Popular Cinema and Political Thought in Post-Mao China

More documents

Recommendations

Info

46 Paul G. Pickowiczabout the Cultural Revolution. The underlying assumption of the film wasthat the difficulties that continued to plague China in the 1980s had theirorigins in the 1950s, especially during the time of the anti-Rightist movementof 1957, an enormously destructive period that was essentially whitewashedin the 1981 resolution. It was implied that not all the problems confrontingthe Chinese in the 1980s could be attributed to the odious Cultural Revolutionleadership.The film complained that those who stressed the destructiveness of theGang of Four were missing the point. If there was moral justification forcondemning the Cultural Revolution leadership after its fall from power(when such criticism was welcomed by the new leadership), should not theauthorities acknowledge the contributions of those who had the courage tospeak out during the Cultural Revolution (when such criticism was notwelcomed) and those who protestsed obvious abuses before the CulturalRevolution?The legend of Tianyun Mountain pointed out that many of the partyfaithful who were persecuted during the Cultural Revolution, cadres likeSong Wei and her husband, Wu Yao, were precisely the ones responsible forvictimizing party critics during the anti-Rightist campaign in 1957. Partyveterans like Wu Yao were eager to have their names cleared and to berestored to positions of power after the Cultural Revolution, but they wereextremely reluctant, once restored to power, to approve the rehabilitationof people like Luo Chun, who continued to suffer into the 1980s for speakingout in 1957. To rehabilitate such people would require admitting one's owncomplicity and conceding that the anti-Rightist movement was extremelyunjust. That is why Wu Yao, even at the very end of the film, continuedto regard Luo Chun as a rightist who deserved to be punished for life.By refusing to review Luo Chun's case, Wu Yao demonstrated that hehad learned the most elementary political lessons taught by the party in the1950s: Never take the initiative; never question party policy; wait for directivesto come down from above before acting. If one is required to exercisejudgment, it is better to lean to the left (for example, refusing to hear thecase of a victim of the anti-Rightist movement) than to lean to the right(being excessively lenient with those once accused of rightism). The partyforgives leftist mistakes; it does not forgive rightist errors.Perhaps the most astonishing feature of The legend of Tianyun Mountainis that it turned upside down many of the party's sacred moral categories.In the films produced in the 1950s and 1960s, mainstream party people,even those who waver momentarily, were ordinarily characterized as honestand virtuous, while rightists were characterized as morally deficient and evil.In The legend of Tianyzm Mountain these stock roles were reversed. Thefilm audience was told that rightists like Luo Chun were pure of heart,selfless, and respected by the people, while many party operatives whoassumed power after the Cultural Revolution were vindictive and corrupt.A corner forgotten by love, like The legend of Tianyun Mountain, lookedwell beyond the Cultural Revolution when it sought to identify the sourcesna and Polirical Thouof\tha~at plagued China iRe1overty became a dfathd: with the adventbecal.{lwang, had been sagain~o Chun in Theamon~ Leap Forwardthe Cl~e reputations Wbut th~lution. Threeeat or as still dirt pcA c car, and live
~. Pickowiczc film washad theirmovementhitewashcdonfrontingRevolutionleSS of theication forom powerld not thecourage towas note Culturalthe partycadres likeonsible for957. Partyand to bethey were~abilitation>r speakingone's ownextremelycontinuedfor life.ed that he~arty in ther directivesto exerciseo hear the> the rightThe partyMountaincategories.rty people,1 as honestand evil.ersed. Theof heart,atives whod corrupt.ain, lookedthe sourcesPopular Cinema and Political Thought 47of problems that plagued China in the early 1980s. This work stated explicitlythat grinding poverty became a characteristic of village life not in the CulturalRevolution, but with the advent of collectivization in 1956. The protagonist'sfather, Shen Shanwang, had been stripped of his leading position and ostracizedbecause, like Luo Chun in The legend of Tianyun Mountain, he spoke outagainst the Great Leap Forward in 1958. And, like Luo Chun, he was notamong those whose reputations were cleared in the years immediately followingthe Cultural Revolution. Three years had passed since the death of Mao,but this village was still dirt poor. Sl1en's family did not have enough toeat or enough to wear, and lived in a depressing hovel.A corner forgotten by loYe, even more than The legend of TianyunMountain, argued that the party's failure to address political problems thatpre-dated the Cultural Revolution made it extremely difficult for the ruraleconomic reform policies adopted by the party center in 1978 to beimplemented and for economic progress to take place. Xu Rongshu, theyoung cadre who returned from the navy in 1979, has heard that populareconomic reforms, such as private household sidelines and private commerce,have been implemented elsewhere, but the veteran leaders of the village, likethe cadre Wu Yao in The legend of Tianyun Mountain, are afraid of makingrightist errors and refuse to consider reforms that will improve standardsof living. They will wait until they receive the appropriate instructions fromhigher authorities.The notion that China's economic development, especially in the ruralsector, had stagnated for more than twenty years after 1956 was advancedin both films through the assertion that prosperity could be possible onlyby turning the clock back and adopting the plans set forth by those categorizedas rightists and counterrevolutionaries in 1957. In the first film, rightistLuo Chun's elaborate plan for the development and modernization of theTianyun Mountain region was dropped in 1957 and replaced by characteristicallyMaoist schemes, all of which failed miserably. Only in 1979 wasLuo's plan rediscovered and adopted. In the second film, Shen Shanwangwas victimized in 1958 for advocating the cultivation of cash crops. But in1979 it was precisely the subject of cash crops that so excited young XuRongshu, who turned to the old rightist, Shen Shanwang, for advice.Once again, the party regulars were the negative characters, while therightists who had suffered for twenty years were presented as martyrs of thepeople. This tendency was especially apparent in the titillating and controversialscenes of youthful sexual awakening that lead to the suicide of Shen'seldest daughter. Official moral doctrine taught that premarital sexual activityis degenerate. Yet the audience could see that the two young lovers werenot only sympathetic characters, but also that their union seemed to be theonly source of joy and spontaneity in an otherwise loveless, colorless, andoppressive environment. Like the rightists, the sexual partners were presentedas heroes and martyrs. She was driven to suicide and he began serving along prison sentence. Critics of the movie, not surprisingly, accused thefilmmakers of propagating bourgeois humanism. That is, instead of discussing
Page 1 and 2: Perry Link3Popular Cinemaand Politi
Page 4: 40 Paul G. Pickowiczexploratory cha
Page 7 and 8: Paul G. Pickowicz1 that "runs count
Page 9: uf G. Pickowiczailv and otherd ~f T
Page 13 and 14: ~aul G. Pickowicz1e various socialn
Page 15 and 16: Paul G. Pickowiczhat her emotions c
Page 17: Paul G. PickowiczPopular Cinema and

Popular Cinema and Political Thought in Post-Mao China

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

Delete template?

Save as template?