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Buddhism, Democracy and Identity in Thailand - Taylor & Francis ...

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164 DEMOCRATIZATIONvillage life, <strong>and</strong> implicit ‘Buddhist chauv<strong>in</strong>ism’, privileg<strong>in</strong>g Buddhist conceptionsof Thai culture <strong>and</strong> identity. In the aftermath of the crisis, SantiAsoke – which had long advocated certa<strong>in</strong> localist ideas – saw a surge <strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>terest. 30In 2001, the new Thai government led by billionaire telecommunicationsmagnate Thaks<strong>in</strong> Sh<strong>in</strong>awatra adopted some of the rhetoric of Buddhist radicalnationalism, clearly seen <strong>in</strong> the name of his party: the Thais Love Thai Party(Thai Rak Thai). 31 Thaks<strong>in</strong> supported the idea of ‘one district, one product’, alocalist economic policy which had been imported from Japan, but resembledmany of Chamlong’s earlier pet projects. Chamlong was a close associate ofThaks<strong>in</strong>, who had taken over the leadership of Palang Dharma <strong>in</strong> an earlierpolitical <strong>in</strong>carnation. Santi Asoke ideas popularized by Chamlong had beenechoed by the k<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> were then picked up to promote a political party ledby the chief representative of Thail<strong>and</strong>’s nouveau riche. These apparentlybizarre borrow<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>and</strong> adaptations reflect the complexity of Thai politics <strong>in</strong>the early twenty-first century.Political Reform <strong>and</strong> Religious FreedomA l<strong>and</strong>mark <strong>in</strong> modern Thai politics was the new constitution of 1997, widelyhailed as a ‘peoples’ constitution’, <strong>and</strong> said by some to have ‘laid the basis forlong term emergence of Thai liberalism’. 32 An important feature of the 1997constitution was its emphasis on rights – <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g the creation of a humanrights commission, an entirely new <strong>in</strong>novation. Prawase Wasi, one of thearchitects of the constitution, came under considerable pressure from Buddhistgroups to make <strong>Buddhism</strong> the national religion, pressures which were ultimatelyresisted. 33 Like previous Thai constitutions (the 1997 constitutionwas Thail<strong>and</strong>’s 16th s<strong>in</strong>ce 1932), the 1997 constitution stated that all Thaishave the right to religious freedom. Indeed, it goes further than its two predecessors<strong>in</strong> stat<strong>in</strong>g that a person ‘shall enjoy full liberty to ...observe religiousprecepts’. 34 This covered activities related to religious belief, but not amount<strong>in</strong>gto acts of worship. But as Streckfuss <strong>and</strong> Templeton note, the provisions ofthe 1997 constitution offer less protection than those suggested by theInternational Covenant on Civil <strong>and</strong> Political Rights; <strong>in</strong> particular, they donot explicitly protect the freedom to adopt a different religion.Thail<strong>and</strong> is not a country characterized by serious religious persecution orovert bigotry, <strong>and</strong> most Thais would undoubtedly assert that they <strong>and</strong> theircompatriots enjoy full religious freedom. Nevertheless, there is substantialevidence to contradict this view, <strong>in</strong> the specific case of Buddhist groups ormovements whose teach<strong>in</strong>gs deviate from the l<strong>in</strong>es adopted by the statesanctionedsangha hierarchy. The best example concerns Wat Thammakai,a middle-class Buddhist movement centred on a large temple complex just

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