Popular Cinema and Political Thought in Post-Mao China

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48 Paul G. Pickowiczthe character of the young people within the framework of the various socialclasses, the film treated their behavior as a manifestation of universal humannature.At middle age did not discuss the period before the Cultural Revolutionin any detail. Instead, it focused on the sensitive topic of the party's poortreatment of nonparty intellectuals, especially middle-aged intellectuals, duringand after the Cultural Revolution, an issue scarcely mentioned in the 1981resolution. The film reached two sobering conclusions: First, the Maoistapproach to intellectuals was an almost unqualified disaster and, second,very little was done in the immediate post-Mao era to correct the problem.Consequently, intellectuals like Lu Wenting, who believed they had sacrificedtheir youth for the noble cause of reconstructing China, were now full ofself-pity, burned out professionally, and ambivalent about the party's latestmodernization strategy. Lu Wenting was lonely, depressed, and indifferenttoward life. Indeed, the ending failed to resolve the issue of her willingnessand ability to carry on in her work.As in the other films, the sharpest contrast was between the alienatedhero and party bureaucrats who reassumed leading positions following aperiod of intense persecution during the Cultural Revolution. Vice MinisterJiao Chengsi, upon whom Lu Wenting performed successful cataract surgery,and his obnoxious wife, Qin Eo-openly ridiculed in the film as a typical"Marxist-Leninist old lady"-lived a life of extraordinary privilege andinfluence. Lu Wenting, on the other hand, did not even have the time tocare for her children.Qin Bo, a figure whose negative traits can in no way be traced to theCultural Revolution or the Gang of Four, was the most interesting villainin the film. Lu Wenting's work was made much more difficult by this abusiveparty veteran who constantly expressed distrust of the middle-aged surgeonand questioned her professional competence because Lu was not a partymember and because her official status was still that of a resident. The filmsuggested that even if people like Lu Wenting were able to summon up theenergy to serve the party and state, it was by no means clear that powerholderslike Qin Bo were prepared to give them a free hand to do their jobs. LuWenting made great sacrifices for the party, but the party did not appreciateor trust her.The constant repetition of important political themes in these and otherpopular works produced in the early 1980s strongly suggests that the opinionsof these privileged filmmakers resonated with the political thought of youngand educated urban viewers. One of their most basic themes was the notionthat the problems of the present were related to serious political failings ofthe party and state that were apparent before the onset of the CulturalRevolution and persisted after it ended. On this crucial point, the politicalconcerns of the audience and the filmmakers discussed here contrasted quitesharply with the views contained in official ideological statements such asthe July 1981 resolution.It seems to me, however, that these films were appealing at other, lessexplicit, levels as well. Their popularity also had something to do with howPopular Cinema and Politi,the stories were told. In ein Beijing was asked: WI(51 percent) respondenthardships and difficultieissues, but one that dospeaking, in an explicit,wesc:: clearly full of politQf Chinese life containedthe films humanized accothem into melodramas tWestern viewers often fi1But the Chinese audienceasy to identify with theuse and even manipulatiwhat links the popular !=like Xie Jin to the rich tr;The filmmakers' effort~their approval were facilihonored Chinese storytellagonizing moral dilemmdilemmas that involve conbanned from Chinese sc1were appealing, in part, bto complex social problerwitness and, in a vicariousThe dilemma that conf1Chun in The legend of Tiof life strategies. In 195/make a difficult choice. Shthe film made it clear thatto do so would have meascorn (young children aredeprivation. Or, she coulfollowing the advice of pathe man she loved and endoctrinaire Wu Yao, whoseknew that, in moral terms,surprised when Song WeiShen Huangmei, the cefaced a similar choice thatcould demonstrate filial wand have a more comfortaagreeing to a traditional arThe other option was to t
~aul G. Pickowicz1e various socialniversal humanural Revolutionhe party's poorllcctuals, duringcd in the 1981rst, the Maoistcr and, second,ct the problem.v had sacrificed'~re now full ofhe party's latestand indifferenther willingness~n the alienatedns following a. Vice Ministercataract surgery,film as a typicaly privilege andave the time tobe traced to theteresting villaint by this abusivelie-aged surgeonas not a party~sident. The filmsummon up theat powerholderso their jobs. Luid not appreciatethese and otherthat the opinionshought of youngs was the notioniitical failings ofof the Culturalint, the politicalcontrasted quitetements such asng at other, lessto do with howPopular Cinema and Political Thought 49the stories were told. In early 1984 a group of students from eight universitiesin Beijing was asked: What film subjects move you most? By a wide margin(51 percent) respondents stated a preference for films that treated "life'shardships and difficulties," a topic that is inextricably linked to politicalissues, but one that does not necessarily have to be treated, artisticallyspeaking, in an explicit, heavy-handed fashion. 22 The films reviewed herewe~
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