NAXAL/ MAOISTS- 2010 - Indian Social Institute
NAXAL/ MAOISTS- 2010 - Indian Social Institute
NAXAL/ MAOISTS- 2010 - Indian Social Institute
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Abducted cops: Chhattigarh holds 'secret' talks with Maoists<br />
With the 48-hour Maoists' deadline set to end on Tuesday evening, a top police source said the<br />
Chhattisgarh government was holding “secret” talks with the rebels for the safe release of four abducted<br />
policemen. "The government has established a back-door contact with a section of the military unit of the<br />
outlawed Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist). It is holding secret talks with the rebels," a top<br />
source here at police headquarters told IANS. "We are looking into their (Maoists) demands. We have<br />
conveyed our intention that deadline should be extended comprehensively, any demand can't be met with<br />
a gun-loaded trigger put on our abducted cops’ heads," the source added. However, the Bharatiya Janata<br />
Party (BJP) government is tightlipped over the talk issue and has even refused to have engaged in any<br />
talks with the guerrillas. Maoists on September 19 abducted seven policemen from the Bhopalpatnam<br />
area of Bijapur, over 500 km from Raipur, close to the Andhra Pradesh border. Three policemen were<br />
killed a day later while assistant sub-inspector Sukhram Bhagat, constables B. Toppo, Narendra Bhosle<br />
and Subhash Ratre were held captive to bargain with the authorities. After a week of uncertainty over the<br />
fate of the abducted cops, Maoists on Sunday evening set a 48-hour deadline for releasing them. The<br />
rebels dropped a few handwritten leaflets in Bijapur district's interiors stating their demands. "The Maoists<br />
have mainly demanded immediate halt of an anti-Maoist drive Green Hunt, release of a few people of four<br />
villages of Bijapur district arrested on charges of unlawful activities, judicial probe into alleged fake<br />
encounters and initiating peace talks," state director general of police (DGP) Vishwa Ranjan told IANS.<br />
(AA, 28/9/<strong>2010</strong>)<br />
58% in AP say Naxalism is good, finds TOI poll<br />
A clear 58% majority of those polled in Maoist-dominant areas of AP, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh,<br />
Maharashtra and Orissa said Naxalism had actually been good for their area. India's biggest internal<br />
security threat, as the Prime Minister famously described it, may be worse than you thought. That's<br />
because even in Andhra Pradesh, where the battle against the Maoists has apparently been won, it turns<br />
out that the government is losing the battle for the minds and hearts of the people. It's a debate that's<br />
been raging within the Congress, and outside it. Should the government adopt a largely law-and-order<br />
attitude towards the Maoists and deal with them like criminals or should the focus be more on cutting the<br />
ground from under their feet through a development agenda that wins over the population of the affected<br />
areas? An exclusive survey of the once Maoist-dominated districts of the Telengana region by IMRB,<br />
well-known market research organisation, for The Times of India has found that while attitudes towards<br />
the rebels are ambivalent, the condemnation of the government and its means of tackling the problem is<br />
quite clear. The findings raise disturbing questions about whether focusing largely on the policing aspects<br />
of the problem may be a flawed strategy in the long run. They also throw up another poser: Has the battle<br />
in AP truly been won or can the Maoists stage a comeback in a few years? Tied to this is the question of<br />
how the Maoists are viewed by the populace of these parts. Are they perceived essentially as a<br />
bloodthirsty, extortionist bunch or as rebels standing up for people's rights? TOI decided to do an opinion<br />
poll of the affected areas to find out. The problem, however, was that this was a region where pollsters<br />
found very difficult to enter. We finally decided to conduct the survey in those areas of Andhra Pradesh<br />
which were till not too long ago strongholds of the Naxalites but where their activities have been checked.<br />
The survey was conducted, therefore, in five districts of the Telengana region Adilabad, Nizamabad,<br />
Karimnagar, Warangal and Khammam. These districts were chosen not only because they were till<br />
recently severely Naxal-affected, but also because of their proximity to current hotbeds in Chattisgarh and<br />
Maharashtra. To tap into the mood of the aam admi in these areas, the survey was restricted to the not so<br />
well off socio-economic categories, SEC B and SEC C and to men and women between the ages of 25<br />
and 50. What we found has come as an eye-opener for us and should be worrying for everybody. The<br />
state may have won the battle of the guns, but the Maoists are clearly ahead in the perception game. This<br />
is particularly true in the districts of Warangal and Nizamabad as the accompanying charts show only too<br />
clearly. The root cause of the disaffection is the overwhelming feeling of neglect of the areas by the<br />
government. About two-thirds expressed this view and in Warangal the figure was as high as 81%. That,<br />
you might say, is hardly alarming. Similar figures would probably be thrown up anywhere in India. True.<br />
But when two-thirds also say that the Maoists are right in choosing the methods they have to highlight the<br />
neglect, it is difficult to dismiss it as normal. Perhaps the most revealing answers are in response to<br />
questions on whether the Maoists — still better known as Naxalites in this belt — were good or bad for<br />
the region and whether their defeat by the AP police has made matters better or worse. Almost 60% said<br />
the Naxalites were good for the area and only 34% felt life had improved since they were beaten back. As<br />
for whether exploitation has increased after the Naxalite influence waned, 48% said it had against 38%<br />
who said it hadn't, the rest offering no opinion. Those answers are buttressed by the responses to three<br />
other questions. The first of these was on whether the characterization of the Naxals as extortionists and<br />
mafia was accurate. Two-thirds disagreed. An elaboration of this came in response to a slightly more