increase his income. He had all alongkept a few fowls by his cottage for his ownuse and as an additional source of income, andto these he now added a cow, which he grazedin a small field he rented. By dim of frugalliving and saving he was able to invest in somemore livestock until he was in a position torent a thirty-acre holding. Soon after this hegave up carting stones, and eventually aftersome years he moved to a fifty-acre holding.He had two sons who helped him on thefarm. They were unpaid but received pocketmoney. In late middle-age he moved againto a farm of a hundred and fifty acres. He diedjust before the I914 war, but both sons wereset up as farmers, one taking over from hisfather, the other farming near by.The second case is particularly interestingbecause of an apparently little-known practice.In I88o a hind (or foreman) to a gentle-man-farmer besides keeping some fowls anda few pigs of his own also hired several milkingcows. This hiring of cattle was not uncommonin south Devon. Usually the farmerprovided the use of a building as well as thecattle, and charged a rent, but the sale of themilk and butter, with skimmed milk beingfed to pigs, provided a profit. As a hind thisman earned four shillings above the normallabourer's wage, and this together with hisprofit from the cows enabled him in 19oo torent a fifty-acre holding. At that time he hadtwo sons aged fifteen and twelve years, andboth helped him on the farm. Nine yearslater the younger son emigrated to Canada,where he became owner of a large ranch. Onhis departure the elder brother suggested tohis father that he be made a partner, but thiswas refused. Instead he was given five shillingsper week and his board. Later the eiderson married, left home, and rented a smallholdingof fourteen acres; his father gave hima calf and a pig. He was employed as a laboureron a nearby farm for fifteen shillingsper week and farmed his own land in hisspare time. By 1914 he possessed two cows,several pigs, and some fowls. He succeeded inraising a strain of pig for which there was agood local demand. Later he moved to athirty-acre holding. His father continued tomanage his own holding with the help of adaughter for a further twenty years after hisson left him.Thus rising real wages, new forms of employmentboth full-time and part-time offeringchances of an improved income, andgeographical mobility among small-holders,combined to provide opportunities forlabourers during the latter part of the lastcentury and the beginning of the present one.It may be noted in addition that the smallholderclass, relying on family labour andused to frugality, was able to withstandeconomic depression much better than thelarger farmer. Hence this alteration in socialstanding was very frequently maintainedthroughout the period between the wars.

Work in ProgressCompiled by JOAN THIRSKThe following list does not lay claim to completeness. It has been compiled from the particularsgiven in response to a letter circulated to universities, local history societies, and local recordoffices. It is hoped to publish similar lists from time to time, and the compiler will therefore beglad to receive any information concerning changes of subject and additions to this list.ABERG, F. A., Ipswich Museum, High Street, Ipswich.Roman agriculture and settlement in Hampshire.Ancient fields in Hampshire.ADAMS, ROBERT H., c/o Isle of Wight River Board, County Hall Annexe, Newport, Isle of Wight.Bibliography of land drainage, irrigation, reclamation of fen and tidal lands, and warping,in Great Britain and Ireland.AOATE, R. G., 12 Wilton Grove, Wimbledon, London, S.W.I 9.The Surrey evidence bearing on the causes, nature, and consequences of the disturbances incertain agricultural areas in 183o-1.ALLISON, KEITH, 57 Huntington Road, York.York common lands and strays.ALLISON, R., 71 Shirley Avenue, Sutton, Surrey.The changing landscape of S.W. Essex, I6oo-I85o.ANSTEE, J. W., Museum of English Rural Life, 7 Shinfield Road, Reading.The construction and use of hand tools.ATKINSON, FRANK, Bankfield Museum, Halifax.The horse as a source of rotary power.Material objects relating to the Pennine way of life from the seventeenth century.ATTWOOD, E. A., Department of Agricultural Economics, University Coll. of Wales, Aberystwyth.The rate of change in the structure of British agriculture, 187o-19I 4 .AULT, "WARREN O., Boston University, U.S.A.Medieval agrarian bye-laws.B.~LIZY, M. W., Department of Extra-mural Studies, Nottingham University.Rural housing.BKRNES, F. A., Department of Geography, Nottingham University.The Anglesey region: a study in regional and historical geography.BATHO, G. R., Department of Education, Sheffield University.The management of Crown and lay estates in the period 15oo-164o.Estate maps and plans, 159o-164o.BATLEY, Mrs L., Department of Latin, Sheffield University.The manor of Tinsleyin the seventeenth century (from theWentworth-Woodhouse Papers).BEAVlNGTOI~, F., 39 Snow Hill, Maulden, Bedford.A geographical study of market gardening in eastern and central Bedfordshire.BELLERBY, J. R., Agricultural Economics Research Institute, Parks Road, Oxford.Historical economic statistics bearing on agriculture and its relationship to the rest of theeconomy.110

WORK IN PROGRESS 111BERESFORD, MAURICE W., Department of Economics and Commerce, Leeds University.Pre-Parliamentary enclosure, 1597-175o.BEST, R. H., Department of Agricultural Economics, Wye College, near Ashford, Kent.A study of the major uses of land, with special regard to the changes in land use that haveoccurred since the nineteenth century, and the possible future trends in Great Britain andother highly urbanized countries.BIRCH, J. W., Department of Geography, Bristol University.The geography and recent history of agriculture in England, Wales, and the Isle of Man.BOAL, F. W., Department of Conservation, School of Natural Resources, University of Michigan,Ann Arbor, Michigan, U.S.A.Land use and rural settlement in co. Down.BONI-IAM-CAaTm~, VICTOR, Broombali, East Anstey, Tiverton, Devon.Bonham-Carter family records, 17oo-195o.BoucH, Canon C. M. L., Clifton Rectory, near Penrith, Cumberland (in collaboration withJO~NES, Professor G. P.).A general social and economic history of the Lake counties from Tudor times to the nineteenthcentury.BOWDEN, P. J., Department of Economics, Sheffield University.Rents, agricultural prices, and profits, 145o-164o.BUCHANAN, R. H., Department of Geography, The Queen's University, Belfast.The 18Ol crop returns in Northern Ireland.Changes in agriculture and settlement in co. Down during the eighteenth and nineteenthcenturies.BUCnAI, rAN, R. H., andPRouDFOOT, V. B., The Queen's University, Belfast, and JorlNSON, J. H.,University College, London.An archaeological investigation into the development of the pattern of Irish settlement fromthe first millennium A.D. to the nineteenth century.BIJRI~, T., Department of Geography, Birmingham University.Aspects of the population geography of county Cork since c. 175o.BUI~NETT, JOHN, Clarence Lodge, Hampton Court, Surrey.Food and its adulteration in the nineteenth century.BIJIU~LL, Miss E. D. R., 54 Church Crescent, MuswellHill, London, N.IO.The reclamation of the Suffolk Sandlings from 175o to the present day.CAreD, J. B., and MOISLEY, H. A., Department of Geography, Glasgow University, and SMITH,Miss C. B., Carnegie Research Assistant.Crofting survey. A survey of land use and population, by individual townships, of selectedareas, i956-7: South Uist; 1957: Barra; 1958: Harris, Park (Lewis), Waternish (Skye);1959: Uig, North Lochs, Ness (Lewis), North Uist; 196o: remainder of Lewis.CHALKLIN, C. W., Oriel College, Oxford.A Kentish market town, Tonbridge, 1550-184o.CLAYTON, K. M., London School of Economics, Aldwych, London, W.C.z.Land use and farming patterns in Essex.COLE, Mrs GLADYS M., Departmen~ of History, Liverpool University.Ministers' Accounts of a group of Yorkshire estates in the Yorldst period (Richard Neville,Earl of Warwick).,I

112 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWCOLLINS, Miss JOAN, Department of Geography, Birhbeck College, London.Some aspects of rural settlement in Berkshire.CoPPOCK, J. T., Department of Geography, University College, London.The agricultural geography of the Chilterns from 1866 to the present day.Farm size in Buckinghamshire, 1866-1941.COSSEY, F., 32 West Parade, Peterborough.Farm workers' trade unions in the feniand area of South Lincolnshire, Hunts., the Isle ofEly, and the soke of Peterborough, 1871-82.COULL, JAMES, Department of Geography, Aberdeen University.Crofting problems in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland.COUSENS, S. H., Department of Geography, University College of Swansea.Ireland, I845-195o.South Wales agriculture, 185o-195o.CUNNINCI-IAM, GmFnTHS L., 49 Huddleston Road, London, N. 7.The changing landscape of the Dorset heathlands, 16oo to the present day (London Ph.D.thesis).CUTTINC, D. J., Department of Geography, Leeds University.The adaptation of pre-enclosure field patterns to their environment in the Spofforth andTadcaster areas of Yorkshire.DAVIES, Mrs C. S., Dumess, Robin Lane, Sutton, Macclesfield, Cheshire.The history of the manor of Withington, Manchester. Enclosure of the open fields andcommon.DODD, J. PHILIP, Hampton Loade, Alveley, Bridgnorth, Shropshire.Agriculture of the West Midlands in the nineteenth century.Agriculture during the Napoleonic Wars in Yorkshire, Lancashire, and the Midlands.DONKIN, R. A., Department of Geography, Birmingham University.Cistercian settlement and English royal forests.Monastic colonization in medieval Europe.DOUCH, ROBERT, Institute of Education, Southampton University.Some aspects of the history of agriculture in the Isle of Portland.Bibliography of the local history of Hampshire and the Isle of Wight.DUNN, J. M., St Catherine's College, Oxford.The economic implications of the current trend in agricultural rents.DURY, G., Department of Geography, Birhbeck College, London.Agriculture and land use in the Channel Islands in the eighteenth century.ELLIOTT, G. G., Department of Geography, Liverpool University.Changes in Cumberland agricultural field systems.EMERY, FRANK, School of Geography, Oxford.West Glamorgan farming, c. 158o-162o.Agrarian change in Gower, 15oo onwards."Georgieal work" in Wales, 165o-175o.EVANS, Professor E. ESTYN, Department of Geography, The Queen's University, Belfast.Survival of primitive agricultural techniques.The import of improved agricultural implements and techniques from England to Ireland.

WORK IN PROGRESS 113EVERITT, ALAN, Department of English Local History, Leicester University.The agricultural labourer, 15oo--164o.The marketing of agricultural produce, 15oo-164o.EYRE, S. R., Department of Geography, Leeds University.The limits of improved land and common pasture in N. Derbyshire from medieval times.FAITH, Mrs ROSAMOND, Department of English Local History, Leicester University.The peasant land-market in Berkshire in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.FARMER, D. L., Exeter College, Oxford.An examination of price fluctuations in certain articles in the twelfth, thirteenth, and earlyfourteenth centuries.The Duchy of Cornwall estates in 1337 .Anglo-Saxon charter boundaries.FARR, M. W., School of History, Birmingham University.Ministers' accounts of the lands of Adam de Stratton in the reign of Edward I (BirminghamM.A. thesis).FARRA, Miss MARGARET, 8 5 South Croxted Road, West Dulwich, S.E.2I.Changes in land utilization in the North Yorkshire Moors.FLETCHER, T. W., Department of Agrieultural Economics, Manchester University.The agriculture of Lancashire, 1750-185o.The nineteenth century.FORBES, J., Department of Geography, The Queen's University, Belfast.Changes in crop acreages from 1851 to 1953 in Northern Ireland.FORSTER, GOm~ON C. F., School of History, Leeds University.County administration in Yorkshire in the seventeenth century.FOUNTAIN, K. E., Department of Geography, Leeds University.The effects of enclosure upon the cultural landscape and rural population structure in partsof Cambridgeshire.FRASER, A. STEWART, Department of Geography, Aberdeen University.Geographical and pedological problems affecting crofting in the Shetland Islands.FULLER, MiSS G. J., Department of Geography, Nottingham University.Development of settlement and agriculture in the Wirksworth Hundred between Domesdayand the Black Death.FULLER, Miss MARGARET D. See under JEWEI.I., C. A.FOSSELL, G. E., 55 York Road, Sudbury, Suffolk.Theories of crop nutrition before 184o.GAILEY, R. A., Department of Geography, Glasgow University.Rural settlement in the South-West Highlands from 175o.GENTLEMAN, H., Department of Geography, Birmingham University.Studies in the agricultural geography of Warwickshire during the first half of the nineteenthcentury.GLASSCOCK, R. E., Department of Geography, University College, London.The mapping and interpretation of the lay subsidy return of 1334.

114 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWGRAMOLT, O. W., 17 MaresfieM Gardens, Hampstead, N.W.3.The reclamation of the Essex marshes.GRANT, Mrs B. F., 78 TwyfordAvenue, London, W.3.History of Wensleydale, Yorkshire.GraVEN, GEORGE, School of Agriculture, Nottingham University, Sutton Bonington, near Loughborough,Leicestershire.Leicestershire villages in settlement, expansion, and decay.GULLEY, J. L. M., Department of Geography, University College, London.The economy of the Weald during the Middle Ages.The medieval reclamation of Romney Marsh.HAEAI~KUK, Professor H. J., All Souls College, Oxford.English aristocracy and gentry in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.HALLAlVq H. E., 41 Arthur Street, Loughborough, Leicestershire.The medieval fenland.HALLAM, Mrs SYLVIA J., 41 Arthur Street, Loughborough, Leicestershire.The Romano-British fenland.HAm~EY, J. B., Department of Geography, Liverpool University.The historical geography of Warwickshire as revealed by the Hundred Rolls of 1279.HARRIS, A., Department of Geography, Hull University.The agriculture of the East, and adjacent parts of the North, Ridings of Yorkshire, 1688-I87O.HAPa~ISON, B. J. D., Wadham College, Oxford.The estates of St Swithun's Priory, Winchester, IO66-c. 134o.HARVEY, D. W., St aqohn' s College, Cambridge.Studies in the historical geography of Kent.HARVEY, P. D. A., St jTohn's College, Cambridge.The history of Cuxham, co. Oxon., with special reference to social and economic conditionsduring the Middle Ages.HAVmDE~;, MICHAEL E., Magdalen College, Oxford.The rural economy of Oxfordshire, 158o-173o.HENDERSON, H. C. K., Department of Geography, Birkbeck College, London.The 18oi crop returns.HILTON, RODN~Y, School of History, Birmingham University.Agrarian development in the West Midlands, 128o-1535 .Hocl~Y, Rev. S. F., Quart Abbey, Isle of Wight.Medieval Quarr Abbey and its estates, mainly I.W.HOI~KINS, E., 81 Berengrave Lane, Rainham, Gillingham, Kent.The Bridgewater estates in North Shropshire in the first half of the seventeenth century.HOPKINS, M. W., Department of Geography, Birkbeck College, London.The Lea valley glasshouse industry.HOPKINS, P. G. H., ffoint Committee for Adult Education, Southampton University.The rise and fall of water-meadow irrigation in Britain.HOUSTON, G~ORGE, Department of Political Economy, Glasgow University.The history of the Scottish farm worker.

WORK IN PROGRESS 1]5H0V~LnS, B. E., St John's College, Cambridge.The medieval colonization of South Wales.HUNT, H. G., Department of Commerce, Woolwich Polytechnic, S.E.I8.Landownership, rents, and wages in south-east England during the eighteenth and earlynineteenth centuries.HUNT, T. J., Orchard End, Pyrland, Taunton, Somerset.History of the manor of Taunton in the thirteenth century, chiefly from the Pipe Rolls of theBishopric of Winchester.JAMES, J. M., St Catherine's College, Oxford.The small farm in a changing economy. A study of the small farm in England and Wales inits relationship to the agricultural policy of the United Kingdom.JENKINS, J. G., Museum of English Rural Life, 7 Shinfield Road, Reading.The evolution and regional characteristics of farm transport.A study of rural crafts.See also under JEWELL, C. A.JENNINGS, BEI~NAP.O, 2 Conan Gardens, Richmond, Yorks.Economic history of Swaledale.JEW'ELL, C. A., and JENKINS, J. G., and FULLER, MARCARET, Museum of English Rural Life,7 ShinfieM Road, Reading, Berhs.A survey of economic, social, and cultural developments in a Berkshire parish.JOHN, ARTHUR, London School of Economics, Aldwych, London, W.C.2.The prices of animal products in England, 17oo-185o.JOHNSON, J. H., Department of Geography, University College, London.The historical geography of co. Londonderry in the nineteenth century.See also under BUCHANAN, R. H.JONES, Miss E. I. M., Monhswood, Kingsley, Bordon, Hants.The reclamation of the Bagshot heaths.JONES, E. L., Department of Agriculture, Parks Road, Oxford.Evolution of high farming in Herefordshire, 1815-65 (Oxford B.Litt. thesis).Agriculture in the Wessex chalklands, 166o-186o.JONES, G. E., Lincoln College, Oxford.Changes in Welsh agriculture and some current problems of agricultural progress (with particularreference to Central Wales).JONES, Professor G. P., c/o Department of Economics, Sheffield University.The population of Cumberland and Westmorland in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries.See also under BOUCH, Canon C. M. L.JONES, GLAImlLLE R. J., Department of Geography, Leeds University.Land settlement, tenure, and colonization ill the Colwyn-Clwyd district of north Wales.JONES, I. E., Department of Geography, Birmingham University.Rural settlement studies in Brittany.JONES, PETER E., Department of Geography, University College of Wales, Aberystwyth.Changes in land utilization in Uwchgwyrfai (I75o-1956).JONES, T. I. JEFFI~YS, Coleg Harlech, Llys Branwen, Harlech, Merioneth.Welsh agriculture, 17oo-19oo , with special reference to the enclosure movement.J

116 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWKAY, G., Department of Geography, Liverpool University.Agrarian development in the Banff district.K~va~, Miss BAVXAm, West Cottage, Hethfelton, Wareham, Dorset.Dorset field names and the agricultural revolution.K~IDCE, Eatc, Acre End, Tilsworth, Leighton Buzzard, Beds.English agrarian history in the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries.KIDDLE, D. F. A., Department of Geography, Birkbeck College, London.The changing landscape of north-west Middlesex.KINVIQ, Professor R. H., Department of Geography, Birmingham University.Agricultural geography of the West Midlands.L~BEaT, A. M., D@artment of Geography, London School of Economics, Aldwych, London,W.C.2.Changes in settlement patterns following land reclamation in the Netherlands and Denmark.LAWTON, R., Department of Geography, Liverpool University.Population distribution, structure, and movement in nineteenth-century England.LINTON, A. E., Department of Geography, The Queen's University, Belfast.Traditional forms of rural settlement in Ireland and Western Britain.LONDON, Miss YEr~, Department of History, Liverpool University.The cartulary and extents of Canonsleigh Priory.LONC, W. HAaWOOD, Department of Agriculture, Leeds University.Yorkshire farming in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries.LONGMA~, J. FORD, Department of Geography, Birkbeck College, London.Studies in the settlement geography of Hertfordshire.MACKAY, DONALD, C. H., Department of Geography, Queen's College, Dundee.The population of the parishes of Tongue and Farr with special reference to the changes indistribution resulting from the Clearances (Ph.D. thesis).MACkenZIE, H. R., Department of Geography~ Aberdeen University.Geographical aspects of transport in northern Scotland.MACW~RSON, ARCHIBALD, Department of Geography, Edinburgh University.Land utilization in the Dee valley.MACZAK, A., St yohn's College, Cambridge.Studies in the social and economic structure of the English peasantry in the fifteenth century.MARTIN, J. M., Faculty of Commerce, Birmingham University.Changes in landownership, land utilization, and agricultural income in the West Midlands,1785-1825 (M.Comm. thesis).MASOn, Mrs K~Tp M., Reynardlng, Ilkley, Yorks.History of cheesemaking in Britain.McCoPa~, NORMAN, Department of Modem History, King's College, Newcastle-upon-Tyne.The activities and organization of the Anti-Corn Law League, 1838-46.McHuoH, B. J., Department of Geography, St Patrick's Training College, Drumcondra, Dublin.Land use and rural settlement in co. Tyrone and co. Fermanagh.

WORK IN PROGRESS 117MEAD, W., Department of Geography, University College, London.The hedgerow in Buckinghamshire.Rural survey in Finland, I75o--I 850.MmLS, DENNIS R., 6 Byron Street, Barwell, near Leicester.Land use and settlement in Kesteven, c. I7oo--c. I85o.MILLS, F. D., Department of Agricultural Economics, Reading University.National Union of Agricultural Workers: a study of trade union organization in Britishagriculture.MmGAY, GORDON, London School of Economics, London, W.C.2.Landownership and agrarian trends in the eighteenth century, based on the Duke ofKingston's estates.MITCHELL, PETER K., Geography Department, Fourah Bay College, Freetown, Sierra Leone.History of land use from c. I6oo to date in the West Cleveland area of the North Riding.MOISLEY, H. A. See under CAreD, J. B.MONT~ITH, Miss DOaOTHY, 8 Maddox Road, Hemel Hempstead, Hefts.The estates of Walden Abbey.MooRE, D. C., Brentwood Place, R.D., Vestal, New York, U.S.A.The relation between high f3rming and the anti-corn law movement.MoacAN, COLIN, Department of Geography, University College of Wales, Aberystwyth.Study of enclosure patterns in Caernarvonshire and Merionethshire.NAISH, M. C., Department of Geography, University College, London.The reclamation of the Hampshire challdands.NEWLYN, Miss ANNE C., Department of Agricultural Economics, Reading University.The village and manor of Coleshill, Berkshire, I5oo-I7oo.N~wToN, K. C., Essex Record Office, Chelmsford.Thaxted in the fourteenth century.OLDFIELD, F., Department of Geography, Liverpool University.Physical evolution and reclamation of Mossland.OLIwa, J., Department of Geography, University College of Swansea.Climate and farming in Anglesey in the first part of the eighteenth century.OSCHmSKY, Miss DOROTHEA, Department of History, Liverpool University.Treatises on estate management and farming irt the Middle Ages.OWEN, ARTrmR E., Flat 4, 24 East Heath Road, London, N.W. 3.Land drainage and reclamation in the marsh district of Lindsey.PARI~rq R. A. C., Queen's College, Oxford.Agricultural history of East Anglia in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.Income and estates of Coke, Townshend, Walpole, and other East Anglian noble families inthe eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.The eighteenth-century lease.The incidence of the land tax in the eighteenth century.PAWSON, Professor H. C., University School of Agriculture, King's College, Newcastle-upon-Tyne,The agriculture of Northumberland (for the R.A.S.E. series).

118 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWP~EaS, R. N. R., Dorset County Museum, Dorchester.Dorset agricultural history.PELHAM, R. A., The Court House, West Meon, Hampshire.Agricultural geography of the fourteenth and eighteenth centuries.Pm~KIN, H. J., Department of History, Manchester University.Land reform movements in nineteenth-century Britain.PLUMMEa, B. A. G., Department of Geography, University College of Swansea.An investigation into human influences on marsh development in the Burry estuary, SouthWales.PoaTw_Ju~, D~r:, Exeter University.The smaller domestic architecture in the Oxford region, fifteenth to early eighteenth centuries.POSTaN, Professor MrCHaEL, Peterhouse, Cambridge.The agrarian economy in the Middle Ages.POSrGaTE, M. R., 17 Maresfield Gardens, Hampstead, London, N.W.3.The historical geography of the East Anglian breckland prior to 1850.PamCE, HVCH, Department of Geography, University College, London.Parkland in England.A life of Richard Woods of Essex, a late eighteenth-century landscape gardener.PROtrOFOOT, V. B., Department of Geography, The Queen's University, Belfast.Soils and early agriculture.See also under BvcaaN~a~r, R. H.R~Bua_~r, JOHN R., London School of Economics, London, W.C.2.Responses of British agriculture to price and cost changes since I87o.RAWSON, R. R., London School of Economics, London, W.C.z.The interpretation of rural land use from air photographs.REVILL, S., 85 ]2edale Road, Nottingham.Fourteenth-century court roll of Mansfield, Notts.REYNOr DS, B., Department of Geography, Queen Mary College, London.Late medieval Dorset.I~Ys-RJU~Km, Capt. Sir HvcH, Green Lane, Bryngwyn, via Kington, Herefordshire.Welsh cattle droving during the turnpike era from west and central Wales to England.ROTHWELL, Professor H., Southampton University.The estates of St Swithun's Priory, Winchester.RowE, JOHN, Department of Modern History, Liverpool University.Cornish agricultural history in the nineteenth century.RUSSELL, REX, I I Priestgate, Barton-on-Humber, Lincs.Agricultural unionism and the agricultural labourer in nineteenth-century Lincolnshire.RYDER, M. L., Wool In&tstries Research Association, Leeds 6.The history of sheep from an examination of wool fibres remaining in ancient parchment.A study of the medieval animal remains from St John's Priory, Pontefract, Wharram Percy,and a site in Petergate, York.i:l i! ..........................................................

WORK IN PROGRESS 119SCHOVE, D. JUSTin, St David's College, 29 South Eden Park Road, Becke~am, Kent.The weather and climatic fluctuations in England and Europe in relation to economicactivity, A.D. 8oo-17oo.SENIOR, M. W., Department of Geography, Leeds University.The development of the land utilization pattern in Assynt parish and in Barra.S~IAW, DAVID H., 28 Brantwood Road, Luton, Bedfordshire.Surviving dialect in six villages in south Bedfordshire.S~IEPPAm~, Miss Ju~rE A., Department of Geography, Queen Mary College, London.Rural settlement in East Yorkshire.SHORTER, A. H., Department of Geography, Exeter University.Field patterns in England.Sm~IMI'TON, C., Trinity Hall, Cambridge.A regional study into the decline of the smaller owner-occupier during the late eighteenthand early nineteenth centuries in East Anglia.SIMPSON, E. S., Department of Geography, Liverpool University.The nineteenth-century agrarian history of the Cheshire dairying region.Agrarian development in the Wem district of North Shropshire.SINCLAIR, J. D., London School of Economics, London, W.C.2.Economic and social factors bearing upon changing patterns of land use.SMEE, Miss D. K., Department of Geography, Bedford College, London.Soil and slope, and ridge and furrow in a Northamptonshire parish.SMIT~I, Miss C. B. See under CAIRO, J. B.S1,Rmo, DAVID, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, U.S.A.The English landed estate, 179o-185 ° .STANLEY, M. J., Department of Geography, Birmingham University.Studies in the historical geography of Warwickshire for the period c. 1300 to I5OO.ST~lVIAI,I, M. B., Department of Geography, Birmingham University.Studies of land use and settlement in the Forest of Feckenham, Worcestershire.STITT, F. B., Staffordshire Count), Record Office, County Offices, Stafford.Some medieval accounts of Lenton Priory.STUV~AN, Mother MARY WImFRIDE, Ursuline Convent, Chester.Barking Abbey: A study of its internal and external administration from the Conquest tothe Dissolution.SWALES, T. H., The Jolly Farmers, Yaxham Road, East Dereham, Norfolk.The distribution of the monastic estates in Norfolk, c. 1520-40.The position of the Norfolk gentry, c. 153o-8o.SYLVXSTER, Miss DOROTI~Y, Department of Geography, Manchester University.The rural landscape of the Welsh borderland.The manor and the Cheshire landscape.THII~SK, Mrs JOAN, Department of English Local History, Leicester University.The agrarian history of England in the sixteenth century.TI-IOlVlAS, DAVID, Department of Geqqraphy, University College, London.The agriculture of Wales at the turn of the eighteenth century.

120 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWTHOMAS, E. G., 46 Washington Road, Maldon, Essex.The operation of the Poor Law in Essex, Berks., and Oxon., with special reference to labourmigration, apprenticeship, and medical treatment.THOMPSON, F. M. L., Department of History, University College, London.Nineteenth-century English landed estates.Wiltshire agriculture, I870-i955.THORPE, H., Department of Geography, Birmingham University.Comparative studies of forms and patterns of rural settlement in the British Isles and Europe.The evolution of settlement and land use in the West Midlands generally, and in Warwickshirein particular.THORPE, Miss SYmL, St Hilda' s College, Oxford.Monastic lands in Leicestershire at the Dissolution.TITOW, J. Z., Fitzwilliam House, Cambridge.The estates of the Bishops of Winchester in the thirteenth century.TURNER, DER~Jq Oriel College, Oxford.The population of England in the sixteenth century.VASs, J. G., Department of Geography, Birkbech College, London.Agricultural geography of the western part of the High Weald.VICI~RY, ALAN V., Agricultural Economics Research Institute, Parks Road, Oxford.Agricultural policies and programmes in England and Wales, 19oo-21.VOLLANS, Miss ELEANOR C., Department of Geography, Bedford College, London.Agriculture in the Chilterns in the late Middle Ages.¥osr, E. K., Court House Flat, Upton-on-Severn, Worcs.The administration and economic development of the estates of Worcester priory.WALKER, Miss F. R., Department of Agricultural Economics, Manchester University.Home-produced and imported supplies of food since 182o.WHITTINGTON, G., and WOOD, P. D., Department of Geography, Reading University.Strip lynchers at Horton, near Devizes, Wilts.WILDINO, J. R., I Highgate Drive, Dronfield, near Sheffield.East Anglian agriculture from I793-I9i 4 (Sheffield Ph.D. thesis).WILLIAMS, MICHAEL, 2 Garden Cottages, Framilode, Saul, Glos.The draining of the Somerset Levels.WILSON, C. P. H., Peddar' s Way, East Wretham, Thetford, Norfolk.A short history of the peach, and a treatise on its cultivation as a bush tree in the orchard andgarden, together with an anthology.WILSON, M. J., Department of Geography, The Queen's University, Belfast.History and present status of Conacre.WITNEY, D., Department of Economics, The Edinburgh and East of Scotland College of Agriculture,Edinburgh.The Scottish agricultural economy, 185o-195o.WOOD, P. D., Department of Geography, Reading University.Strip lynchets and other ancient fields.See also under WHITTINGTON, G.YOUD, G., Department of Geography, Liverpool University.Common land and enclosure in Lancashire.

ROBERT REDFIELD, Peasant Sodety and Culture.University of Chicago Press, 1956.viii+x64 pp. 2IS.We in Britain readily apply the word peasantryto the cultivators of Monsoon Asia andparts of Europe, but would exclude, for themost part, those of the New World. It maycause surprise, therefore, to find an analysisof peasant society appearing from the capitalcity of the Corn Belt. But it must be rememberedthat American anthropologists havelong turned to Central America to study ruralcommunities, that it was there that "anthropologymoved from tribe to peasantry," andthat Robert Redfield was one of the most distinguishedsocial anthropologists in the NewWorld.He points out that anthropology, having begunby studying culture in the abstract, wenton to pile up analyses of specific culturesranging from primitive isolates to urban minoritiesand peasant communities in Europe,Asia, and Latin America, and is now ready toreturn to levels of abstraction remote from theterrain of particular research. His definitionof a peasantry will be generally accepted: subsistencecultivators, deeply attached to theland by sentiment as well as use, for whomagriculture is a way of life, not a business forprofit. Peasant values include a reverent dispositiontowards ancestral ways, a restraint onindividual self-seeking as against family andcommunity, a suspicion of urban life. He goeson to define a peasantry as a part-society,necessarily associated with an 61ite--gentryand townsfolk--with whom its relations areof three kinds. First there are territorial linkscomposed of units of area building up to aregion or nation; secondly there are economiclinks working through markets and fairs;thirdly there is the network of kinship andfriendship linking village with village. In thesethree ways the primitive isolate is transformedinto a peasantry. But we need to know alsowhat causes the transformation. Does it alwaysfollow the use of manure or fallowingBook Reviews121and the fixity of agricultural settlement?It is implied that villages are the characteristicform of peasant settlement, and it is notclear whether a peasantry can survive dispersion.Nor is there discussion of the smalljoint-family settlement-unit of Celtic lands,though I imagine Redfield would include it inhis definition. Essentially, "the peasant hasg/ven his heritage to the fortunes of a societyand mode of life that is both like his and yetalien to it." The Old World peasantries, hethinks, arose as towns spread into tribal territories,but this is to deny the status of peasantto the pre-Roman population of France or tothe pre-medieval population of Ireland. PresumablyRedfield would allow a pre-urban61ite to act in the same way. He is cautious ofgeneralizations and wisely concludes that therelations with 'a great tradition' take differentforms in different times and places. It is usefulto have this thoughtful survey of peasant societyto which the local student of rural lifecan turn for stimulating ideas.E. E. EVANSA. L. POOLr (ed.), Medieval England. OxfordUniversity Press, 1958. xxviii+xiv+66zpp. in 2 volumes, illustrated. 7os.These two handsome volumes are the thirdand newest embodiment of a work whichappeared first in 19o2 under the title Companionto English History. Re-edited in 1924,it has now again been almost completely rewritten.Dr A. L. Poole has assembled a teamof eighteen experts to deal with as many differentsubjects, and himself rounds off the performancewith a fascinating chapter onRecreations.As Professor Carus-Wilson remarks in herfine paper on Towns and Trade, Englandthroughout the centuries covered by thesevolumes seemed to foreign visitors "incorrigiblyrural." And although London claimedthe respect even of those who knew Veniceand Florence, there was justification for thisview. Hence one might reasonably expect to

122 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWfind at least as much space devoted to ruraleconomy as has been allotted to MilitaryArchitecture, for example, or Heraldry. Cropsand field systems are surely of more fundamentalimportance than either of thesethemes. Yet arable and pastoral husbandryare, if not totally neglected, at any rate dismissedwith only incidental references. Whatlittle is said about them will be found mostlyin the opening chapter, entitled The EnglishLandscape. This is contributed by Dr W. G.Hoskins, who in thirty-four masterly pagesdistils the essence of what he and others havewritten elsewhere on the changing aspects ofour countryside. But even Dr Hoskins hasnot altogether shaken off the habit--a convenientone, admittedly, for the historian--of implying that the Anglo-Saxons colonizedan empty land. We are left with the impressionthat there was a period of roughly ahundred years before their coming, duringwhich the inhabitants of Britain, if there wereany, subsisted mainly on grass and acorns.Dr Hosldns is prepared to admit that theEnglish settlers may sometimes have laid outtheir open fields on the derelict ploughlandof Roman-British villa estates, but he concludes:"It yet remains to be proved that anyEnglish village has had a continuous existencesince Romano-British times." How, one mayask, would he hirnself prove the continuousexistence of a village which appears for thefirst time in a Saxon charter of the eighthcentury, reappears in Domesday Book threehundred years later, and is then again lost toview until the thirteenth century?H. P. R. FINBERGG. R. ELTON (ed.), The New CambridgeModern History. Vol. n: The Reformation.Cambridge University Press, 1958. 686 pp.37 s. 6d.In the general introduction to the first volumeof the New Cambridge Moden~ History SirG. N. Clark said that the series had beenplanned not as "an abstract or scale-reductionof all our knowledge of the period, but as acoherent body of judgement true to the facts."Since space is so extremely cramped that in-terpretation is given precedence over facts ifthere is not room for both, most of thesevolumes will be consuked as guides to thepresent state of various historical questionsrather than as repositories of historical factsclearly organized and indexed, which madethe old Cambridge Modern so invaluable. Theusefulness of the present series has been furtherlessened by the decision to omit bibliographies,references, and footnotes. Readersof the ACRICULTUI~AL HISTORY P~VlEW shouldtherefore be warned that they may expect tobe told that peasant clearances in Devon andLincolnshire have been studied, but not bywhom, or be given the latest report on thechange-over to agricultural production forthe market in the words: "Ashley alreadypointed out--and the more recent researchesof Hoskins, Hallam, Beresford, Finberg,Rawson, Chapman, and others have developedmore firmly."Each volume of the new series has beenentrusted to an independent editor who isresponsible for an introductory chapter. HereDr Elton has given a masterly opening survey,asking whether the "Age of the Reformation"can be said to represent any coherentperiod, and coming to the conclusion that theyears 152o-6o may still be regarded as a timeof decisive significance in European history.With this established, the volume moves on toits more specialized chapters, and it is a signof the importance now attached to economichistory that the first should deal with economicchange, before coming to studies ofLuther and the Swiss reformers, sections ondoctrinal controversy, the rise of the newreligious orders, the empire of Charles V,the Habsburg-Valois struggle. These are followedby the less central, but by no means lessenthralling, themes: intellectual tendencies,changes in political thought, developmentsin armies and the art of war, and finally shortsurveys of the Ottoman Empire, Russia, theNew World, and the Orient.The 46 pages which have been allocated tothe chapter entitled 'Economic Change' havebeen divided between Friedrich Lutge, Professorof Economic History and Economics

BOOK REVIEWS 123in the University of Munich, who deals wkhagriculture, and Professor S. T. Bindoff ofLondon who writes on the greatness of Antwerp.Since nothing appeared on agriculturein the first volume it was thought advisableto make this a general introductory survey ofchanges in agrarian structure, and the greaterpart of the space is therefore taken up withextremely general discussion (which at timesdevolves into such clichds as "the soil is notonly an economic medium, it is also man'sIiving space") or with a survey of the emancipationof serfs or the development of a moneyeconomy from Carolingian times to the fifteenthcentury. The seven pages devoted toEnglish agriculture suffer like deprivation,for about half the space available is spent discussingcommutation, the Black Death, "thedissolution of the feudal system which ofcourse stood in the way of a rational economy."Since the price rise was dealt with inthe previous volume, the growing importanceof market production or the investment ofmerchants and industrialists in land are consideredwithout reference to it. Nothing ofimportance is said concerning such burningtopics as the disposal of monastic property,or the rising or declining fortunes of thegentry. We can only hope, as Dr Elton promisesus in one of those rare footnotes towhich he alone as editor is entitled, thatsocial and economic changes will receive moreadequate treatment in the appropriate sectionsof the Cambridge Economic History.E. A. L. MOIRR. C~JNLI~r~ SHAW, The Royal Forest ofLancaster. The Guardian Press, I27Fishergate, Preston, 1956. 55 ° pp. £6 6s."The forests and chases of Lancashire andBowland have been depicted as a barren andinhospitable waste occupied by a few herdsmenand foresters; a wilderness over whichthe deer roamed at large, a region remote fromorganized medieval society. This impressionis soon dispelled when we consider the complexsystem of instauration with its precisemethods of accountancy to include the smallestitems of revenue and expenditure... Fromthe twelfth century onwards there emerges thepattern of a well-organized and competentagricultural community." These sentencesfrom the concluding paragraphs of DrShaw's book indicate the theme of his work.It is concerned with every aspect of the historyof the Lancashire forest from late Saxontimes to the end of the nineteenth century,the last two centuries being dealt with morebriefly. But its most valuable contribution toagrarian history is to put the beasts of theforest in their proper place, to define the relativelysmall areas in which they were preservedfor the pleasures of the chase, and toexamine the economy of the other larger areasover which forest law prevailed, but where theordinary business of farming was carried ondespite it.The Norman concept of the forest as ajealously guarded preserve for the recreationof the court is a concept so alien to our ownexperience that it is difficult to grasp all itsimplications. Was it not equally alien to thecommunities already inhabiting the forestregion, and if so, by what methods was thelaw, in its simple early form, imposed uponthem? These are not just idle speculations, foras Dr Shaw shows in one of the most thoughtprovokingchapters in the book ('The Pre-Conquest Origins of Husbandry in the ForestZone of Lancashire') there were communitiesin the forest area with their village fields andmeadows long before the Norman Conquest.Did the law as it was enforced in the earlyyears of Norman rule encroach but little onexisting rights? Was it only later, as populationgrew, and the law was more effectivelyenforced, that the restrictions proved so irksore.c?Dr Shaw accepts as a fact without questionthat the Celtic communities of Lancashiresurvived the Roman occupation and theAnglo-Saxon and Norse invasions, and heattempts to trace the way in which Celticforms of land allotment gradually took ontheir medieval pattern of selions and furlongs.Much of this account, of course, is guesswork;not all of it is crystal dear; some of it isdefinitely wrong (Dr Shaw seems to think

124 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWthat in the open fields of the Anglo-Saxonsthe strips were re-allotted annually. I do notthink there is any certain proof of this); someof it is hotly debatable. But there are somefascinating comparisons between Welsh,Irish, Martx, and Scottish arrangements andthose of Lancashire which make as good astarting-point as any for fresh reflections onthe origin of English field systems. In certainelementary particulars, Lancashire field arrangementsin the Middle Ages were reminiscentof the Midland open-field system. Butthey were also subtly different. There werescattered strips but they lay in many smallishfields, not in two or three large ones. Therewere closes, but they too were often dividedinto strips and held by different tenants.These two peculiarities are found in othercounties besides Lancashire. Do they perhapssuggest that the custom of partible inheritancehas worked its effects on formerlyconsolidated farms, and has produced a collectionof small pieces of land (or strips) lyingin former fields (or furlongs)? The nomenclaturemay weU have submitted itself finallyto Anglo-Saxon influence. The crucial test,which would differentiate the Lancashirefrom the Midland field system, is whetherthe tenants had common rights over all thearable land. Dr Shaw does not pursue theproblem far enough to settle this question. Heseems to take for granted a custom of partibleinheritance but without considering itspractical consequences. And the full extent ofcommon rights is not discussed, perhaps forlack of definite evidence. What is quite certainis that the existence of selions and furlongsin the medieval fields of Lancashire isnot alone enough to prove that a Midlandtypeopen-field system was practised here.Indeed, if Dr Shaw is right, and the landallotment derives from Celtic origins, then itwould be surprising if the medieval patternwere not much more complicated than theMidland one.The remainder of the book, which is concernedwith gradual changes in the use offorest land, reveals interesting regional differencesin the farming of the county: vaccariesor cattle stations in the uplands, sheep-keepingon the marshes, corn-growing in thesouth-east of the county. The administrationof the forest is also explained in detail.This is a mammoth book with over fivehundred large pages of text. Some may criticizeits great length, for the sharpness of itsconclusions are blurred by excessive detail.On the other hand, there will be others whowi!l find the abundance of documents mentionedin the text of great value, providedthey can interpret correctly the very briefand often very carelessly constructed footnotereferences. But no one will begrudgeDr Shaw--one of a small but distinguishedgroup of medical men who take their leisurein archive offices--thanks and praise for athorough and in many ways stimulating pieceof local history.JOAN THIRSKLORD RENNELL OF RODD, Valley on the March.A History of a Group of Manors on theHerefordshire March of Wales. Oxford UniversityPress, 1958. xvi+298 pp., illus. 42s.Lord Rennell, who is a geographer and afarmer, writes in this book that "the studyof geography and topography can.., contributea great deal to history" but that "withoutdetailed local knowledge of fields, hedges,paths, even trees and soil, a great deal of historicalinformation may be missed by studentswho have not the opportunities which a farmerin the course of his daily work can glean."Those of us who try to be agrarian historianswithout being farmers are only too acutelyaware of our inadequacies, and that is why weeagerly read what the practitioners have to say.The valley about which Lord Rennellwrites is that of the Hindwell, a tributary ofthe Lugg, and the manors comprise a groupof small valley settlements, one of which ishis own home of Rodd. He considers the developmentof the manors, the settlements, andthe principal landowners from pre-Conquesttimes until the seventeenth century, with aseparate disquisition on some aspects of theecclesiastical history of the valley. There isan immense amount of detailed information

BOOK REVIEWS 125about persons and places, and the photographicillustrations, most of them taken fromthe air, are excellent, apt, and give the readera good impression of the country.It must be said, however, that the book isdisappointing to the agrarian historian, andthis is because Lord Rennell does not followup the promise that he makes at the beginning.The earlier part of the book consists of a detailedstudy of the pre-Conquest and Domesdaytopography. This is something that isworth doing for any area and can best be doneby historians with Lord Rennell's local knowledge.Apart from the necessary identificationof places and estates, this part contains aninteresting discussion of Offa's Dyke in relationto the problem of early Anglo-Welsh relations.The greater part of the book howeverdeals very little with agrarian matters,and very much with genealogies and manorialdescents. While recognizing the large placethat such studies have traditionally had inlocal histories, it must all the same be saidthat one had hoped that an author whose realinterests are so obviously in the land and thepeople at work would have spent less space onthis type of family history, whose appeal isbound to be very narrow.The most interesting chapter in the book isthat entitled 'Of Tracks and Fields', and this(about one-seventh of the whole) is really theonly part in which the author does what wehope he can do better than the documentboundprofessional historian. In it he stripsoff the modern additions to the Hindwelllandscape and reconstructs the medieval, evenpre-medieval, road and field lay-out. Usinghis practical knowledge of the soil-patternand land-use of the valley, he shows whichpairs of fields were those which must havebeen the original nucleus of arable cultivationin all the old settlements, and which were thesubsequent extensions. A comparison of thedimensions of these original fields is most suggestive,and Lord Rennell's method heremight very profitably be used elsewhere.In this important section the author putsmany problems. It is to be regretted that he isunable, probably by the limitation of the evi-dence, to relate agrarian practice to localsocial structure. The relation of demesne landto tenant land is hardly dealt with, still lessagrarian custom, which in an area so close toWales must surely have been worth studying.And with all respect to Lord Rennell's ownexpert knowledge, one wonders if the geographicalcharacteristics of an area place quitesuch rigid and permanent restrictions on possibleland-use as he suggests.R. H. HILTONB. C. REDWOOD and A. E. WILSON (eds.),Custumals of the Sussex Manors of theArchbishop of Canterbury. Sussex RecordSociety, Vol. LVU. 1958. xl+ 162 pp.The manuscript of which a translated portionfills most of this volume is a good, latemedievalcopy of a now-lost custumal andrental covering the greater part of the landsbelonging to the medieval archbishopric ofCanterbury. The inquisitions through whichthe rental was made were held on the estatesbetween 1283 and 1285. Although most of thearchbishopric lands were in Kent, numbers ofthe manors lay in Sussex. Of these there weretwo main groups: those in the west, nearBognor, included Pagham, Lavant, Tangmere,and Slindon; in the east, near Lewes,was the vast manor of South Mailing with itsmembers "within and without the wood."The portion of the document dealing withPagham was privately printed in 1949 by MrLindsay Fleming in his History of Pagham(I, xxxi-lx). The remainder of the Sussexfolios are published here, together with twoAppendices, containing a rental of SouthMalling for I3O5-6, and a sixteenth-centurycustumal of South Mailing purporting to bederived from one confirmed in I33O.Students of rural history, especially thoseinterested in the south-east of England, willbe grateful for the work which has here beendone by the editors and their team of transcribersand translators from the Local HistorySeminar of Brighton Technical College.It is an important text, and the work has beenon the whole well done. There are a fewinconsistencies and slips in the text which

m126 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWsuggest a not quite perfect co-ordination betweenthe translators: e.g., the translation oftradita on p. II 7 departs from the norm,aperto is misread on p. I3, metere is translatedas 'to sow' on p. 78, the translation of carucaiuncta as 'joint plough' on p. z6 is misleading,for it means a completely yoked plough in thepossession of one tenant in distinction to thetenant who owned part of a team only. Thesesmall matters are mentioned to remind futurescholars that the manuscript itself is accessiblefor consultation.This deeply interesting document will repaythe further work on it which is contemplatedby more than one person. Tenurialanalysis of the complete manuscript, andcomparison with extant accounts and 'charter'material like the Lambeth MS. i212, shouldhelp towards a much-needed understandingof south-eastern England in the middle ages.At the moment, three topics which the documentilluminates will be singled out for thebrief attention of present readers: demesnestructure, tenurial structure, and forest customs.The demesnes of the West Sussex manorsare described in their parcels, and in the caseof Tangmere and Lavant with the number oflonares in each field of a given number of acres.(The Pagham demesne fields are describedaccording to the number of acres and sellonesin each.) Demesnes are not given on the EastSussex manors, but an account of the oxherdsof Mailing, who were in effect full-timefamuli and used the lord's plough on theirown pieces, says that the tenements of someof them "lay in the middle of the demesne."The productivity of this demesne could bereckoned from the Vacancy Rolls and ministers'accounts such as the fine archbishopric'pipe roll' of I273- 4 (Brit. Mus. Addit. MS.29,794) where very many correspondencesand amplifications of the present documentare to be found.The rental lists holders of knightly and freeland, of unfree land, of cotland, and of variousother kinds of holding, including fulling mills,together with their areal holdings, rents, andservices. The continuance of assarting, es-pecially in the woodlands, right up to themoment of the inquisition is notable. Theclasses of free and neif (nativus or villanus)seem in theory clear enough (pp. 9 o, ioi),but their holdings are much confused. Numbersof those described in Mayfield as freetenants are a few pages further on called neifs;one of them, Robert le Rede, is called libernativus, which gives the clue to a third categoryor possibility. Neifs are also found inconsiderable numbers leasing land to freemen,and sometimes raising a mortgage upontheir land, so that we look for the regular passageof money from free to unfree. Yet legalbondage on the Sussex manors continued farinto the fifteenth century according to theacts of manumission found in archiepiscopalregisters.The woodlands of South Mailing, and ofSlindon away in the west, supported freemenand bondmen who alike were busy assarting,building on their portions, and commoning ina boscagium through which only the localinhabitants were certain of finding the way(p. 3I). The custom of danger was paid atSlindon and Tarring and not only in Kent,and is correctly annotated by the editors, asagainst the interpretation of the late ProfessorNeilson. Some of the agrarian customs describedas due from forest tenants appear commutedin the accounts of the time, but bondand free owed a variety of other services, notleast to the organization of the archbishop'shunting.The Introduction could only allude to ascattering of topics, but contains a few omissionsand mis-statements which might havebeen remedied. Attention was called in printto the present document by Mary Holgate inSussex Archaeological Collections LXVlU (i 9z7).This Introduction is an improvement uponprevious work in the field, but is markedlyeconomical of acknowledgements. The Hayesalluded to on p. xxv is in Middlesex, wherethe archbishop had property, not in Kent.The inquisition of I283-5 was based upon thewritten rolls, then extant, of a previous oneconducted by Elias of Dereham, steward ofthe archbishop's lands in the second decade of

BOOK REVIEWS 127the thirteenth century, as is quite clear fromcertain portions of the Kentish text. It isquestionable whether the estates of the Seewere grouped into bailiwicks until a few yearsafter the date of the present rental, so it is notsurprising that the West Sussex manors weretreated as separate units, as the editors remark(p. xxxii). Of course, the Ballive headingscould have been written in by the latercopyist. Nor do I find receivers in existenceon the estates until the very beginning of thefifteenth century (p. xxix); the most usualthirteenth-century recipient of the cashliveries was the treasurer of the archbishop,direct from local ministers.A random check on the index revealed theomission of Daniel, William, p. IO; Sweyne,William, p. IO, and page errors againstMegwyk and Osselin. This unfortunatelysaps confidence in what should be an importantpart of such an edition. Used withcare, however, this volume will be of greatuse to investigators, and deserves theirthanks.F.R.H. DU BOULAYW. M. WILLIAMS, The Country Craftsman: AStudy of some Rural Crafts and the RuralIndustries Organization in England. Routledgeand Kegan Paul, 1958. xviii+ 214 pp.zSs.Mr Williams's book appears as one of theDartington Hall Studies in Rural Sociology.It is largely concerned with the small ruralindustries of Devon, with some comparativematerial from the west midlands. Devon hasbetween 1,3oo and 1,5oo rural workshops,probably more than any other county inEngland, and about thirty different ruralcrafts. The "decline of the rural crafts" is awell-worn lament, but little is known evenabout the basic facts. How many rural craftsmenare there? How quickly are they decreasingin numbers? How many young men areentering rural industries annually?Mr Williams begins by studying the workof the rural industries organization in general,and then proceeds to an analysis of the problemsof a wide range of crafts in Devon andthree midland counties. The business problemsof the craftsmen are examined, withmuch detailed reportage which the historianfinds rather tedious and too long-drawn out;but it appears to be a fundamental part ofmodern sociology. Nevertheless, despite theirpresent tedium, these conversations will havethe same value and flavour in a hundredyears' time, as a picture of rural life in the midtwentiethcentury, as the minutes of evidencebefore the assistant poor law commissionershave for village life in the early i83o's. Thereare many remarkable potted biographies,illustrating the strength of the family andabove all of the father in the family business,for which the historian several generationshence will be grateful.The Country Craftsman is a valuable studyas far as it goes, but again one misses the historiealapproach to the problem. The craftsman-farmerwas an extremely interestingsoeial type in England between the sixteenthand eighteenth centuries, quite misunderstoodby modern academic historians and regardedas "ekeing out a living" at two or threedifferent trades beeause he could not make asuccess of one. This is pure nonsense. Aneconomy which allowed a man to be proficientin several different trades is well worthserious study. Mr Williams evidently feelsthat the historical approach has something tooffer, as he discusses some of his difficulties inthis respect in an appendix; but a limited useof Kelly's Directories is not the way to setabout it. No wonder he regarded his resultsas "disappointing." The census schedules ofI85I would have given him a complete pictureof the rural craftsmen in the villages andparishes a hundred years ago, and enabledhim to make some fruitful comparisons withthe position today, and to answer some of thequestions he asks on page 2o 5. He would havehad some very interesting distribution mapsfor saddlers, thatchers, and farriers in I85 x toput beside those for the i95o's in his book.One does not ask the sociologist to carry hishistorical researches far back--a hundredyears or so is sufficient for most of his problems-butsome historical depth is absolutely

,,7128 THE AGRICULTURAL HISTORY REVIEWnecessary for a great range of sociologicalinquiry.W. G. HOSKINSDAVID GREEN, Gardener to Queen Anne:Henry Wise and the Formal Garden. OxfordUniversity Press, 1956. xx+232 pp., illus.7OS.This is a slightly ponderous book which setsout to tell the story of Henry Wise's career asgardener to Queen Anne and the gentry of theperiod. In fact, it goes further and gives asketch of the rise and decline of the grandformal garden in England. True it is thatWise and his partner George London andtheir nurseries at Brompton Park (now thesite of the South Kensington Museums)played no small part in this movement. Butfar from being a clear-cut biography it dashesall over the formal garden from parterre topotager and on to the great landscapes ofWilliam Kent and Capability Brown, stoppingto digress on the way on the influence ofLe N6tre, John Evelyn, Pope, and Addison.In other words, it is more than it sets out tobe and as a result rather falls into the ha-ha.It is the work of an enthusiast, and, more thanthat, a green-fingered one who knows his subjectwell, but Mr Green is so bound up in histask that he often loses perspective and thenarrative becomes more important than thesubject~ It is none the less a fascinating work.Once the reader has become immersed inthe mammoth activities of the partners atBrompton Park--of the continual stream of"EspaUiers of Elms, jessamines, flamingmaple of Virginia, Powdred Holly, PyramidSweedish junipers, cedars of Libanus,Quinces, Ffillbeards and Barberrys," thatpoured out of Brompton to destinations allover the kingdom, or absorbed in Wise's removalof4o 3 thirty-year-old lime-trees for tenshillings each at Hampton Court or his"making ye Bason"--the four-hundred-footpool for the fountain of Diana, which yieldedWise's diggers twenty-one thousand and fivesolid yards of earth, he will not readily put itdown.A considerable section of the book is concernedwith Wise's great work for the Marlboroughsat Blenheim, and it is a salutary reminderof the transitoriness of the works ofman that within a few years of Wise's deathLancelot Brown would obliterate most ofWise's works for ever.Despite its faults the book is an enjoyableone which tells for the first time much of thestory of the brief period of formal glory thatour gardens enjoyed between the influence ofLe N6tre and the coming of the landscapers.It is difficult to know why the publishers havechosen to present it in so lavish and sumptuousa format and at a price which will be beyondthe reach of most would-be readers.J. w. Y. HIGGS

LocalContentsI The Local Historian Today VII Towns: Social and Econo-1I English Local Historiansmic HistoryVIII Fieldwork: The LandscapeIII The Old CommunityIX Fieldwork: BuildingsIV Parish, Manor, and Land X Health, Disease, and Popu-V Church, Chapel, and SchoollationXI Some Special TasksVI Towns:TopographyXII Writing and PublishingAppendixAdditional References2ogpages zzs. netHistory in EnglandW. G. I-IOSKINSWith Dlates, maps, and plansSCOTTISH FARMINGPAST AND PRESENTJ. A. SymonJ. A. Symon, former Chief Inspector in the Department of Agriculturefor Scotland, has provided the most complete account of this subject yetto appear. Extensive references cited in the text and a chronological listof books relating to Scottish agriculture published down to 1850 bearwitness to the scholarly value of the work.Price 42s. netOLIVER AND BOYDTweeddale Court, High Street, Edinburgh I

i~ -----1 ----, ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ - ' - ~ ---a ---a -----1 ----1 ~ ---~THE ECONOMIC JOURNALNo. z75 SEWF.MB~R x959 VoL. LXIXI. ARTICLESAccumulation and the Production FunctionJOAN ROBINSONIncome Odginathlg in thc Models of Domar and Ha~rodH.T. OSHL~L~.Domar and Dynamic EconomicsSIR RoY HARRODSome Econometrics of the Determination of Absolute Pricesand Wages L.R. KLEIN and R. J, BALL I~The Expenditure Tax and SavingA. R, PRES*Export Prospects ,and Economic Growth: IndiaS.J. PATF.LThe Terms of Trade of ManufacturesF.V. ME:e~RThe Economic Position of British AgricultureG. HALLET'rII. REVIEWSIII. NOTES AND MEMORANDAVI. RECENT PERIODICALS AND NEW BOOKSMACMILLAN & CO. LTD, LONDON, W.C.zMjoplieation for Fellowshi2o toROYAL ECONOMIC SOCIETY2i Bentinck Street, London, W.xZ=2._g=SCOTTISH HISTORICAL REVIEWVOLUME XXXVIII, 2 OCTOBER 1959 NUMBER 126CONTENTSARTICLESDingwall Burgh Politics and the Parliamentary Franchisein the Eighteenth CenturyBy W. FERCUSONLa Piere D'EscoceBy DoM1mcA M. LEGCEThe Franco-Scottish and Franco-Norwegian Treaties of29gBy RANALD NmHOLSONREVIEWSKing James IV of ScotlandSHORT NOTICESPERIODICAL NOTESNOTES AND COMMENTSAccessions to the Register t-louse, '9~8; A Volume Associated with John Knox; ScottishCartularies; Allusion to the Black Rood of Scotland in t346.The Scottish Historical Review is published twice yearly (in April and October) by MessrsThomas Nelson and Sons Ltd, Parkside Works, Edinburgh 9; it may be obtained from anybookseller or direct from the publisher. The annual subscription is 21s. post free; singleissues los. 6d. (postage 6d.).=_r-Zr_Ltin-==2._=

The British Agricultural History SocietyPRESIDENT : SIR KEITH MURRAYTREASURER : PROFESSOR EDGAR THOMAS. C.B.E.SECRETARY : j. w. Y. HIGGSEDITOR : H. P. R, FINBERGExecutive Committee : George Ordish (Chairman), Miss H. A. Beecham, M. W.Beresford, G. B. Bisset, W. H. Chaloner, G. E. Fussell, Alexander Hay, R. H.Hilton, W. G. Hoskins, W. E. Minchinton, F. G. Payne, Mrs Joan Thirsk.The Society aims at encouraging the study of the history of every aspect of the countrysideby holding conferences and courses and by publishing The Agricultural HistoryReview. Its constitution is printed in Vol. I of this Review, p. 53.Membership is open to all who are interested in the subject and the subscription isONE ~UlNEA due on I February in each year.Details may be obtained from the Secretary at The Oxford University Departmentof Agriculture, Parks Road, Oxford.The Agricultural History ReviewEditorial BoardH. P. R. FINBERG W.E. MINCHINTONG. E. FUSSELL JOAN THIRSKJ. w. Y. HIGGS R. TROW-SMITHI,The Review is published twice yearly by the British Agricultural History Society andissued to all members. Single copies may be purchased from the Secretary forI as. 6d. Articles and letters offered for publication should be sent to the Editor,34 Sheffield Terrace, London, W. 8, accompanied by a stamped addressed envelopefor return if necessary. The Society does not accept responsibility for the opinionsexpressed by contributors, or for the accidental loss of manuscripts.t~tPrinted at The Broadwater Press, Welzoy~: Garden City, Herts.