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Innovation Practice - Telenor

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8<br />

25 000<br />

20 000<br />

15 000<br />

10 000<br />

5000<br />

Number of European scholars<br />

the 18th century still seem to influence attitudes in<br />

this area, despite a great number of new studies and<br />

historical sources formerly not available to scholars.<br />

Fortunately, groundbreaking works by e.g. Lynn<br />

White, Gimpel, Cipolla, Kranzberg and Dumas have<br />

contributed to a major shift in the scholarly world in<br />

the last half of the 20th century, even if some of these<br />

scholars now are somewhat outdated and they did not<br />

take a sufficiently global view.<br />

It has become clear that the technological and scientific<br />

leadership of Europe has far older roots than the<br />

“Industrial Revolution” of the 18th century or the<br />

“Scientific Revolution” of the 17th century. In fact,<br />

even these terms are no longer very useful and<br />

obscure what really happened. In reality the first<br />

industrial revolution – which was culturally more significant<br />

than what happened seven hundred years<br />

later – started at the latest around the year 1000.<br />

It was even perhaps “200 years earlier that the West<br />

began to apply water power to industrial processes<br />

other than milling grain. This was followed in the late<br />

12th century by the harnessing of wind power. From<br />

simple beginnings, but with remarkable consistency<br />

of style, the West rapidly expanded its skills in the<br />

development of power machinery, labor-saving<br />

devices, and automation. Those who doubt should<br />

contemplate that most monumental achievement in<br />

the history of automation: the weight-driven mechanical<br />

clock, which appeared in two forms in the early<br />

14th century. Not in craftsmanship but in basic<br />

technological capacity, the Latin West of the later<br />

Middle Ages far outstripped its elaborate, sophisticated,<br />

and esthetically magnificent sister cultures,<br />

Byzantium and Islam” (White, 1969).<br />

1125 1200 1275 1375 1450 1525<br />

Note that the growth rate from around 1050 has been fairly constant, except for the sharp decline<br />

by the Black Death. By the time of Copernicus, the number of scientists had again grown to the<br />

same level as before The Plague, and scientific activity could again start to flower (from Mclellan<br />

III and Dorn).<br />

ISSN 0085-7130 © <strong>Telenor</strong> ASA 2004<br />

Also modern natural science has older roots; in the<br />

Islamic world 4) , in the work of Abelard (1049–<br />

1142) 5) , and even more in the revolutionary natural<br />

philosophy of a Buridan and Oresme in Paris around<br />

1300 6) , who took the first major steps toward discarding<br />

Aristotle’s physics. This was to lead the way for<br />

the physics of Newton. Studies on the development<br />

of the Physical Sciences have to face up to why the<br />

three great ancient cultures (China, India, and Egypt)<br />

display, independently of one another, a similar pattern<br />

vis-a-vis Physical Science. The pattern is about<br />

still-births, that some kind of Physical Science gets<br />

started, and then stops after some years, even if they<br />

all had the talents, the social organization, and peace<br />

which make up the standard explanatory framework<br />

for sociologies of science. The great historian on<br />

China, Joseph Needham, takes considerable time to<br />

discuss this, as he realizes that “Broadly speaking,<br />

the climate of the Chinese culture-area is similar to<br />

that of the European. It is not possible for anyone to<br />

say (as has been maintained in the Indian case) that<br />

the environment of an exceptionally hot climate<br />

inhibited the rise of modern natural science”. Hence<br />

he finds that “The answer to all such questions lies, I<br />

now believe, primarily in the social, intellectual and<br />

economic structures of the different civilizations”<br />

(Needham, p. 190) 7) . It is interesting that he concludes<br />

some hundred pages of discussions on the Chinese<br />

and European modes of thought with focusing<br />

on the difference in their view on the Laws of Nature,<br />

“historically, the question remains whether natural<br />

science could ever have reached its present state of<br />

development without passing through a ‘theological’<br />

state” (Needham, p. 330).<br />

The high growth rate in the number of scholars since<br />

before 1100 also meant an increase in the number of<br />

possible contacts between researchers. A 3-fold<br />

increase in scholars results in a 9-fold increase in<br />

their possible contacts, as we see for the period from<br />

1100 to 1300. The dramatic fall in the number of<br />

scholars during the Black Death then led to an even<br />

more dramatic fall in the number of possible contacts.<br />

It was not until the time Copernicus started his university<br />

studies in the late 1400s that the number of<br />

scholars exceeded the level of the mid 1300s.<br />

A European mutation?<br />

While in no way downplaying the genius of Greek,<br />

Roman, Chinese, Indian or Arabic cultures, not to<br />

mention that of Africa and South America, it is possible<br />

to find major differences between these cultures<br />

and Europe after the Roman period. Some has even<br />

called it a mutation.<br />

“Such, in fact, was the precocity, diversity and<br />

importance of medieval technics that one is inclined<br />

Telektronikk 2.2004

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