manufacture knowledge about sexuality and we-and they-appropriate itas knowledge about us.Before turning <strong>to</strong> the text, it is crucial <strong>to</strong> keep in mind that power is impersonal.As noted, The His<strong>to</strong>ry of Sexuality is not an expose, Power is"nons~bjective.'~22" The deployment of sexuality is the work of power, but itis not the work of a class or group or gender.29 The change from a lawregime<strong>to</strong> a norm-regime was not part of a conspiracy, The His<strong>to</strong>ry of Sexualityis a study of how impersonal power, not scheming individuals, deployedsexuality so successfully that it is taken as manifest truth by billionsof people,The His<strong>to</strong>ry of SexualityPart One, "We Qther Vi~<strong>to</strong>rians,"~ sets out the questions or ""doubts'Toucaultaddresses* As listed above, these are whether sexuality actually wasrepressed, whether '"he workings of power" are prinrarily repressive, andðer talk of repression was not itself an integral part of the deploymen<strong>to</strong>f sexuality;The two chapters that make up Parr: Two, "The Incitement <strong>to</strong> Discourse"and 'The Perverse Implantation,'' outline what Poucault calls "the repressivehypothesis." This is the view that sexualit)" has been rclpressed sinceVic<strong>to</strong>rian times, <strong>Foucault</strong> does not simply deny the repressive hypothesis;he acknowledges the reality of selective suppression of sex.'@ <strong>Foucault</strong> admitsthat there was, roughb from the latter half of the seventeenth centuryonward, a new and increasingly extensive policing of sexual activity. Therews an increase in censorship, What he tries <strong>to</strong> show is that the policing ofsexuaiity was not primarily repressive. In particular he wants <strong>to</strong> Show thatalong <strong>with</strong> tighter policing of sexual activi~ there was "a veritaMe discw-sive explosion" about sex," Social, political, medical, and religious policingof sexual acrivity is shown not <strong>to</strong> be repression because ""re o~pssitephenomenon occurred . . There was a steady proliferation of discoursesconcerned <strong>with</strong> sex." hen more significant was "the multiplicadon af discoursesconcerning sex in the field of exercise of power itself.""" Every aspec<strong>to</strong>f the policing of sexual activity produced more learned discourseabout sex, more studies, more surveys. These in turn tightened the controlover sex by detailing and justifying more effective regulative procedures*Foircrault sees the institution of coniession-whether <strong>to</strong> one" priest, doc<strong>to</strong>r$or friend-as central <strong>to</strong> how discourse about sex grew and how individualswere made participants in their own control. Confession enhanced theobjectifimian, quantification, and codification of sexuality. It required disclosureand specification of vialations against sexual norms and codes andinduced detailed examination of motivation. Disclosure and examinationwere justified as necessary far understanding one's sexual nature. That un-
derstanding was depicted as prerequisite <strong>to</strong> achieving mental health andnormalcy. In this way, people were ""drawn for Lhree centuries tn the task oftelling eveqdlirsg concerning . . , sex." The inducement <strong>to</strong> tell ail involvedan "optimizadon and an increasing valorization of the discourse on sex."The effect of telling all was ""displacement, intensification, reorientation,and modification of desire itself,'"qhe process of disclosure, specification,and motivational inve~igat.ion reshaped and redirected individuals' sexualdesires, 1ndividuals"erceprion of themselves as embodying the newly discerned(read ""manufactured'" sexuality changed what they could allowthemselves <strong>to</strong> want-and eventually what they actually did want,Foucadt describes sexual behavior as coming under increasingly extensivecontrol, However, what came under controt was not previously uncontrolledor differently cornrolled sexual behavior. It was something newFoucadt argues that deployment of sexuality assimilated formerly diverseacts in<strong>to</strong> a unitary kind of activiw Disciplinary techniques projected andobjectified a sexuality that integrated diverse acts in<strong>to</strong> a certain sort of behavior,and that behavior au<strong>to</strong>matically came under their jurisdiction, Peapleaccepted the discursivdy manufactured sexuality as their sexuality, andas the crztrse of their desires and actions, In accepting sexuality they also acceptedthe norms that sexualiry genewated arid so collaborated in their owncontrot, One consequence was that the extent and level of control meantthat sexual activiry under the deployed sexuaiity no longer could be "somethingone simply judged," Sexuality became "'a thing one administered."34Sexuality had <strong>to</strong> he man~ged Control of sexuality ceased <strong>to</strong> be a rnaMer ofregulating what people actually did, Regulation involved inculcatkg attitudes,imbuing valuer;, shaping desires, orienting inclinations, enabling sexualidentities, and classifiing at1 sorts of intereas, appetites, and acts, Implementingthis kind of control involved medical, educational, political,civil, and religious institutions, It was no longer possible for the family, thepolice, or the priesthood silnply <strong>to</strong> forbid particular acts.Prohibition ceased <strong>to</strong> suffice as control when sexuality was made a matterof truth and knowledge about a nature. Proscribing particular acts came<strong>to</strong> be insufficient when there was ongoing discernment of new complexitiesin motivation and behaulor. Bp makkg sexuality a proper object of scientificstudy, discursive treatment made sexualiry susceptible <strong>to</strong> theoretical development.The control of sexuality had <strong>to</strong> be continuously adjusted inlight of new ""discoveries" about its nacure. Accepted ssandards could beoverturned by new findings, Control could not be simple prohibition of staticaliyconceived and defined actions. Control had <strong>to</strong> Be administrative inthe sense of being responsive application of a growiw body of knowledgeabout sexuality.Part Two of Thc His<strong>to</strong>ry of Sexuality characterizes contemporary sexualityas a product manufactured and promulgated by learned discourse anddisciplinary techniques. The parallel is <strong>to</strong> the account in Disciplirte arrd
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Starting with Foucault
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FoucauAn introduction to GeneaSECON
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Con tentsPreface to the Second Edig
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ce to the Second EditionFive years
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Chapter OneFoucauenge andMispercept
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Fournuit: ChaEEe~zge and Mi~,slter~
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Chapter TwoThe Domains oUnderstandi
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The Domai~s uf At.l,ak)jsis 19jecti
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The Domai~s uf At.l,ak)jsis 27Poste
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The Domai~s uf At.l,ak)jsis 29to ah
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The Domai~s uf At.l,ak)jsis 33terms
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Chapter ThreeNietzsche5 inversion o
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creasingly successful investigative
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processes, What emerges or comes to
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squeamishness. When North Americans
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eing wltkoitt constants." It discar
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The Faces of Trzcth 1 4363. Even Ro
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Chapter SevenTruth and the WorLumpi
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Trsath alzd the World1-47'not an ir
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Trsath alzd the World 149More indir
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Trsath alzd the World1 S9ciplinary
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Trsath alzd the World 16163. Clavid
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Chapter EightCons truaand CogencyNo
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NoveE (7unstrgab and Gc~ge~cy 1 65s
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Fouctzult's works are listed with t
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p- .Dreyfus, Hubert, and Paul Rabin
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---pJames, William (19";;"). P tism
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--P .--P. (1988). Represetz;la$ion
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IndexA bso1 utcand anti-essentiatis
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Index 191Government, 76-77, 109Gree
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Indexand knowledge, 20-21,7Q, 77-78