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Introduction 5There are two images, <strong>the</strong>n, <strong>of</strong> discipline. At one extreme, <strong>the</strong> discipline-blockade,<strong>the</strong> enclosed institution, established on <strong>the</strong> edges <strong>of</strong> society, turned inwards towardsnegative functions: arresting evil, breaking communications, suspending time. At <strong>the</strong>o<strong>the</strong>r extreme, with panopticism, is <strong>the</strong> discipline-mechanism: a functional mechanismthat must improve <strong>the</strong> exercise <strong>of</strong> power by making it lighter, more rapid, more effective,a design <strong>of</strong> subtle coercion for a society to come.²¹In <strong>the</strong> GDR both possibilities existed side by side. The Wall provided aliteral ‘discipline-blockade’, but o<strong>the</strong>r ‘discipline-mechanisms’ were available,both before <strong>and</strong> after 1961, not least <strong>of</strong> which was <strong>the</strong> all-seeing secret police orStasi, but also citizens’ own self-censorship.Ironically, <strong>the</strong> Wall did indeed permit <strong>the</strong> regime to refine its surveillancetechniques <strong>and</strong> achieve a lighter touch within its confines. As Hermann Weber,West <strong>Germany</strong>’s eminent GDR scholar, characterized <strong>the</strong> period immediatelyfollowing its building, ‘by adaptation to <strong>the</strong> constraints <strong>of</strong> a modern industrialsociety <strong>the</strong> methods <strong>of</strong> rule in <strong>the</strong> GDR altered considerably: <strong>the</strong>y shifted more<strong>and</strong> more from terror to neutralization <strong>and</strong> manipulation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> masses’.²²Within <strong>the</strong> closed societal laboratory, <strong>the</strong> regime engaged in ambitious socialengineering through positive discrimination towards certain groups <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>wi<strong>the</strong>ring away <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs. This socioeconomic leverage involved so-called ‘socialpower’, whereby an agency indirectly predisposes citizens through an incentivestructure to ‘choose’ to conform. The key levers <strong>of</strong> social power were <strong>the</strong> party,labour, <strong>and</strong> education. The GDR has consequently been labelled both a ‘welfaredictatorship’ (Fürsorgediktatur), dispensing social security in return for politicalobedience,²³ <strong>and</strong> a ‘didactic dictatorship’ (Erziehungsdiktatur), with <strong>the</strong> partyposing as ‘guardian’ to an immature citizenry.²⁴ If totalitarian is to mean anything<strong>the</strong>n, it must signify greater sophistication <strong>of</strong> power, ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> proverbialsecret police knock at <strong>the</strong> door.²⁵Closely scrutinized, totalitarian control is anything but total, generatingresistance by <strong>the</strong> very attempt to micromanage. Case studies suggest thatindividuals’ self-interest, <strong>the</strong>ir so-called Eigen-Sinn to borrow Alf Lüdtke’sphrase, can create autonomous spaces in defiance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state, expressed throughritual <strong>and</strong> even body language.²⁶ One West German observer famously described²¹ Michel Foucault, Discipline <strong>and</strong> Punish: The Birth <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Prison (Harmondsworth: Penguin,1981), 209.²² Hermann Weber, Geschichte der DDR (Munich: dtv, 1985), 327.²³ Konrad H. Jarausch, ‘Care <strong>and</strong> Coercion: The GDR as Welfare Dictatorship’, in id. (ed.),Dictatorship as Experience: Towards a Socio-Cultural History <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> GDR (New York <strong>and</strong> Oxford:Berghahn, 1999), 47–69.²⁴ Henrich, Der vormundschaftliche Staat.²⁵ Even Cold War broadcasters at <strong>the</strong> time realized that programmes where ‘loud knockingsat <strong>the</strong> door followed by everyone being afraid that <strong>the</strong> Secret Police have come at last’ werecounter-productive stereotypes: T. Peters, ‘Programme Content <strong>of</strong> BBC’s Soviet Zone GermanBroadcasts’, 3 June 1959, The National Archives (TNA), FO 1110/1240.²⁶ Alf Lüdtke, Eigen-Sinn: Fabrikalltag, Arbeitererfahrungen und Politik vom Kaiserreich bis in denFaschismus (Hamburg: Ergebnisse, 1993); Thomas Lindenberger (ed.), Herrschaft und Eigen-Sinn