NAXAL/ MAOISTS- 2010 - Indian Social Institute
NAXAL/ MAOISTS- 2010 - Indian Social Institute
NAXAL/ MAOISTS- 2010 - Indian Social Institute
Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
demanded action against other naxal outfits like Tritiya Prastuti Samiti and Jharkhand Prastuti Committee<br />
and scrapping of the Village Defence Forces. The offer came ahead of chief ministers' meeting with<br />
Chidambaram in Kolkata on February 9. (Central Chronicle 1/2/10)<br />
Naxalism and angst of Jharkhand tribals (12)<br />
With pressure from major businesses to deliver on now-dusty memorandums of understanding and from<br />
Maoists--as they reconnoiter new areas and call in old debts--Jharkhand will witness more churn Root<br />
Cause | Sudeep Chakravarti. This is where a former state health minister, Bhanu Pratap Shahi, told<br />
media in early 2007 of a novel method of combating Maoist rebels—interchangeably known as Naxalites.<br />
One vasectomy in a “Naxalite-dominated” village would mean that many “potential comrades less”, the<br />
minister offered, in a situation of “many mouths to feed and little food to eat”. A state chief minister,<br />
Madhu Koda, received an official certificate from the Limca Book of Records, India’s version of the<br />
Guinness World Records, for becoming the first independent legislator to gain that position. He formed a<br />
government with four other legislators and the support of the United Progressive Alliance. Koda is now<br />
history, accused of using his tenure to amass a fortune along with some cronies and allies, mainly from<br />
concessions to mining. The newest chief minister, Shibu Soren, has this past fortnight troubled hawks for<br />
suggesting negotiations with Maoist rebels in the state. Leaks to media mentioned slowed police<br />
operations against Maoists. Such moves would, according to conventional wisdom, permit Maoists<br />
breathing room to regroup and gain ground. Failed peace talks in Andhra Pradesh in 2004, and overtures<br />
in Orissa, are held up as examples of what not to do. Soren, too, carries baggage, marked as he is by<br />
scandals such as money-for-votes during the premiership of P.V. Narasimha Rao; and the death of a<br />
once-trusted lieutenant. But it is important to understand Soren’s background with fellow travellers, as it<br />
were. Jharkhand is blessed with iron ore, manganese, coal, limestone, graphite, quartzite, asbestos, lead,<br />
zinc, copper, and some gold, among others. It supplies to the region electricity from thermal and<br />
hydroelectric plants. But there has always been a discrepancy between generating wealth and its<br />
application. The Jharkhand region received minimal development funds from undivided Bihar based on a<br />
time-honoured presumption: tribals live there, and they need little. Resettlement and rehabilitation issues<br />
were—and continue to remain—poor on delivery. The area’s displaced tribals were gradually organized<br />
by a tribal rights and right-to-statehood organization, Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), which also took on<br />
exploitation by a concert of contractors, moneylenders and public servants. Bihar’s response was to send<br />
a large team of armed police, which intimidated and arrested at will. To protest, an estimated 3,000 tribals<br />
gathered in September 1980 in Gua, a mining-belt town near Saranda forests to the state’s south, for a<br />
public meeting. There was an altercation with police. The police fired; the tribals fought back with bows<br />
and arrows. Three tribals and four policemen died; human rights activists place the number of tribal<br />
deaths at 100. Both groups took their wounded to Gua Mines Hospital, where the tribals were made to<br />
deposit their bows and arrows before the hospital took in their injured. Then the police opened fire on the<br />
now unarmed tribals, killing several more. The police, thereafter, went on a rampage in nearby villages, in<br />
much the same way as some of their colleagues in Chhattisgarh: looting and destroying homes;<br />
molesting and killing as much for revenge as suspicion of collusion with rebels. JMM leader Guruji—<br />
Soren—became a bulwark for key tribal leaders, who led movements in Saranda to prevent the illegal<br />
felling of trees such as sal and teak. As resentment peaked through the 1980s and 1990s, leaders sought<br />
allies with greater firepower: the Maoists—through the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC), the key rebel<br />
entity in undivided Bihar. This alliance of expediency has since matured. Saranda is a Maoist area of<br />
operation and sanctuary. MCC has merged into the Communist Party of India (Maoist), the presiding<br />
conglomerate. Besides attacks against police and paramilitary, looting weaponry and imposing levies on<br />
small to big businesses to fund the rebellion, Maoists have also carried out spectacular strikes. For<br />
instance, they shot dead member of Parliament and bête noire Sunil Mahato and three others as they<br />
watched a football match at Baguria in early 2007. Leaders with deep roots, such as Soren, understand<br />
the dynamics of tribal aspiration and angst. Soren can, on a good day, still hold the power to bring<br />
disparate issues to the table for resolution of conflict. But tribal leadership is otherwise compromised,<br />
adding to the rot and ineptitude that have marked governance in Jharkhand since it attained statehood in<br />
2001. Even funds meant for modernization of police forces are known to have been appropriated to<br />
purchase sports utility vehicles for ministers. With pressure from major businesses to deliver on nowdusty<br />
memorandums of understanding and from Maoists—as they reconnoiter new areas and call in old<br />
debts—Jharkhand will witness more churn. Sudeep Chakravarti writes on issues related to conflict in<br />
South Asia. He is the author of Red Sun: Travels in Naxalite Country. He writes a column alternate<br />
Thursdays on conflicts that directly affect business. (Mint 3/2/10)<br />
Maoist movement has no future: Woman insurgent (12)