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East Germany and the Frontiers of Power

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Introduction 11contradiction in terms.⁵² It is also a conscious move away from <strong>the</strong> top-downCold War histories which have dominated this topic, certainly until recently.⁵³But everyday Cold War history does not have to be about inconsequentialities.National division was felt very deeply, as <strong>the</strong> rupture <strong>of</strong> emotional ties to family,neighbourhood, <strong>and</strong> Heimat. These issues mattered intensely to contemporariesin <strong>the</strong> Cold War, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y should matter to historians. Moreover, people powerwas crucial in bringing down <strong>the</strong> Wall in 1989 <strong>and</strong>, as I shall argue, in forcingits erection in 1961.UNDER EASTERN EYES: POPULAR OPINIONIN A CLOSED SOCIETYWedon’tknowmuchabout<strong>the</strong><strong>East</strong>Germansreally,youknow.Wegetodd bits here <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>re, but on <strong>the</strong> whole <strong>the</strong>y’re something <strong>of</strong> a mystery.John le Carré, Call for <strong>the</strong> Dead (1961)This more inclusive view <strong>of</strong> Cold War history necessarily raises its own methodologicalproblems. In 1989 it was easy to read <strong>the</strong> demonstrators’ banners, aswas fleetingly possible during <strong>the</strong> insurrection <strong>of</strong> 1953, when GDR politics tookto <strong>the</strong> streets. During <strong>the</strong> long interim, however, <strong>East</strong> Germans engaged in <strong>the</strong>venerable practice <strong>of</strong> Maul halten or ‘keeping stumm’, for fear <strong>of</strong> being ‘put on<strong>the</strong> black list’ as one student put it.⁵⁴ What is more, as with <strong>the</strong> Third Reich,<strong>the</strong> historian <strong>of</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Germany</strong> is faced with a regime consciously attempting t<strong>of</strong>abricate <strong>and</strong> manipulate public opinion. There were none <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> conventionaloutlets <strong>of</strong> a ‘public sphere’—a free press, associational autonomy, or intellectualdebate—through which an alternative to <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial voice could be heard, at leastnot until <strong>the</strong> final months. This is, undoubtedly, a problem, but as Ian Kershawhas shown for Nazi <strong>Germany</strong>, it is possible to reconstitute some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘popularopinion’ which persisted beyond <strong>the</strong> regime’s <strong>of</strong>ficial rhetoric, however impressionisticthis might be.⁵⁵ It is now almost de rigueur to write about ‘ordinaryGermans’ in <strong>the</strong> Third Reich.⁵⁶ Cold War historiography has been generally slow⁵² Alf Lüdtke (ed.), The History <strong>of</strong> Everyday Life: Reconstructing Historical Experiences <strong>and</strong> Ways<strong>of</strong> Life (Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1995).⁵³ See <strong>the</strong> following chapter for an overview.⁵⁴ SED-ZK (PO), ‘Information’ Nr. 29, 10 Mar. 1961, SAPMO-BArch, DY30/IV2/5/294,fo. 227.⁵⁵ Ian Kershaw, Popular Opinion <strong>and</strong> Political Dissent in <strong>the</strong> Third Reich: Bavaria 1933–1945(Oxford: Clarendon, 1983), 4–10.⁵⁶ Daniel J. Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Holocaust(London: Little, Brown & Co., 1996); Robert Gellately, Backing Hitler: Consent <strong>and</strong> Coercion inNazi <strong>Germany</strong> (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001).

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