Utah Historical Quarterly (volume 36, number 1, January 1968)

HISTORICALQUARTERLYWINTER, 1968 • VOLUME 36 • NUMBER I10 *10 0 41m* 0 *\mm J0 ?lmm jr Ml

STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETYkIS*BOARD OF STATE HISTORYDivision of Department of Development Servicesj. GRANT IVERSON, Salt Lake City, 1971PresidentMILTON c. ABRAMS, Logan, 1969Vice-PresidentEVERETT L. COOLEY, Salt Lake CitySecretaryDEAN R. BRIMHALL, Fruita, 1969MRS. JUANITA BROOKS, St. George, 1969JACK GOODMAN, Salt Lake City, 1969MRS. A. c. JENSEN, Sandy, 1971THERON LUKE, PrOVO, 1971CLYDE L. MILLER, Secretary of StateEx officioHOWARD c. PRICE, JR., Price, 1971MRS. ELIZABETH SKANCHY, Midvale, 1969MRS. NAOMI WOOLLEY, Salt Lake City, 1971ADMINISTRATIONEVERETT L. COOLEY, DirectorT. H. JACOBSEN, State Archivist, Archives JOHN JAMES, JR., LibrarianF. T. JOHNSON, Records Manager, Archives MARGERY W. WARD, Associate EditorIRIS SCOTT, Business ManagerThe Utah State Historical Society is anorganization devoted to the collection, preservation,and publication of Utah and relatedhistory. It was organized by publicspiritedUtahns in 1897 for this purpose. Infulfillment of its objectives, the Society publishesthe Utah Historical Quarterly, whichis distributed to its members with paymentof a $5.00 annual membership fee. The Societyalso maintains a specialized researchlibrary of books, pamphlets, photographs,periodicals, microfilms, newspapers, maps,and manuscripts. Many of these items havecome to the library as gifts. Donations areencouraged, for only through such meanscan the Utah State Historical Society live upto its responsibility of preserving the recordof Utah's past.The primary purpose of the Quarterlyis the publication of manuscripts, photographs,and documents which relate or givea new interpretation to Utah's unique story.Contributions of writers are solicited for theconsideration of the editor. However, theeditor assumes no responsibility for the returnof manuscripts unaccompanied by returnpostage. Manuscripts and material forpublications should be sent to the editor.The Utah State Historical Society doesnot assume responsibility for statements offact or opinions expressed by contributors.The Utah Historical Quarterly is enteredas second-class postage, paid at SaltLake City, Utah. Copyright 1968, UtahState Historical Society, 603 East SouthTemple Street, Salt Lake City, Utah 84102.

WINTER,1968 • VOLUME 36 • NUMBER IHISTORICAL QUARTERLYContentsEDITOR'S NOTE 2UTAH BEFORE THE MORMONSBY DALE L. MORGAN 3CHARLES MAGKAY AND HIS "TRUE ANDIMPARTIAL HISTORY" OF THE MORMONSBY LEONARD J. ARRINGTON 24THE HESITANT BEGINNINGS OF THECATHOLIC CHURCH IN UTAHBY JEROME STOFFEL 41SAINTS, SINNERS, AND SCRIBES:AT THE MORMONS IN FICTIONA LOOKBY NEAL LAMBERT 63THE EPISCOPAL CHURCH IN UTAH:BISHOPS AND ONE HUNDRED YEARSSEVENBY JAMES W. BELESS, JR 77The CoverScene at the mouth of Mill Creek Canyon, an area once part of the farmingcommunity of Salt Lake Valley, but now being overrun with suburban expansion.Only a few relics, such as this wagon and dilapidated barn, remain toattract artists and shutterbugs and remind us of Salt Lake's recent agrarianpast.UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETYEDITORASSOCIATE EDITOREVERETT L. COOLEYMargery W. Ward

Editor's NoteFor several years the Society has planned to publish inthe form of "Proceedings" the several excellent papers readat its annual meetings. While lack of funds has prevented thefulfillment of these plans, nevertheless some papers haveappeared in various issues of the Quarterly over the past fewyears. Others now form chapters in books published elsewhere.Since the studies presented at the Fifteenth AnnualMeeting (September 23, 1967) were of a uniformly highcalibre, and since many requests for copies have come to theSociety, the editorial staff has collected all the papers intothis first issue of Volume 36 of the Utah Historical Quarterly.Both new interpretations and newly uncovered informationare offered in this issue.Four of the authors, Leonard J. Arrington, James W.Beless, Jr., Neal Lambert, and Dale L. Morgan, have previouslypublished in the Quarterly. Monsignor Jerome StofTelis a new contributor, whose article on Catholic beginnings onUtah is a welcome addition to the literature on this subject.

Utah Before the MormonsBY DALE L. MORGAN

I AM GOING to begin by asking that you join with me in playing sometricks with time. On this twenty-third of September 1967, I would likeyou to go back with me in time exactly 120 years, to the evening ofSeptember 23, 1847, so that we may revisit Brigham Young.The Mormon leader is returning to Winter Quarters after a summerduring which his Pioneer party has hopefully established a gatheringplace for the Saints beyond the summit of the Rocky Mountains. Ourday's journey of 29 miles in Brigham's company has been through thesandy eastern reaches of the Black Hills, the Laramie Range, and wehave camped for the night at a point about 12 miles west of Fort Laramie,which we will reach tomorrow. Our party of 36 wagons and 108 menleft the embryo settlement of Great Salt Lake City on August 26. Justwest of South Pass, on September 3, we encountered the Mormon familyemigration, which set out from Winter Quarters in June, two months inthe rear of the Pioneer party, and we can estimate that these companiesby now are winding down Emigration Canyon to join those members ofthe Pioneer party detailed to winter in Salt Lake Valley.With Brigham, we reflect upon this new country seen during thesummer, and its potential for the harried Saints; but we do so withoutrelinquishing our vantage point of 1967. Let us shuffle together those twoyears, 1847 and 1967, 120 years apart, for purposes of dramatic demonstration,at one and the same time watching the stars above Laramie Peakand the yellow blaze of the electric lights which illuminate this room ....So then, in Brigham Young's presence we reflect upon the ProphetJoseph Smith, who (in a despairing moment shortly before his brutalmurder) half-accepted the idea of fleeing to the Rocky Mountains andwent so far as to cross the Mississippi River into Iowa. (The thoughtMr. Morgan, research specialist at Bancroft Library, Berkeley, California, is one of theoutstanding historians in America.The illustrations in this article were provided through the courtesy of Dixon Paper Company.The first sketch is the work of Nelson White, the others of Farrell R. Collett.In June of 1847 the Mormon Pioneer party met Jim Bridger on the Little Sandy, westof South Pass. A long, rather confusing discussion ensued between Bridger and BrighamYoung, the latter unable to grasp all of Bridger's knowledge concerning the farrangingWest. It is out of this meeting that the legend has grown of Jim Bridger's offerof a thousand dollars for the first ear of corn grown in the Great Salt Lake Valley.

Utah Before the Mormons 5enters our minds: What would he have done had he come up here -—sought employment as a clerk at one of the forts? Begun to hunt beaverin the impoverished twilight of the mountain fur trade? Taken up amendicant life with one of the poverty-stricken Indian tribes of theRockies? No, impossible! The Mormon prophet is inconceivable, exceptwith a people around him.) The prophet was slain, we reflect, just threeyears ago last summer — that is to say, on June 27, 1964, a few weeksbefore the political conventions that nominated Lyndon Johnson andBarry Goldwater for the Presidency. We reflect, too, on all the eventsthat preceded the tragedy in Carthage Jail, crammed into so short a timeas seventeen years: The Book of Mormon, which gave rise to all thestriving, was published so recently as March 1950, three months beforethe furies of the Korean War were unloosed upon the world.In this way we establish a Mormon time-scale, and also a chronologicaldouble exposure for Utah's history before the Mormons. It wasjust a year ago last month that the Donner party hacked its way over theWasatch to reach the open expanse of Salt Lake Valley, preliminary togoing on to starvation and cannibalism in the far-off Sierra Nevadaduring the hard winter just past. John C. Fremont was in the Utahcountry only a little earlier. It was in the dog-days of September 1963,that he floated out on the waters of Great Salt Lake in his rubber boatto reach and give name to Fremont Island. After swinging aroundthrough Oregon and California, he rode north as far as Utah Valley inthe spring of 1964, arriving there about a month before the murder ofthe prophet, then going on east to Bent's Fort and Washington, D.C. Allthis we read with attention in his report, published in Washington twoyears ago. We also know that Fremont came back to the Utah countryin the fall of 1965, but he is yet not home from that third expedition, andwe have still to learn the details, which include his horseback visit toAntelope Island in Great Salt Lake from a base camp between the forksof City Creek — the same locality where we, the Mormon pioneers,recently decreed that a temple should arise.How long since Utah was first traversed by emigrant wagons? TheBartleson party, making for California, passed around the northern sideof Great Salt Lake six years ago, in August and September 1961, a fewmonths prior to the chilling assassination of President John F. Kennedy,but about this Brigham Young knows little or nothing.He does not know a great deal more about Jim Bridger, though lastJune, while bound for the Valley of the Great Salt Lake, he fell in withBridger on the Little Sandy, west of South Pass, and had a long, rather

o Utah Historical Quarterlyconfusing discussion with him, Bridger's far-ranging knowledge of theWest hard for a greenhorn to take in. Bridger has lived in this highcountry for a very long while; with some fellow trappers he first holedup for the winter in Cache Valley late in 1944, just before the Battle ofthe Bulge.And further back in time: it was during the summer of 1925, whena Lincoln Highway across the country was being vigorously promoted,that Meriwether Lewis and William Clark crossed northern Idaho ontheir way to the Pacific. Still more remotely: In the summer of 1896,seven months after Utah achieved Statehood, Fathers Dominguez andEscalante made the Utah area at last visible to history by embarkingupon their pioneering exploration northwest from Santa Fe.I N MAKING my point so forcibly, I hope I have not labored that pointexcessively. I have been concerned, as you realize, to translate historicaltime into terms we can individually find meaningful. All these dates —1964, 1961, 1944, 1925, even 1896 — have a personal significance for usthat dates like 1847, 1841, 1824, 1805, or 1776 no longer command.Births, deaths, weddings, and graduations mix with the obvious publicevents to give such dates personal color, each date emotionally differentfor everyone alive. Nothing is truly real for most of us beyond the reachof our own experience, and coping with this fact is the recurring, oftenexasperating, problem of historians. This was brought home to me someyears ago through a story told me by my brother Jim's wife. Her eldestdaughter, then a ripe eight years of age, came home from school oneday to beseech: "Mama, tell me what it was like to live back in the oldentimes, when you were a girl." Mary Beth was and is fast on her feet, andthough it disqualifies her as a historian, she got out of that one, she toldme, by exclaiming, "I'm not that old!"If I may be permitted a geological image, 1847 represents a faultlinein Utah's splendidly varied history. Because of the continuity enforcedby the patterns of Mormon experience, the long slope our way from 1847seems shorter than that across the divide, where the cliffs of time plungesheerly down past the 1830's and 1820's to the almost inaccessible 1700'sfar below. It is exactly 191 years today since Fathers Dominguez andEscalante rode down out of Spanish Fork Canyon into Utah Valley, and120 of those years belong to the Mormon era.The very difficulty of exploring the other side of the divide adds toits fascination. Back of 1776 we have almost no written records to goupon. Captain Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, one of Coronado's conquista-

Utah Before the Mormons 7dors, reached the southern edge of the Colorado's mighty chasm as earlyas 1540, but that was in present Arizona. No one to our knowledge, noone capable of recording what he saw, got north and west of the Coloradofor another 236 years — a chasm in time far exceeding anything knownto geology. It is true that after Don Juan de Onate launched the colonizationof New Mexico in 1598, some knowledge about the immensespace west of the Rockies and north of the Rio Grande's sources reachedthe Spaniards in New Mexico. Dr. S. Lyman Tyler could speak to yourprofit and mine until dawn on this period "Before Escalante," for thatwas the topic of his doctoral dissertation some years ago — a contributionto scholarship that I, and doubtless he too, would like to see publishedbefore either of us gets very much older. In general, though, the knowledgeabout, or emanating from, Utah in the era before Escalante wasethnological, relating to the Ute Indians, from whom the Spanish chroniclersextracted no very useful fund of geographical information oranything like a true knowledge of the conditions of existence in presentUtah.Those 236 years before Escalante, in other words, are off any timescalewe are interested in devising, whether 1967, 1847, or any other baseyear is chosen. There were no white men, no chroniclers or annalists,in Utah before 1776 to institute a written history, and I fear that for alltheir refinements in technique, the archaeologists are never going to beable to speak to us with real authority about the details of the life of theIndian peoples who occupied Utah during this period. A time machineis the only mechanism that ever seems likely to help us develop a detailedprimordial history of the Utes, Shoshonis, Paiutes, and Navajos, andtime machines seem to be easily devised only on television.Out of prevailing historical murk, the single year 1776 rises like arevolving beacon of incredible candlepower. A great bicentennial forUtah is now only nine years away, and it is certainly none too soon tostart thinking about a suitable observance. Utah shares Dominguez andEscalante with New Mexico, Colorado, and Arizona, but these explorerpriests mean far more to Utah than to her sister states; here they representa point of prime beginning in history, which is not the case elsewhere.The year 1976 will be a festive one generally, for at that time our nationwill be observing its two hundredth anniversary. (We might remark, inpassing, that Dominguez and Escalante originally intended to set outfrom Santa Fe on July 4, a date American history had not until thenvested with emotional impact, but delays attended their preparations,and they did not actually get off until sixteen days later.)

8 Utah Historical QuarterlyI am not, tonight, going to retell in any detail the story of thatgentle exploration by the two Franciscan priests. Herbert E. Boltonsaw fit to title his account of their experiences, as published by this Societyin 1951, Pageant in the Wilderness. This title is one to which I havealways taken exception. For a pageant is a bloodless, I might say gutless,visualization of times past, something artificial and staged. The EscalanteExpedition (so called because Silvestre Velez de Escalante kept the diary,though his associate, Francisco Atanasio Dominguez, was the seniorecclesiastic) — the Escalante Expedition, I say, was no pale image of thereal thing — it was the real thing, wrought from faith and piety, hardwork and perseverance, suffering and frustration, hope and anticipation,and acquiescence to the will of God. The prime purpose of the expeditionwas to find, if possible, an overland route north of the Apache lands toconnect the New Mexican settlements with those the Franciscans hadbeen founding since 1769 in California. The fathers got as far northand west as Utah Valley, where they heard about, though they did notvisit, Great Salt Lake, but no Indian trails or information even intimatedthat a likely route existed on to the coast of California. The ten-manparty turned south down the Wasatch Front, eventually drew lots as away of allowing God to decide whether or not they should give up thequest and make for the Indian pueblos south of the Colorado, and atlast, after many adventures, reached Santa Fe in safety on January 2,1777. The priests had been immensely impressed with Utah Valley, aparadise indeed to one freshly come from arid New Mexico, and theyhoped that a mission could be established there to serve the Ute Indians.We shall always wonder how the history of Utah might have beenchanged had this project been undertaken and proved successful. Butthe resources did not exist for such a venture at the limits of the knownworld; we are not even sure that anybody in authority ever gave the ideaa moment's serious consideration.The consequence is that "After Escalante," for forty years or so, weconfront another essentially blind period in Utah history. The brilliantbeacon has been extinguished, and the murk is penetrated only, now andthen, by a little star-shine. We appreciate, nevertheless, that Dominguezand Escalante have got Utah history on a meaningful time-scale; after1776 we do have glimpses of things happening in Utah, however briefand tantalizing our glimpses of these events. Symbolically, the priestsbrought back with them to Santa Fe what they called a Laguna Indian -—that is, a Ute from Utah Valley. We have to suppose that in the course

Utah Before the Mormons 9of time this Laguna Indian returned home. It may well be that sometrader went with him. If not, there were traders to venture out on thepath of the fathers, now that the way was known beyond the GunnisonRiver in western Colorado.After the Dominguez-Escalante Expedition into Utahin 1776, came traders, trappers, and explorers,such as these depicted here.Getting at the history of this period nevertheless presents many andgrave difficulties. One problem is, from the New Mexican end, that onlyofficial expeditions tended to produce the written records that yield thepatterns we call history. With scarcely an exception, only the priests,officials, or army officers, could read and write, and these were the verymen who stayed out of New Mexico's distant north, sufficiently burdenedwith responsibilities at home. Those who did follow the padres to theremotest Ute lands were rough men who in all their days never learnedto read or write. Only on the rare occasions when one of them was haledbefore an alcalde for some infraction of law or polity was a written recordordinarily made of their activities.Brigham Young, in his camp in the shadow of Laramie Peak inSeptember 1847, knew nothing of these forerunners of civilization in the

10 Utah Historical QuarterlyGreat Basin. It is only since 1921, when Joseph J. Hill began to publishhis researches respecting the Spanish Trail, that we have known of ourunexpected good fortune, that some details concerning an otherwise lostera in Utah history are preserved in the Spanish archives of New Mexico.Hill established to our satisfaction that in the thirty years after Dominguezand Escalante returned home, various traders developed a routineof going off to live with the Utes for months at a time, thereby succeedingwhere church and state had failed — in establishing meaningful andworkable relations with the more distant Ute bands. (We should notforget that through the 1860's and even later, the Utes ranged throughnorthern New Mexico and western Colorado, as well as northeasternUtah; the Utes are by no means the exclusive historical property of thestate that has taken their name.) Something concrete in the way ofinformation comes out when a new governor of New Mexico, Joaquinde Real Alencaster, writes on September 1, 1805, concerning a certainManuel Mestas (declared to have been a Ute interpreter for fifty years) :In the short time that I have governed this province, he has recoveredfrom the aforesaid heathen [that is, the Utes] eight horses which he himselfsearched for and brought back. In the month of July he went back to thecountry of the aforesaid people and not only succeeded in bringing backeleven mules and horses, but according to the report of other Yutas, calledJimpipas, shortly started out on a trip of about a month's duration for thepurpose of retaking, not only the aforesaid eleven animals, but also twentymules and eight horses, which among other things, had been stolen frommen of this province last year in the country of the said Jimpipas, byComanches, and were retaken by the Yutas Timpanoges during a warwith the aforesaid Comanches.These remarks need some elucidation: Yutas Timpanoges werethose dwelling in Utah Valley; and Comanches in this instance wouldbe the Shoshonis or Snakes, cousins of the Comanches proper. (In a NewMexican document of 1828 we find them referred to as "ComanchesSozoni," which is enlightening enough.) I would hazard the suggestionthat the Jimpipas of this document were the Yampa Utes, dwelling innorthwestern Colorado and at times ranging into the Uinta Basin.Contact with the northern Ute bands is clearly implied in this documentof 1805, and trade with those bands may have become commonplace.At this juncture, because we have reached the year 1805, I wouldlike to abandon our New Mexican vantage point briefly so that we maylook at Utah from another direction: in fact, from eastern Idaho, wherethe Columbia-bound Lewis and Clark Expedition has just crossed theContinental Divide at Lemhi Pass.

Utah Before the Mormons 11With my Utah orientation, shared by most of you who listen to metonight, when I first read the original journals of Lewis and Clark, thepassage in those journals most exalting to my imagination I found inWilliam Clark's carefully written notes for August 20, 1805, set downjust twelve days before Governor Alencaster made the remarks aboutManuel Mestas that we have been discussing. Lewis and Clark weresomewhat perplexed about the best route to pursue now that they hadleft Missouri waters, and sought advice from Snake Indians on whomthey had fortunately chanced. They were told of the impossibility ofdescending the Salmon River, and of a possible route through Nez Percecountry farther north. An old man also had a fund of information aboutthe country to the south, and it is this which catches our eye: that oldIndian's viewpoint as he faces in the direction of Utah. Let me quoteClark's entry in the original journals, with some interpolated commentof my own.This country to the southwest, Clark observed, the old Snake Indiandepicted with horrors and obstructions scarcely inferior to that just mentioned,he informed me that the band of this nation to which he belongedresided at the distance of 20 days march from hence not far from the whitepeople with whom they traded for horses mules cloth metal beads and theshells which they woar as orniment being those of a species of perl oister.As will become apparent shortly, the old man's band lived on BearRiver, and here we have an astonishing picture of quite extensive directcommerce with New Mexican traders, not simply through Ute intermediaries.Clark continues:that the course to his relations was a little to the West of South, that inorder to> get to his relations the first seven days we should be obliged toclimb over steep and rocky mountains [that is, since Clark was conferringon the Lemhi River, across the Lost River Mountains] where we couldfind no game to' kill nor anything but roots such as a ferce and warlikenation lived on whom he called the broken mockersons or mockersonswith holes, and said [they] lived like the bear of other countries among therocks and fed on roots or the flesh of such horses as they could take or steelfrom those who^ passed through their country, that in passing this countrythe feet of our horses would be so< much wounded with the stones manyof them would give out. the next part of the rout was about 10 daysthrough a dry and parched sandy desert [the vast Snake Plain] in which[there is] no food at this season for either man or horse, and in which wemust suffer if not perish for the want of water, that the sun had nowdryed up the little pools of water which exist through this desert plain inthe spring season and had also scorched all the grass, that no animalinhabited this plain on which we could hope to subsist. [Now the old Snakeis referring more specifically to the Arco Desert, north of the Snake River.]that about the center of this plain [was] a large river [the Snake] which

12 Utah Historical Quarterlywas navigable but afforded neither Salmon nor timber, that beyond thisplain th[r]ee or four days march his relations lived in a country tolerablefertile and partially covered with timber on another large river which ranin the same direction of the former. [Now plainly Clark's informant istalking about the Bear River, above its great bend at Soda Springs.] thatthis last discharged itself into a large river [Here an element of fantasyenters, for of course the Bear discharges itself into' Great Salt Lake.] onwhich many numerous nations lived with whom his relations were at war[now we are talking about the Utes] but whether this last discharged itselfinto the great lake [here synonymous with the Pacific Ocean] or not he didnot know, that from his relations it was yet a great distance to the greator stinking lake as they call the Ocean, that the way which such of hisnation as had been to the Stinking lake traveled was up the river on whichthey lived and over to that on which the white people lived [the GreenRiver seems referred to] which last they knew discharged itself into theOcean, and that this was the way which he would advise me to travel if Iwas determined to' proceed to the Ocean but would advise me to put offthe journey untill the next spring when he would conduct me.With very little distortion, this is a quite reasonable account of thecountry south to Utah's borders, and accords with our understanding thata normal route from the Bear River toward New Mexico would be upthe Bear to some point between present Cokeville and Evanston, thensoutheast across the Bear River Divide and on via Browns Hole on theGreen River, where twenty years later William H. Ashley found a largeband of Snakes had wintered. Unfortunately, the light of the old man'sunderstanding did not penetrate into the Utah area proper, glimmeringout almost at Utah's borders; from a Utah point of view, we more especiallyglean from this account that the Valley of the Great Salt Lake didnot loom so large in the Snake cosmos of 1805 as in ours of 1847 and 1967.Clark says that he thanked the old man for his information andadviceand gave him a knife with which he appeared to be much gratifyed. fromthis narative I was convinced that the streams of which he had spoken asruning through the plains and that on which his relations lived were southernbranches of the Columbia, heading with the rivers Apostles [San Juan]and Collorado, and that the rout he had pointed out was to the VermillionSea or gulph of California.In the main Clark was correct, save that he accepted the idea of a greatriver flowing parallel to the Snake, which later he decided was connectedup with the Willamette River of Oregon, and displayed on his map asthe Multnomah, a ghost stream of early western cartography. Clarksays:I therefore told him that this rout was more to the South than I wished totravel, and requested to know if there was no rout on the left of this river

Utah Before the Mormons 13on which we now are [the Lemhi and Salmon], by means of which, I couldintercept it below the mountains through which it passes; but he could notinform me of any except that of the barren plain which he said joined themountain on that side and through which it was impossible for us to passat this season even if we were fortunate enough to escape from the brokenmockerson Indians ....Now let us leave Lewis and Clark to find their way to the Pacificas best they can while we turn back to our New Mexican eyrie. Eightyears pass, to 1813—just thirty-four years before the Mormons reachUtah, or back in the first year of Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal byour special time-scale — and the New Mexican archives yield a clutchof documents with an astonishing fund of information about the Utahcountry, so distant, so nearly lost in time, since Escalante's day, a generationpast. Again we are indebted to Joseph J. Hill for the facts. As herelates, he found in the New Mexican archives a document giving "anaccount of a trading expedition to the Timpanogos, and the BeardedYutas west of the Sevier River in the year 1813. The company consistedof seven men under the command of Mauricio Arze and Lagos Garcia."They left Abiquiu, a still-existing village north of Santa Fe, on March 16,1813, and returned July 12. In September the governor of New Mexicoordered the members of the party to appear before an alcalde and reportwhat had taken place on the trip, for which he has our gratitude. (HereI would interject that these seven visitors of 1813, Manuel Mestas in1805, and the ten men of the Dominguez-Escalante Expedition, eighteenaltogether, are the only Spanish visitors to Utah that we are able to nameduring the entire duration of the Spanish empire in America, a periodof some three centuries.)Nothing was said in the testimony about the route taken to reachthe lake of the Timpanogos — that is to say, Utah Lake — which impliesthat by now it was well known. The company remained three days atUtah Lake, trading a little and waiting for other Indians to arrive. Whenall were on hand, a council was held, but it appears that these Ute Indianswould trade nothing but Indian slaves — "as they had done on otheroccasions," the affidavits add. When the Spaniards refused, the offendedIndians began to kill the horses of the traders, nine animals beingslaughtered before the chief could quiet his people. The Spaniardsprudently collected their remaining horses, and after standing guard overthem all night, set out next day for the "Rio Sebero" •— the Sevier River,as we suppose, and the first appearance of this name in history.On the Sevier the traders met a Yuta of the Sanpuchi or Sanpetenation, who agreed to conduct them to a place where they could trade

14 Utah Historical Quarterlywith a tribe of Yutas new to them. Two of the company were left incharge of the pack train while the other five, guided by the Sanpuchi,set out to the west. Three days' travel brought them to a tribe of Indianscharacterized as having heavy beards, clearly the bearded Indiansencountered by Dominguez and Escalante. In 1776 these Indians hadbeen described as very gentle and affable, but now they presented themselveswith "their arms in their hands, saying their trade would bearrows." They were quieted, and arrangements were made to tradenext day. But that night the Spaniards overheard the Indians plottingan attack upon them. Accordingly, the Spaniards made off, "travelingstealthily all night and day until they reached the place where theircompanions and pack train were." Thence they took the road to theRio Grande — the Colorado, as we suppose; it is vexing that no detailsof the route are furnished, for the river might also have been the Greenat present Green River — and there found what is described as "therancheria of Guasache, who was waiting on the road to trade with them'as was his custom.' "As before, the Spaniards were at first received cordially, only tohave the Indians take offense when they refused to trade for Indianslaves. Having profited by experience, this time the commandant gavehis men permission to purchase the slaves, "in order not to receive anotherinjury like the first one." Twelve slaves were bought, and the Spaniardscame home without further adventures except that a mule and a horsewere drowned in crossing the "Rio Grande." The traders also acquiredon this journey 109 pelts, described as "but a few," most likely deerskins.I have retold this episode at some length, for the obvious importanceof the facts, and because the facts are far from well known, notwithstandingtheir republication in the Utah Historical Quarterly in 1930.The adventures of the Arze-Garcia party are interesting in themselvesand revealing with regard to the corrupting effect of Spanish peonage —in plain words, Indian slavery — for hundreds of miles around Santa Fe.After this episode history's spotlight shifts north again. Indeed,there had been some arresting developments on the Idaho side for twoyears preceding this time. Lewis and Clark had come triumphantly homefrom the Pacific in the summer of 1806, and very soon thereafter tradersbegan making determined efforts to exploit the fur riches of the LouisianaPurchase and the country to the west that would soon become knownas Oregon. Some pressed up the Missouri and the Yellowstone; stillothers made for Santa Fe; and in New York John Jacob Astor conceived

Utah Before the Mormons 15his Pacific Fur Company to exploit the Columbia Basin from a base tobe established at Astoria. It is the latter enterprise that chiefly concernsus. One division of the Astorians went out to the Columbia by sea, aroundCape Horn. Another, under Wilson Price Hunt, crossed the continentin the summer and fall of 1811. The latter reached Henrys Fork of theSnake in October, and before going on toward the Columbia, detachedJoseph Miller with four hunters and four horses to go beaver-trapping.These five men have come down in history as the Detached Astorians,and their wanderings the subsequent winter make them more than worthyof note, difficult as it may be to follow their wanderings in the light ofthe scanty available information. It is definitely known that they got asfar south and west as the Bear River, which accordingly became knownto the Astorians as Miller's River. Escalante possibly alluded to the Bearin his journal, and William Clark most certainly alluded to it in his ownjournal, but both at a distance, and on the basis of Indian information.The Detached Astorians are the first white men we can unequivocallysay reached the banks of this river. It seems doubtful, however, that theDetached Astorians descended the Bear far enough to enter present Utah.Nor can Utah quite claim that party of Returning Astorians led eastnext year by Robert Stuart. Coming from the Columbia, much of theway traveling what would eventually be established as the Oregon Trail,the Returning Astorians reached the Bear at its great bend in September1812, and journeyed up the river as far as Thomas Fork before veeringnorth in an unsuccessful effort to escape the ardent attentions of Crowhorse thieves. Stuart and his companions afterward went on east viaTeton Pass and South Pass, wintered on the North Platte, and made itsafely through to St. Louis in April 1813.The eastward passage of the Returning Astorians late in 1812 andthe troubled passage of the Arze-Garcia party through the Ute lands inthe spring of 1813 effectively close the history of Utah in what we mightcall the proto-historical period. It is not a very extended record we haveto work with; and unfortunately, the prospects are not very bright thatscholarly ingenuity will significantly enlarge that record. Utah's historybefore the Mormon era, as a promising field of scholarship, must primarilybe concerned with the twenty-eight years before the Mormonsplowed their first furrow in Salt Lake Valley.We have already emphasized the shortness of that time span, equivalentto the time that has elapsed since the German invasion of Polandtouched off the second World War, and most of that history dates from atime commencing five years later, equivalent to the period since the

16 Utah Historical QuarterlyBattle of the Bulge marked the last German offensive, twenty-three yearsago.The critical significance of the year 1819 we have begun to appreciateonly in the past sixteen years, as the Hudson's Bay Companyarchives in London have yielded up some of their treasures, for it wasthis year, as we know beyond all question, that British trappers firstreached Utah from the north.Peter Skene Ogden, in the employ of the Hudson'sBay Company, was one of the mountain men whotrapped the streams in Utah.The circumstances require explanation. At the same time Astor'speople were establishing themselves at Astoria, and at various points inthe broad basin of the Columbia, the North West Company was thrustingwestward across Canada with the same objective. When the outbreakof the War of 1812 seemingly doomed the Astorian enterprise, the fieldpartners sold out to the Canadian concern, which thereby remained insole possession of the field. Some of the Astorians entered the service ofthe North West Company, and one of these men was Donald Mackenzie,who eventually was given the job of revitalizing the interior trade.

Utah Before the Mormons 17Mackenzie established an inland base among the Nez Perces nearthe confluence of the Snake and the Columbia — this in the summer of1818 -— then, during the fall, pushed southeasterly into the great watershedof the Snake River. It was at this time that most of the southerntributaries of the Snake received their names, including the Malheur,the Owyhee, the Bruneau, Raft River, and the Portneuf. The precisecircumstances are not known, but we infer that in the late winter orspring of 1819 one detachment of Mackenzie's party, led by MichelBourdon, pressed on south to trap the stream the Astorians had calledMiller's River. Our authority is the journal of Peter Skene Ogden, atthe head of a later British trapping party. In April 1825 Ogdencommented:we reached Bear River a fine large stream of Water about the ]/Q of a milein width this River was discovered in 1819 by Michel Bourdon & the upperpart has been trapped twice but the lower part never has been it takes itsrise due east & was supposed to be the Rio Colorado & even now Said tobe a Fork of the same as our route is to follow it we shall be enabled toascertain this point.Ogden's clerk, William Kittson, in a diary entry of the same date, addedthe valuable information that "the Deceased Michel Bourdon namedBear river from the great number of those animals on its borders."Subsequently, on May 9, 1825, having reached Cache Valley,Kittson spoke of encamping on a fork, "one that Michel Bourdon calledLittle Bear and it has three others falling into it before it enters the BearRiver main Branch." Two days later Kittson told of putting up on theborders of "Bourdon or middle Fork" -— known to us today as BlacksmithFork, south of Logan (a name subsequently applied by American trappers).Nearly four years later, in March 1829, Peter Skene Ogden againwas in Cache Valley with a fur brigade, and at that time he observed:the [Bear] River here makes a considerable bend to the Westward and thisgave rise to Supposition by the first who descended this River the lateM. Bourdon that it was a fork of the Wallamet had he advanced a daystravel he would have been undeceived as it discharges in Salt Lake andas that Lake has no* discharge there it remains.By so narrow a margin, Michel Bourdon failed of becoming the discovererof Great Salt Lake. He was killed by Blackfeet in 1823, so did not surviveto relate his experiences in a later day. Until 1951, when the Ogdenjournals of 1824-25 were published, we knew nothing of Bourdon'sspecial distinction in Utah history.The North West Company merged with the Hudson's Bay Companyin 1821, the combined firm taking the name of the British concern. By

18 Utah Historical Quarterlythis time a Snake Country Expedition had become a settled tradition inthe Columbia Department, and in 1823 the six-foot four-inch FinanMcDonald led the Hudson's Bay Company brigade south as far as BearRiver, then apparently went up the Bear and across the divide to theGreen River. He established to British satisfaction that the Bear was not"the Spanish River," as had been supposed since Bourdon's foray of 1819.McDonald may have led his whole party, or sent a detachment, as fardown the Bear as Cache Valley, which is what Ogden thought of in 1825as the Bear's "upper part." But again this year Great Salt Lake eludeddiscovery.That discovery was made at last in the fall of 1824 by Americantrappers, who after so long a time had penetrated finally to the veryheart of Utah. Jim Bridger is usually credited with the discovery, butmy personal conviction is that Etienne Provost saw the lake someweeks — even, perhaps, some months ahead of Old Gabe, who winteredin Cache Valley with members of John H. Weber's company in 1824-25,and may not have descended the Bear to determine its course and settlea bet until late in the winter.William Marshall Anderson, who visited the Rockies in the summerof 1834, has something interesting to say on this subject, in The RockyMountain Journals of William Marshall Anderson, a book edited bymyself and Eleanor T. Harris lately published by the Huntington Library.On August 28, 1834, after encamping on the North Platte below AshHollow, Anderson recorded in his trail diary:The great salt lake at the termination of Bear river, which has been claimedto be discovered by Genl Ashley & which in the U.S. bears his name, I aminformed by good authority has never been seen by him. False ambitionoften doubtless prompts to false assertion! Tis believed the credit, if thereis any in the accidental discovery of a place, is due to Weaver or Provost.After he got back to Kentucky, Anderson expanded his trail diary into ajournal, and fortunately the extension of remarks included this particularentry. In the expanded version he says:It has been asserted by, or for Genl Ashley, that he was the first whitediscoverer of the great salt lake; in either case, he is to blame, as it is notthe fact •— The credit, if the accidental seeing of a spot is entitled to anycredit, is due to Mr Provost of St. Louis — At all events it seems to begenerally believed that Genl A. not only did not first find that remarkableinland sea, but, that he has not ever yet seen it — From the accounts ofothers, he gave a description of it — on which account it is sometimescalled by his name — prompted by false glory he acquiesces in the receptionof false honours —

Utah Before the Mormons 19These remarks by Anderson are the more interesting in that Provostwas trail boss for the very party he was accompanying down out of themountains. We are not sure that Provost spoke English; but on the otherhand, Anderson was facile in French. We would give much to haveheard the discussion in camp that night. Indeed, any night's discussionin almost any camp during these years is part of our irrecoverable history.Etienne Provost we must view as the first American trapper to enterUtah, whatever the merits of the claim that he first laid eyes upon GreatSalt Lake. Eleanor Harris and I have provided a considerable accountof him in our Anderson book, so I shall be content tonight to say that hewas born in Canada about 1782, and appears to have first entered thefur trade in 1814. He trapped in the southern Rockies with the Chouteau-De Mun parties between 1815 and 1817, knew the inside of a Santa Fejail for a while as a trespasser on Spanish territory, and after the openingup of New Mexico to American trade, was among the first to go out toSanta Fe from St. Louis in 1822. He acquired a partner, Leclerc, andby the summer of 1824 the two had made their way into the Uintah Basin,setting up a base camp on the banks of the Green near the mouth ofthe White River. Early that fall Provost led a party west across theWasatch Mountains — as far, I believe, as the Valley of the Great SaltLake. In October, probably on the Jordan River, a band of Snakestreacherously attacked his party, killed eight, and forced Provost withthe only other survivor to flee back to the base camp on the Green. Undeterred,he recrossed the Wasatch in the spring of 1825, this time descendingthe Weber River, where, near present Mountain Green in late May,he encountered the men of John H. Weber's party.Utah's history during that spring of 1825 is incredibly complicated,and we would still be here when the sun rises tomorrow morning if Iwere to unravel the whole story for you. It must suffice us that fiveentirely distinct trapping parties converged upon the Weber River duringMay and June. There were the Ashley free trappers led by John H.Weber, who had crossed South Pass from the Big Horn River theprevious summer. These trappers eventually reached the Bear andwintered in Cache Valley (Bridger was one of this group). There wasPeter Skene Ogden's Snake Country Expedition, which had made itsway south from Flathead Post in northwestern Montana. There wasJedediah Smith's seven-man party which had got as far as Flathead Postin the fall of 1824, by way of the Green and the Snake, and which hadaccompanied Ogden most of the way south to Bear River (after which,seeing signs of Weber's presence in the country, they followed down the

20 Utah Historical QuarterlyBear to the Valley of the Great Salt Lake to come up with their compatriotsnear the site of Ogden). There was Provost's party, making itssecond penetration of the Great Salt Lake Basin. And finally, a littlebehind the others, William H. Ashley himself, who had brought a substantialparty to the mountains during the winter and divided it into fourdetachments to trap in different directions (one of which was expectedto seek out Weber and Smith). He himself took a party down the GreenRiver in a voyage of exploration through the canyons the river hasA sketch of the party of Etienne Provost, perhaps thefirst American trapper to enter Utah.knifed around the Uinta Mountains. Ashley had reached the mouth ofthe Duchesne by May 23, when the other parties collided in the valleyof the Weber. He subsequently met Provost, returning to the Green, andby him was guided over to the Provo River, across Kamas Prairie to theWeber, and eventually back into Wyoming by way of Chalk Creek, inthe wake of Weber and Smith, who had set out to rendezvous with himnear the mouth of Henrys Fork of the Green.Thus briefly we account for the different parties, but we must notealso that near Mountain Green Ogden's British brigade ran afoul ofWeber's Americans, who rode up the canyon to intercept him. The

Utah Before the Mormons 21Americans prevailed on some two dozen of the British trappers to desert,an extraordinary episode of clashing nationalisms and revolt againsteconomic exploitation. In the sequel Ogden was forced into headlongflight, back to the Snake River, and he did not again venture into Utahuntil the winter of 1828—29. During that time the American trapperswere left in almost undisturbed possession of the Utah country — actually,Mexican land, had anyone desired or been able to determine wherethe boundary ran (identical with the present boundary between Utahand Idaho). During this time, from 1825 to 1828, the first great rendezvousof the fur trade were held in Utah — in 1825 at Henrys Fork, in1826 in Cache Valley, and in the summers of 1827 and 1828 at the southend of Bear Lake. After that, the beaver having been trapped nearly toextinction in Utah, the fur trade's center of gravity moved north towardthe Blackfoot country; most of the later rendezvous, down to 1840, wereheld in Idaho and Wyoming.In the sense that a reasonably connected and reasonably detailedpattern of events can be worked out, Utah's history before the Mormonseffectively dates from the fall of 1824 and covers a period of just twentythreeyears. Many of the events are dramatic, like Jedediah Smith's firstand second journeys to southern California in 1826 and 1827, downthrough the heart of Utah to the Virgin River, and thence to the Colorado.Some are pathetic, like the death of a man killed while constructinga cache, which gave Cache Valley its enduring name. Nearly all aretantalizing, like the exact sequence of events by which the Spanish Trailcame into being, first connecting central Utah with New Mexico's frontiersettlements, later evolving as a feasible caravan route from Utah acrossthe Vegas and Mojave deserts to Cajon Pass.Very slowly and very reluctantly has the record for this bare quartercenturyyielded to the industry of scholars — and, I may say, to theirprayers, for there is a necessary element of good luck in the emergenceof every fresh detail that extends that history. A great deal remains tobe learned, but we have learned so much, every year bringing somethingnew, that I have every confidence the pre-Mormon history of Utah willhave been incredibly extended before most of us here tonight lose interestin earthly things.Broad areas of this history I have not even begun to mention — overlandemigration between 1841 and 1846, for example, which has interestedthis Society very much. In 1951 the Society published J. RodericKorns's West From Fort Bridger, which was centrally concerned with the

22 Utah Historical Quarterlytrail-making of 1846 (and characteristically printed a newly availablediary by James Frazier Reed of the Donner party, among many otherdocuments of prime importance). More information has appeared since,some of it incorporated into my Overland in 1846, which was publishedfour years ago. I might add that I have myself given a great deal ofattention to the pioneering Bartleson party of 1841, which passed aroundAlong with Andrew Henry, William H. Ashleyestablished the Rocky Mountain Fur Company in1822 and personally headed a trapping brigadewhich penetrated Utah.the north side of Great Salt Lake en route to California, and in the quiteearly future I expect to publish all the source narratives relating to thisepisode, including several new diaries. We are by no means done withJohn Charles Fremont yet; indeed, it may be said that the Utah phase ofhis explorations of 1843-45 has not even had a thorough first examination.On Fremont, too, fresh information keeps emerging.This happily burgeoning record of Utah's pre-Mormon era becomesricher each year. I think it very interesting that the story of the redheadedmountain man, Miles Goodyear, whose Fort Buenaventura,

Utah Before the Mormons 23founded in the late summer of 1846, marks the true beginnings of Ogden,has had to be rewritten half a dozen times during the past fifty years.It has been constantly expanded to assimilate fresh information. At thisvery moment Charles Kelly is again addressing himself to Goodyear, inassociation with Robert Greenwood. Among the latest developmentsin the Goodyear saga, we have a letter he wrote from the Mojave Riverin May 1848, extraordinary for the details it adds to the history of agriculturein Utah. At his fort in 1847, Goodyear says in this letter, his mensucceeded in raising a mess of beans some radishes, hills of corn, cabbagesand greens. A greater variety I could tell but to raise this much I assureyou I had to work well, apropos, A few peach and plum trees in the gardengrew which I am in hopes will do well if not hurt by frost or mountain dew.If this sounds like verse, that is exactly what it is; Goodyear naturallyexpressed himself in rhyme that is more quickly apparent to the ear thanto the eye.Everywhere we turn, we find an ever richer history emerging outof the blue haze of the distances beyond the Mormon fault-line, a territorywe can map in increasing detail, and ever more confidently. So pronouncedare the advances that we may be led to exclaim in wonder:Is there more to be found out? After so much time, dare we hope formore? Consider that to Escalante's journal of 1776 we have now addedAshley's diary of 1825, Ogden's of the same year, and all that has survivedof Smith's record for the years between 1822 and 1828. For a long whilewe had no reason to expect that an Ashley or a Smith record of thekind existed, even. We now have both. Perhaps that thins out the lode,less remaining in the vein to be recovered.But I have seen so much of enduring importance emerge into thesunlight just in the last thirty years, that I am disposed to argue theprobability of further advances — letters and diaries by more Ashleymen, maybe; diaries kept on the Spanish Trail, for instance. I wouldhesitate to say what form the new discoveries may take; ten years ago,I would never have dreamed that this coming year I would be publishinga detailed account by a British botanist, Joseph Burke, who froma Fort Hall base traveled widely through northern Utah in the springand fall of 1845. There seems no limit to the possibility of fresh discoveries.And for us, that is the abundant life! New sources, dedicated scholarsto labor with them, an audience like the Utah State Historical Societymembership to appreciate them! The prospect is enough to bring asparkle to any man's eye.

Tift mViM0*S>liNTS:8-«;tVI :\. . . • • . . l - v . - . - - • • - • ' ' ^l :":•XZ%^^T' an ••;>>.• v'f- A

Charles Mackay and Hisff True and Impartial History"of the MormonsBY LEONARD J.ARRINGTONI N THE SPRING of 1851 Charles Mackay, a leading British poet, songwriter-historian,and journalist, compiled The Mormons: Or Latter-DaySaints. With Memoirs of the Life and Death of Joseph Smith, thecc American Mahomet." * Beautifully illustrated with forty engravings,many of which have been endlessly reproduced in subsequent works, thisfirst professedly "true and impartial history" of the Mormons 2 was thefifth volume in the National Illustrated Library of Britain — a half-crownseries that included BoswelVs Life of Dr. Johnson and The Book of EnglishSongs. Published anonymously, The Mormons went through at least fiveDr. Arrington is professor of economics at Utah State University. Most of the researchfor this paper was done while he was visiting professor of history at the University of California,Los Angeles. He is grateful for a grant from the Utah State University Research Council and forthe help of Guy Potter in obtaining copies of materials in the British Museum, London.The illustrations in this article were taken from an original edition of The Mormons ....The captions are as they appear in the book.a A second title page gives the work the title The Mormons, or Latter-Day Saints: AContemporary History.2 The phrase is from Charles Mackay, Forty Years' Recollections of Life, Literature, andPublic Affairs, from 1830 to 1870 (2 vols., London, 1877), II, 156.

26 Utah Historical Quarterlyeditions in London (1st, 1851; 2nd and 3rd, 1852; 4th, 1856; 5th, 1857)and two in the United States (Auburn, New York, 1852, 1853). Slightlyrevised and abridged, it appeared in other editions under the names ofother authors in France, Germany, and the United States. As the mostwidely reviewed book on the Mormons in nineteenth-century Britain, thebook catapulted the Mormons into a topic of international conversation,introduced the religion to tens of thousands of readers, and provided someof the stimulus and subject matter for the writing and publication of apackage of books with Mormon themes, including histories, tales ofadventure, novels, and works of poetry and humor.How did The Mormons happen to be written, and how did Dr.Mackay happen to write it? The first explanation goes back to September1830, six months after the organization of what later became The Churchof Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, when Orson Pratt was converted toMormonism. Upon meeting Joseph Smith a short time after his baptismat the age of nineteen, Pratt was called, by special revelation (now publishedas Sec. 34 of the Mormon Doctrine and Covenants) to preachthe Gospel of Restored Christianity. Five years later, at the age oftwenty-four, he was ordained an apostle and served as a missionary inNew England, the Middle Atlantic States, Ohio, Illinois, Missouri, andCanada, before going to the British Isles in 1840. There he publishedthe sixteen-page pamphlet Remarkable Visions, which presented for thefirst time, in effective literary form, the story of Joseph Smith. Thispersuasive delineation of what would be referred to in the religious literatureof today as "the Mormon myth" 8 was to be quoted and requotedhundreds of times in books and journals in contemporary Europe andAmerica. And it was from this pamphlet that Joseph Smith drew muchof the wording for the statement that has served ever since as the "Articlesof Faith" of the L.D.S. Church.After a year of service in England and Scotland, Elder Pratt returnedto participate in the building of Nauvoo, Illinois, and was one of thethousands of Mormon citizens who were driven from that city in 1846.The versatile apostle then became a frontiersman and crossed the GreatPlains with the advance company of pioneers in 1847. He, with ErastusSnow, was the first of that body to enter the Great Salt Lake Valley.Returning the same year to church headquarters in Winter Quarters,Nebraska, Pratt was appointed president of all the branches of the churchin the British Isles. Within two years of his return there (i.e., by 1851),8 As used professionally "myth" is a collective belief, not scientifically provable, whichsupports the activities and functions of a particular group or society.

Charles Mackay 27this foremost nineteenth-century Mormon intellectual had built Mormonmembership in Britain from 18,000 to 31,000 and had chartered andfitted out some twenty ships loaded with Saints whose destination wasUtah. 4 In addition to his energetic preaching in all leading populationcenters and his efficient administration of the branches, missionaries, andemigration offices, Pratt also edited The Latter-day Saints' MillennialStar (Liverpool), increasing its circulation from 4,000 to 23,000. He alsowrote more than a score of philosophic and literary pamphlets onMormon faith and doctrine -— pamphlets which were circulated by thetens of thousands in contemporary Britain. The tract societies of theBritish Mormon Mission which Elder Pratt organized, wrote EdwardTullidge, were "not equalled in all Christendom for their thoroughworking and missionary results." 5 Written with "subtlety and skill," 6Pratt's tracts gave Mormonism a status among British and Europeanintellectuals which it has never since enjoyed. Suddenly, it would seem,every British journal found it necessary to notice the new Americanchurch and to publish accounts of its founding and to review its literature.The wholesale conversions, the large emigration, and the startling tractsand sermons created a need for an independent history which wouldoutline the facts and assess the significance and truth of the Mormon story.In the years preceding the entry of Mormon missionaries intoEngland, the conditions which produced the Industrial Revolution ledto an unprecedented build-up of population in London, Lancashire,Liverpool, and Birmingham. From 1800 to 1830 the population ofLondon had risen from 865,000 to 1,500,000. By 1850 another millionhad been added. There was unhealthful overcrowding, loss of privacyand dignity, and wholesale starvation of soul, mind, and body. In Londonalone "there were said to arise every morning one hundred thousandpersons, young and old, male and female, adults and infants, who knew4 Andrew Tenson, Latter-day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia (4 vols., Salt Lake City,1901-1936), I, 89.s Edward W. Tullidge, The History of Salt Lake City and Its Founders (Salt Lake City,1886), Biographical Appendix, 32—33. The apostate-journalist, Thomas Stenhouse, who wasconverted during this period, wrote: "The greatest dispensation of spiritual power experiencedin the Mormon Church fell upon the British Saints during the Presidency of the apostle OrsonPratt, from 1848 to 1851 ... . his better education and eminent ability as a writer and reasonerhave [equipped him for this task] . . . his pen furnished the first logical arguments in favour ofMormonism, and his influence spread like a consuming fire among the Saints throughout theOld World. He spread abroad the new faith, and, armed as they were with his arguments, theyscoured the country and invited discussion wherever they went .... Mormonism in England,Scotland, and Wales, was a grand triumph, and was fast ripening for a vigorous campaign in continentalEurope." The Rocky Mountain Saints: A Full and Complete History of the Mormons.. . . (New York, 1872), 9-10.6 The phrase was used in "History and Ideas of the Mormons," Westminster Review, LIX(January, 1853), 118.

28 Utah Historical Quarterlynot how to procure the sustenance of the day." 7 Nevertheless, VictorianEngland was not insensitive to the social blight; there were countlesssuggestions for reform. In 1848, the same year that Pratt was appointedto head the British Mormon Mission and also the same year that KarlMarx and Friedrich Engels issued The Communist Manifesto, W. HepworthDixon, a rising journalist and later editor of The Athenaeum, urgedthat British literary figures give more attention to the condition of theworkingman. 8 A year later Henry Mayhew, a poet, playwright, cofounderof Punch, and biographer-novelist-journalist, proposed to theproprietors of The Morning Chronicle the sponsorship of a comprehensiveand definitive series of articles on "Labour and the Poor" in Londonand the British Isles generally. The inquiry would be costly — wouldbe more vast than any ever attempted by a newspaper — but TheChronicle was eager to preserve its preeminent position in the face ofmounting competition from The Times and Daily News and resolved toundertake it.Under Mayhew's direction London's leading journalists were mobilized,and during the months and years which followed hundreds ofarticles appeared which described in exhaustive and informative detailthe vast underworld of "the miserable, the degraded, and the virtuouspoor" of Britain. 9 By means of statistical surveys, sociological investigations,and dispassionate literary portraits, Mayhew plumbed to its depths"the dark ocean of poverty or semi-poverty" and examined the means,"ignoble and commendable, furtive and above-board," by which ragsellers, tinmen, prostitutes, costermongers, chimney blacks, and thievesscraped a precarious livelihood. 10 It was, wrote Charles Mackay, "as if amighty microscope were applied to the festers, social sores, and diseasesof humanity; ... as if some unparalleled photographic apparatus wasbrought to portray fresh from life the very minds, rather than the bodies,of the people." xl Hundreds of articles and several books were the productof this enterprise, but perhaps its most influential result was the supportit gave to Charles Dickens, a former Chronicle reporter, in the realisticre-creation of the lives of these cheerful but unfortunate people in suchunforgettable social novels as Oliver Twist and Nicholas Nickleby, which7 Mackay, Forty Years, II, 151-52.Article on "William Hepworth Dixon" in Dictionary of National Biography (London,1908),1033-35.Mackay, Forty Years, II, 152.10 "Introduction," to Henry Mayhew, Mayhew's London: Being Selections from "LondonLabour and the London Poor," ed., Peter Quennell (London, 1949), 18. Mayhew's book wasfirst published in 1851.11 Mackay, Forty Years, II, 152.

Charles Mackay 29jj_ ~^^^^^0^m^¥^General Joseph Smith reviewing the NauvooLegion.were written before the study, and Bleak House, Little Dorrit, and OurMutual Friend, which were written afterward.Strangely enough, participation in these studies and investigationswas the immediate factor which caused Charles Mackay to write TheMormons. The only son of George Mackay, a captain in the RoyalArtillery, Charles was born in Perth, Scotland, in 1814. He was descendedfrom the famous Mackay clan, who had been expelled by the Duke ofSutherland from their ancestral home in northern Scotland, and whohad since been forced by circumstances to "emigrate to the ends of theearth." 12 With the death of his mother when he was still an infant.12 Ibid., I, 401. The same circumstances may have been influential in the 1859 migrationto far-away Utah of David McKay, father of David O. McKay, president of The Church of JesusChrist of Latter-day Saints since 1951.

30 Utah Historical QuarterlyCharles demonstrated literary capacities at an early age. When a promisedcadetship in India failed to materialize, he served for two yearsas secretary to an aged British iron manufacturer in France and Belgium,and at the age of eighteen went to England to seek a literary career.Impressed with his poetry, the publisher of The Morning Chronicleoffered him an assistant editorship in 1835. After nine years of arduousactivity (i.e., in 1844), Mackay resigned from The Chronicle to serve aseditor of the Argus in Glasgow. He remained in Scotland for three years,during which he was awarded the Honorary Doctor of Laws degree fromthe University of Glasgow. He returned to London in 1847 and becameassociated with the newly founded Illustrated London News, and laterbecame its editor. In addition to his editorial and reportorial duties inScotland and England, Mackay wrote thirteen books before undertakingThe Mormons. Eight of these were books of poetry and five were worksin prose. The latter included histories of London and of the Thames,and a widely reprinted work (still available, both in hardcover and paperback)Memoirs of Extraordinary Popular Delusions (3 vols., London,1841). From his associations and participation in public affairs, it is clearthat Dr. Mackay was a major journalist and literary figure in the BritishIsles — a person of influence and stature — although, to be sure, not inthe same class with, let us say, Wordsworth and Tennyson. 13In his literary autobiography Dr. Mackay, who had not visited theUnited States by this time, explained the circumstances which led himto write The Mormons. Henry Mayhew, he wrote, reserved to himselfthe study of the poor in London, and Mackay was asked "to enquire intothe condition of the people in the two important towns of Liverpool andBirmingham." In Liverpool, from whence flowed the main stream ofBritish emigration to America, Mackay wrote,there was one rill that helped to swell the emigrational river, that trickledat its own wanton will, unknown and unnoticed, or if occasionally noticed,despised as of no account, that by mere accident attracted my attention asthe representative of the Morning Chronicle. On calling at the office of agreat firm, by the agency of whose ... fast-sailing packets... many thousandsof people were conveyed across the Atlantic, I was informed that on thefollowing day a party of Mormons were to take their departure for NewOrleans. On expressing my wish to go on board and see the party off . . .it was arranged that one of the clerks of the firm should accompany meon board the following day, and introduce me to the captain. This was13 Biographies of Charles Mackay may be found in the Dictionary of National Biography;Encyclopedia Britannic a (11th ed.) ; Stanley J. Kunitz, ed., British Authors of the NineteenthCentury (New York, 1936), 402—3; in various literary histories of England and Scotland; and inMackay's two books of reminiscences: Forty Years, and Through the Long Day, or, Memorialsof a Literary Life during Half a Century (2 vols., London, 1887).

Charles Mackay 31done, and the captain in his turn introduced me to some of the principalMormons, who were elders of the congregation, and had charge of thepassengers. I learned from one of them that so far back as 1840 the disciplesof Joseph Smith, the founder of Mormonism, . . . had established some sortof emigrational agency in Liverpool, having correspondents in all the greatcentres of industry in England and Scotland. During the year 1849 about2,500 emigrants from Wales, the North of England, and Glasgow, hadsailed from Liverpool for New Orleans, to join the Latter Day Saints ... inthe territory of Utah, where these semi-Mahometan, semi-Judaic Christianshad established themselves on their expulsion from Nauvoo, and that since1840 the total emigration in connection with the sect had amounted toabout 14,000 souls. The English Mormon agents, not alarmed at publicity,but, on the contrary, courting it, with a hope of increasing the volume ofemigration to the territory . . . placed at my disposal a whole barrow-loadof tracts, magazines, and periodicals, published by the Mormons both inEngland and America. By the aid of these I was enabled, in a series ofthree letters in the Morning Chronicle to place before the public, for thefirst time, a true and impartial history of the origin and progress of thenew superstition, or imposture, which had its birth in the brain of theignorant, but nevertheless clever and ambitious Joseph Smith. 14 The lettersexcited very great attention. The information conveyed was not only newto the British public, but surprising; and, being afterwards supplementedby a large accession of fresh and authentic materials, was republished inApril, 1852 [June, 1851]. This volume first made the religious worldacquainted with the so-called religion which had taken root in the NewWorld, and was drawing from Great Britain many stalwart men . . . , 15The three letters, totaling approximately 25,000 words, representedthe eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth letters in The Chronicle whichdealt with "Labour and the Poor" in Liverpool. The first letter (July 29,1850) set forth the founding of the Mormon church and its novel beliefs.The second (August 5, 1850) outlined the growth of the sect in the faceof "vindictive" animosity and persecution. The third (August 12, 1850)described the last months of the Prophet Joseph Smith, the migration tothe Salt Lake Valley, and the founding of the State of Deseret. The only"new" information conveyed by the articles was the inclusion of a statementprepared by the manager of a shipping line, which described theorganization of Mormon emigration from Britain.One of the reasons for the amazement which greeted the publicationof these letters was Mackay's uncritical repetition of inflated figures on"Mackay's interpretation of Joseph Smith, as given on pages 164-65 of the 1851 edition,is remarkably similar to that of Fawn M. Brodie in her prize-winning biography, No Man KnowsMy History: The Life of Joseph Smith the Mormon Prophet (New York, 1946).15 Mackay, Forty Years, II, 154-56. His 1851 "Preface" stated: "As far as he [the author]is aware, it is the first time that anything which can be called a history of this new religion andits founder has been offered to the public, either in this country, or in the cradle of the Mormons— the United States of America."

32 Utah Historical Quarterly^Slllf ' .''$'•'..-''• ••.•-.-. :-3-X/j£ Great Salt LakeCity.church membership and wealth. Mormonism, he asserted, had nowbecome a major movement, with nearly 300,000 members; its emigrationfrom Britain, which averaged 2,500 per year, was supported by a nest eggof three-and-a-half tons of California gold!The expanded 326-page octavo volume which followed in 1851 hasthe patchwork quality of a compilation turned out by an editor insistentthat both Mormons and anti-Mormons tell their stories in their ownwords. Since about nine-tenths of the book consists of quotations, strungtogether rather loosely with a tissue of commentary, it might have been

Charles Mackay 33more appropriately titled, The Mormons and Their History: A Book ofReadings. All the quotations are acknowledged. Its principal differencefrom previous chronicles is that it incorporates in the same volume boththe Mormon documents and the non-Mormon affidavits. Not a historyin the sense of a synthesis narrative or interpretation, it served to illustratethe almost irreconcilable character of the evidence. 16 Mackay's objective,as he says in his "Preface," is to present "the history of Joseph Smith, agreat impostor, or a great visionary, — perhaps both — but in either caseone of the most remarkable persons who has appeared on the stage of theworld in modern times." As with the three articles in The Chroniclewhich it incorporates, the single unique contribution of The Mormonsis the four-page statement describing Mormon emigration procedures(pp. 250-54). The other contribution — and this we should neitherignore nor minimize — is Mackay's recognition that there were two sidesto the Mormon story and that both deserved to be read in juxtaposition.For the earlier period of Mormonism, Dr. Mackay weaves in quotationsfrom the works of Joseph Smith, Orson Pratt, and official periodicals,on the Mormon side, with quotations found in the E. D. HoweMormonism Unvailed (Painesville, Ohio, 1834) and John C. Bennett'sHistory of the Saints (Boston, 1842). Nearly all of Thomas L. Kane'slecture on The Mormons (Philadelphia, 1850) and some of the generalepistles of the First Presidency of the church are reproduced for the laterperiod of Mormon history, but there are sufficient comments and questionsof a hostile nature to balance the favorable image which theseproject. Dr. Mackay was doubtful of the rumors of Mormon polygamy,which was not publicly confirmed by the time he wrote, and wasimpressed by the industry, frugality, and morality of the Saints. 17Although he equates Mormonism with fanaticism, and regards JosephSmith as a conscious impostor in the early years, Mackay is cautiouslycomplimentary of Mormon leadership and accomplishments in Nauvoo,3S Mackay recognized the enormous gulf between L.D.S. "official" history and anti-Mormonhistory by stating both and refraining from further analysis. Bancroft found the two points ofview at odds and resolved them by placing the Mormon account in the text and the anti-viewsin the footnotes. This dichotomous approach has characterized many treatments.17 In the "Preface" to the fourth edition (London, 1856), Mackay states: "Polygamy,which the Mormons attempted to deny, or explained by the euphemism of the 'Spiritual WifeDoctrine,' has now been unblushingly avowed; and this practice, which has become the mostdistinctive, as it is the most odious characteristic of the sect, has received more notice in thisedition than was bestowed upon it in the original publication." This edition replaces the lastchapter of the original edition, which was largely on doctrine, with a new chapter on geography,reports of travelers, social life, etc. There are extensive excerpts from John Williams Gunnison,The Mormons, or Latter-day Saints, in the Valley of the Great Salt Lake . . . (Philadelphia,1852), Mrs. Benjamin G. Ferris, The Mormons at Home . . . (New York, 1856), and fromNew York newspapers.

34 Utah Historical Quarterlyduring the Great Trek, and during the early years in the Salt Lake Valley.In appraising the significance of the Mormons, Mackay concluded:Whatever the world may say of the Mormons, the Mormons may say ofthemselves, that they have succeeded in establishing the third politicalsystem that has grown out of Christianity. The Pope, the Queen ofEngland, and Brigham Young, are alike heads of States and of Churches:and, what is perhaps as remarkable a fact, the only State Church inAmerica is that which has been founded by Joseph Smith .... Their pasthistory has been a singular one. Their future history promises to be evenmore remarkable. 18The official Mormon reaction to the book was one of cautious delightat the gratuitous publicity. The book had obtained "great popularitywith the upper circles," reported Franklin D. Richards, head of theBritish Mormon Mission, and the appearance of reviews of the book in"most of the leading Journals throughout the empire . . . caused thehearing of us to break forth on the right and left everywhere." But, onthe other hand,This wide spreading notoriety caused the preachers to lecture againstus and stir up lewd, foulmouthed men to go lecturing through the countrywith the most filthy absurdities and abominable lies, taking care to clothethem with a semblance of truth which overthrew many who had notfaith . . . . 19As President Richards indicated, The Mormons received excellentreviews in the leading journals of Britain. The Athenaeum, foremostliterary weekly, devoted two columns to the book, calling it "the firstattempt to tell in a connected way the story of the Mormons . . . curiousand profitable reading." 20 In a four-page review in his weekly, HouseholdWords, Charles Dickens found it "a well drawn-up volume" whichdescribes the most "strangely important" event in a century of sectarianhistory. To Dickens the book revealed the paradoxical character ofMormonism. On the one hand the religion engendered "immense practicalindustry"; on the other hand the faith was a "pitiable superstitious18 Charles Mackay, The Mormons: Or Latter-Day Saints. With Memoirs of the Life andDeath of Joseph Smith, the "American Mahomet" (London, 1851), 326."Letter from Franklin D. Richards in Liverpool to Brigham Young, February 24, 1852,and copied into the "Journal History" (Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints Historian'sLibrary, Salt Lake City), for that date. The letter also appears in Brigham Young, "ManuscriptHistory" (Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints Historian's Library), April 1, 1852, notingBrigham Young's receipt of 4he letter. The first notice of the book in the Mormon press is in aneditorial by Apostle John Taylor in The Mormon (New York), September 20, 1856, p. 2: "Wenever expect from any writer on Mormonism justice and impartiality, . . . but we have everregarded his [Mackay's] work as tolerably fair, and as good as a man with prejudices against us.writing for the public pence, was likely to produce."20 The Athenaeum, Number 1242, August 16, 1851, p. 874.

Charles Mackay 35delusion." "What the Mormons do," he wrote, "seems to be excellent;what they say, is mostly nonsense." 21 In a twenty-page review article ofthe Mackay book and other Mormon literature, the prestigious WestminsterReview called The Mormons "a pleasing work," and concluded:"For our own part, we are glad to see any signs of a fresh religious life inAmerica, or in Christendom, and welcome this sect to the companyof the Methodists and Anabaptists, the Protestants and the Catholics, andwish them all God speed." 22 Some ten years later, Sir Richard Burtonsummed up the meaning of the book quite accurately:This little compilation, dealing with facts rather than theories, borrowsfrom the polemics of both parties, and displays the calmness of judgmentwhich results from studying the subject at a distance; though Gentile, it issomewhat in favor with Mormons because it shows some desire to speakthe truth. 23Across the Channel two of France's foremost interpreters of Englandand America used copious extracts from the book in writing extendedhistories and commentaries on the Mormons. One of these was ProsperMerimee, author of some of France's finest nouvelles including the storyon which the opera Carmen was based, who wrote a fifty-six-page reviewin Le Moniteur Universel (March-April, 1853), which was later publishedas the lead article in hisMelanges Historiques et Litter aires (Paris,1855). Merimee, who was mildly skeptical of all religions, found manythings to admire in the Mormon story and felt the religious enthusiasmwould gradually be tempered by the "practical sense" which was characteristicof Americans. He speculated that the Mormons might developinto a new society unique in history. The other review was by AlfredMaury, author of Croyances et Legendes de VAntiquite and other works,who concluded in an article in the September 1853 issue of Revue desdeux mondes that the Mormons were faced with the choice of remaininga sect of a few thousand members with peculiar ways and beliefs, ordeveloping into a nation-state of major proportions, wedged in betweenMexico and the United States, with potentialities of major significance.21 "In the Name of the Prophet — Smith!" Household Words, III (July 19, 1851), 385-89. Dickens published three other "Mormon pieces" in his weekly, All the Year Round. _ Theywere: "Brother Bertrand, Mormon Missionary," IX (March 14, 1863), 68-72, a review ofLouis A. Bertrand, Memoires d'un Mormon (Paris, 1862); "The Uncommercial Traveller," IX(July 4, 1863), 444-59, a description of Mormon emigrants about to sail on The Amazon; and"Among the Mormons," X (November 7, 1863), 247-52, a_ wholly-imaginary and basicallyderogatory description of Mormons in St. Louis, Missouri, poised for departure to the RockyMountain Zion. Dickens had not been in St. Louis since 1842, and did not know his "frontier"Mormons very well.22 The Westminster Review, LIX (January, 1853), 120.23 Richard F. Burton, The City of the Saints, and Across the Rocky Mountains to California(New York, 1862), 204, fn. 6.

36 Utah Historical QuarterlyThe French reception was so warm that Amedee Pichot, populartranslator of the works of Scott, Shakespeare, and other English writers,translated and somewhat abbreviated The Mormons, added some commentsof his own based on reading Stansbury and Gunnison, and issueda volume in the National Railroad Library series. 24 The same tactic wasfollowed in Germany where Theodor Olshausen, German statesman andpublicist, published Geschichte der Mormonen oder Jungsten-Tages-Heilingen in Nordamerika (Gottingen, 1856), which relies heavily on theMackay volume. Neither of these writers acknowledges his heavy debtto Charles Mackay.In the United States where Mormonism did not have the exoticinterest which appealed to Europeans, the reviews are not quite sofriendly. In response to the articles in The Chronicle in which Dr.Mackay had said, "The growth of Mohammedanism, rapid as it was,is not to be compared with the rise and growth of Mormonism," theeditor of The Eclectic Magazine, W. H. Bidwell, replied: "Mr. Mackayis somewhat mistaken." 25 Whereas British and Continental writers hadascribed the rise of Mormonism to the ignorance and materialism of theAmerican frontier, 26 W. J. A. Bradford, in The Christian Examiner,attributed Mormonism's growth to the credulity, ignorance, and earnestnessof the Englishmen who made up a large proportion of its converts."It is certain that Mormonism has always attracted more attentionabroad than it has received in our immediate community," he wrote. "Inour neighborhood it has been regarded either as too shallow a cheat, ortoo monstrous a delusion, to deserve a deliberate treatment." 27 The mostfavorable article was in Harper's, which reprinted no less than eighteenof the forty illustrations in The Mormons and emphasized the "indomitableperseverance and surprising energy" of the Mormons, and the"system, order, and political wisdom" that marked their movement. InUtah "a nation has been born." The Mormons constituted "the vitalelements of a powerful mountain nation, in the heart of our continent,and in the direct pathway from the Atlantic to the Pacific States." 28 Asin France and Germany, there was also an "American translation" bythat peripatetic writer of scissors-and-paste histories, Samuel Mosheim24 Amedee Pichot, Les Mormons (Paris, 1854)."The Mormons in England," The Eclectic Magazine, XXI (October, 1850), 218.26 A British reviewer wrote: "America probably is the only country of Christendom whereMormonism could fairly get on its legs, and essay a walk." Westminster Review, LIX, 118.27 W. J. A. Bradford, "The Origin and Fate of Mormonism," The Christian Examiner,LIII (September, 1852), 201-2.28 "The Mormons," Harper's New Monthly Magazine, VI (April, 1853), 605-22.

Charles Mackay 37Schmucker. Using Mackay as a basis, and adding comments of his ownbased on Stansbury, Gunnison, and other writers, Schmucker publisheda fat work under the title The Religious, Social, and Political History ofthe Mormons, or Latter-day Saints . . ., edited with important additionsby Samuel M. Smucker [sic] (New York, 1856, 1858, 1860, 1881 ). 29One reason for the popularity of The Mormons was its anonymity;one might reproduce it in extenso without attribution. 30 A more importantfactor was the art work. The high quality of the illustrations isdemonstrated by the frequency with which they have been subsequentlyreproduced. The article in Harper's which reproduced eighteen of theillustrations seems to hold the record, although B. G. Ferris' Utah and the29 John Taylor blastedSchmucker for his "cool, unblushingimpudence" in attachinghis name to a book,nine-tenths of which had appearedfive years before inEngland. Taylor suggestedthat a new word be coined:"Smucking" — the act of appropriating"the labors ofanother and better man toslide in . . . chapters that containthe most confused, contradictoryblack-guardismthat could be thrown togetherat haphazard." "Anti-MormonBook Speculation," TheMormon, September 20, 1856,p. 2.Mormon officials broughtthis plagiarism to the attentionof one of the writers ofBancroft's History of Utah,who commented: "What it isthat Mr. Smucker edits, andto what he makes additions,does not appear, but the studentwith this book and thatof Mackay's before him soondiscovers that the former istaken almost verbatim fromthe latter, and without a wordof credit. Smucker evidentlyworked at so much a day forthe publishers, who desiredsomething by that name tosell. Considering the circumstances,the work is fairly done;the saints are abused with moderationand decorum, and thepublishers probably mademoney out of it." Hubert H.Bancroft, History of Utah,1540-1886 (San Francisco,1889), 466 fn. 54.30 The International CopyrightConvention was notadopted until 1891.

38 Utah Historical QuarterlyMormons . . . (New York, 1854) used twelve of them, and "Maria Ward"(possibly Ferris' wife) used three in Female Life Among the Mormons . ..(New York, 1856). To mention only one recent use, the "MormonHistory" issue of Dialogue used six illustrations from The Mormons? 1At least six of the sketches from which engravings were made were drawnby Frederick Piercy, who later became famous for his illustrations inRoute From Liverpool to Great Salt Lake Valley,... (Liverpool, 1855) . 32The youthful Piercy (only twenty-one in 1851) made the drawings ofOrson Pratt and of the ceremonies of baptism and of confirmation fromlife, and was unquestionably the eminent Mormon artist to whom Dr.Mackay referred in his "Preface." 33The fact that The Mormons was published annoymously has createddifficult problems for librarians and bibliographers. Dr. Mackay's reasonsfor omitting his name as author seem obvious enough. He was notreally an author but a compiler. To a man of his artistic reputation andsensitivity it would have seemed presumptuous to have issued the bookunder his own name. As librarians and bibliographers hunted for a nameunder which to list the book, they chanced upon the mention in the"Preface" that The Mormons was an outgrowth of Henry Mayhew'sstudy of "Labour and the Poor." Many therefore listed Mayhew as theauthor, or apparent author, and in many great libraries, even today, thebook is listed in this manner. Even the writer of Mayhew's biographyin the Dictionary of National Biography incorrectly lists The Mormonsas one of the many products of Mayhew's pen. Perhaps observing somecontemporary confusion on this point, the publisher of the 1856 or fourthedition inserted on the title page the legend, "Edited by Charles Mackay."This only magnified the confusion as librarians predictably solved thisproblem of authorship by listing Mayhew as the author and adding thenotation that Mackay had edited the fourth edition. The Library of31 "Reappraisals of Mormon History," Dialogue: Journal of Mormon Thought, I (Autumn,1966), 23—140. One of the illustrations, which Mackay labeled "Joseph Smith Preaching in theWilderness," is labeled by Dialogue as "Brigham Young Preaching in the Wilderness."J2 Mrs. Brodie does not mention this in her biography and introduction of Mr. Piercy in the1962 Harvard reprint of Route from Liverpool. The portrait of Orson Pratt in Mackay's book istaken from an 1849 drawing by "Fred Piercy" attached to the cover of A Series of Pamphlets, byOrson Pratt (Liverpool, 1851). This sketch of the remarkable apostle exhibits Piercy's abilityto portray a person of undoubted intelligence, energy, and spirituality.33 The British Mission, London Conference, Record of Members, L.D.S. Church Historian'sLibrary and Archives, shows that Piercy was baptized a Mormon on March 23, 1848, and becamea member of Theobald's Road Branch. He was subsequently ordained a teacher and an elder.He "emigrated" to the Salt Lake Valley February 21, 1853, returned the next year to England,was disappointed with Brigham Young's decision to soft-pedal Route from Liverpool, and wasfinally "cut off" from the Mormon church on March 6, 1857. See folders on Piercy, JamesLinforth, and Orson Pratt, Manuscript Section, L.D.S. Church Historian's Library and Archives,Salt Lake City.

Charles Mackay 39Congress handles the book this way even today, and most other librarieshave followed this pattern. The writer has observed in one distinguishedlibrary that different copies of the same work are listed and shelvedtwice — once under Mayhew, and once under Mackay. One may finda similar treatment in bibliographies. To take the most prestigiousexample, in his History of Utah, Bancroft lists the book four times, asfollows:Mackay (Chas), The Mormons, or Latter-day Saints. London, 1851;London, 1852; Auburn, N.Y., 1853; London, 1854. London, 2 vols.n. impr.Mayhew (H.), The Mormons. London, 1851, 1852.Mormons (The). London, 1851, 1852.The Mormons or Latter-day Saints, with Memoirs of the Life of JosephSmith, the American Mahomet. London ( ).In his footnotes, Bancroft sometimes lists Mackay, The Mormons, andsometimes Mayhew, The Mormons; and in some instances lists both, aswell as the Pichot, Olshausen, and Schmucker volumes — all as authoritieson a given point — not seeming to recognize (or not wishing toconcede) that all devolve upon Mackay's book which, in turn, is a compilationof documents all but one of which were published previously. 34While Dr. Mackay's The Mormons may be properly regarded as thefirst of its kind, its importance could easily be exaggerated. There followedin 1852 the publication of Gunnison's excellent history andgeography which, though published under the same title as Mackay'sbook, seems to have been based primarily on his own observations andstudies and is, in reality, a superior and more informative volume. Laterworks in the same vein, attempting as did Mackay to present a narrativeand analysis which balanced the widely circulated anti-Mormon viewwith the Mormon position, included Stenhouse's Rocky Mountain Saints,William Alexander Linn's The Story of the Mormons . . . (New York,1902), and, in our day, Ray B. West's Kingdom of the Saints . . . (NewYork, 1957). Charles Mackay set a praiseworthy pattern of structuralimpartiality. His was not an interpretative synthesis, as was, say NelsAnderson's Desert Saints (Chicago, 1942). Nor did it present the "facts"of Mormon society as these were determined by personal observation, as"' Despite this, Bancroft has a footnote (p. 466 fn. 54) which attributes the work to Mackayand appraises it as "written with marked ability, and in a spirit of exceeding fairness, thoughtaking decidedly an anti-Mormon view." But he then concedes too much, as he goes on to say:"It is a work full of valuable information, much of it of an original character and nowhere elseexisting." Examples of recent writers who list Mackay, The Mormons and also Mayhew, TheMormons, without seeming to recognize that they are the same book are: Harry Beardsley,Joseph Smith and His Mormon Empire (Boston and New York, 1931) ; and Andrew Love Neff,History of Utah, 1847 to 1869, ed., Leland Hargrave Creer (Salt Lake City, 1940).

40 Utah Historical Quarterlydid Lieutenant Gunnison. Neither could Dr. Mackay refrain from occasionallypresenting his own point of view, which was hardly objective.But at least he included the pro- and anti-Mormon views within the coversof one book and thus elevated the writing of Mormon history to a newplateau. Finally, by simply interesting himself in Mormonism he demonstratedthat the topic was worthy of the attention of British and Continentalintellectuals, and he thus opened up a new era in Mormonliterature. 35" 5 As for the subsequent career of Dr. Mackay, he continued with the Illustrated LondonNews during the 1850's, publishing therein, among other things, the lyrics for some eighty ormore popular English songs — songs which came to be sung in every part of the world. He madean eight-mcnth lecture tour of the United States and Canada in 1857-58, and wrote a book,Life and Liberty in America (2 vols., London, 1859), which contains a chapter on the Mormons.He started two periodicals (The London Review and Robin Goodfellow), and served as anAmerican correspondent for The Times during the Civil War. He continued to write industriously,edited volumes of poetry and music, made excursions into Celtic philology, and wrote long booksof reminiscences.It should perhaps also be mentioned that shortly after completing The Mormons, thoughmarried and with four children, he fell in love with a widow, Mrs. Ellen Mills, nee Kirtland, andfathered ababy girl, Mary. Upon the death of Mrs. Mackay in 1859, he married Mrs. Mills andadopted his daughter, now six years old, without, however, acknowledging his parenthood. Thisdaughter became, in her own right, a writer of note. Under the pen name "Marie Corelli," shewrote more than a dozen popular novels and, indeed, became the best-selling novelist in Britain.She died in 1924 without any public knowledge of her own true origin or of her famous father'sindiscretion. See the biography of "Mary Mackay" in Dictionary of National Biography; BerthaVyver, Memoirs of Marie Corelli (London, 1930) ; George Bullock, Marie Corelli: The Life andDeath of a Best-Seller (London, 1940); and Eileen Bigland, Marie Corelli: The Woman andthe Legend (London, 1953).

Father Bonaventure Keller, O.M.C.(1845-1877)Catholic priest at Camp Floyd, UtahTheHesitant Beginningsof theCatholic Church in UtahBY JEROME STOFFEL

I N 1776 AN expedition of Catholic priests and laymen penetrated to theheart of the Great Basin with an eye to mission settlements as well as anoverland route. Yet, nearly a century would elapse before it was clearlyevident that the Catholic church had come to stay. In the late summerof 1871 a small adobe structure in Salt Lake City, previously remodeledto become the first Catholic chapel in present-day Utah, was torn downto be replaced by the Church of St. Mary Magdalene. The ninety-fiveyears of hesitation were finally at an end.The years were hesitant, but they were far from empty. Years richin the deeds of the little man, his hidden treasures are both the delightof the historian and the source of his frustrations. Many of these almostforgotten ones were Catholic — men and women living out the life-spangift from their Creator without benefit of biographer or personal diary.Catholic laymen, the good and the bad, participated in almost everyphase in the making of the West. It was they who first proclaimed thename of Jesus Christ within the Great Basin, they who introducedChristian teachings by word and custom to its natives, they who matchedChristian names to Utah's rivers, valleys, and mountains. They wereamong the trappers, the surveyors, the roadmakers, the cowboys, thefreighters, the men gored by the oxen, the children stolen in slavery, andthe women lonely in the anguish of childbirth. They rode the PonyExpress, manned the lonely way station, strung the telegraph line, mappedthe desert, fed and bedded the traveler, soldiered the trail, prospected,mined, and smelted ore, and built the railroad.The named and the nameless, Catholic laymen helped weave thebrilliant tapestry of Utah's history — forgotten traders trodding theSpanish Trail and marking their faith on its physical features, Iroquoisfamilies pausing for Sunday devotions along the tributaries of the Bear,unnamed trappers humorously recalling the law of Friday abstinencewhile verging on starvation — these are some of the threads. Othersmark the exploits of the known and the remembered — Thomas Fitzpatrick,the Robidouxs and the Sublettes, Denis Julien, Etienne Provostup from Taos; the Martin Murphy clan down from Soda Springs; andKit Carson, Pat Connor, the Creightons, the Con ways, and Ed Toohy.Like a thousand tiny polarized particles of iron, each an infinitesimalmagnet, these were the men and women whose hopes and anxieties,Monsignor Stoffel, priest of the Catholic Diocese of Salt Lake City, is pastor of St. ThomasAquinas Parish, Logan, Utah, and also director of the Newman Association at Utah State University.

Catholic Church in Utah 43dreams and discouragements slowly pointed the church to the places ofCatholic settlement and the fulfillment of its promises.The problem for the Catholic bishops, responsible both to the nativeand to the wandering intruder, lay in discerning and then reading correctlythe accumulating force and its direction. To complicate theproblem there were the factors of an extreme scarcity of clergy, anunclear geography, and last but not least, the political and economiccomplexities of Europe's intrigues, the immigrant and his poverty, themild and sometimes not-so-mild persecutions in the cause of Nativism,and even the not inconsiderable stresses of anti-Mormonism.To reconstruct the story of Catholic beginnings, then, one must turnto the bishops who made the decisions and especially to the priests whowere both their eyes and their hands. In the history of the Catholicchurch beginnings in Utah, scarcely a dozen priests mark the hesitantpath, and only a few stand out from the shadows with any clarity. 1THE SPANISH-MEXICAN PERIOD OF SOVEREIGNTYAt the beginning two lamps mark the start of an otherwise obscurepathway, the Franciscan Fathers Silvestre Velez de Escalante andAtanasio Dominguez. After that the path is marked by no cleric untilthe days of Utah's settlement nearly three-quarters of a century later. Itis the period of the explorer and the traveler. It is also the period ofunclear geography and international conflicts of interests.The present State of Utah comprises not only the Great Basin buta considerable part of the Colorado River drainage. Together, thesetwo areas represent most of Utah. On the other hand, because of anarbitrary boundary established by the Nootka Sound Convention of 1790,the complicated drainages of the upper Green River, the Bear River, andthe tributaries of the Snake River, made for some complex territorialclaims on the part of the United States, Spain, and Great Britain. Thecomplexities of the claims and the resulting confusion are often reflected1 Summary histories of the Catholic church in Utah are few: Dean Harris, The CatholicChurch in Utah 1776—1909 (Salt Lake City, 1909) ; Louis J. Fries, One Hundred and Fifty Yearsof Catholicity in Utah (Salt Lake City, 1926) ; and Robert Joseph Dwyer, The Gentile Comes toUtah: A Study in Religious and Social Conflict (1862-1890) (Washington, D.C., 1941). Correctingsome of the inaccuracies contained in the first two and fleshing out the environment,Dwyer has become the guideline to further research, adding new details and making the historymore informative in an article, "Pioneer Bishop: Lawrence Scanlan, 1843—1915," Utah HistoricalQuarterly, XX (April, 1952), 135—58. A small trickle of specialized studies, principally universitydissertations, gives promise of some definitive biography which will bring some unity to the stillscattered resources. Until then, the long overdue stories of the pioneer nuns and colorful layCatholics will mostly remain untold. Yet it is an extremely rich mother lode if preliminary surveysare any indication.

44 Utah Historical Quarterlyin the uncertainties as to ecclesiastical responsibility for Utah even aslate as 1868. This uncertainty must be kept in mind as the story unfolds.The Catholic story begins when all of Utah was deemed part of thevast Spanish Empire. Vested with extraordinary jurisdiction in churchmatters, the Franciscan missionaries of New Spain also were endowedwith quasi-civil authority over the natives to protect them from conquistadorialambitions. So it was that, in the eighteenth century explorationof the Spanish borderlands, the padres marched with the soldiersin search for new colonial outposts favorable to the dignity and futurecivilization of the Indian as well as the political security of New Spain.The result was the mission village or community which flourished in thelast part of the eighteenth century in upper California.Utah was envisioned as a potential part of that system by a mansuch as Escalante, resident missionary in the Pueblo of Zuni, as well asby his religious superior, Dominguez. Hence, it is not at all surprisingthat, as a result of a preliminary survey to the west in 1775 by Escalante,the expedition of 1776 should penetrate so far into the present Stateof Utah not only in search of an overland route to California but alsoto determine the feasibility of future mission settlements in the land ofthe Yutas to serve both spiritual and temporal needs. 2The journey itself is well known, but for our purposes, it is alsoimportant to note that the promises of the friars to return among theIndians were not empty. They intended to return. Only the sanctionof Madrid and Mexico City was needed to establish mission settlementsin the San Juan basin and near the shores of Utah Lake. Miera y Pacheco,cartographer and seasoned soldier, on his return made an eloquent pleafor such a plan in a letter to the King of Spain. 3But it was not to be, principally because, in the very same year, JuanBautista de Anza led an expedition from Sonora across the Coloradonear Yuma to found the new mission which became San Francisco. Thepracticability of this route seemingly was assured even though the outpostestablished in 1779 near Yuma was overrun shortly thereafter by hostilenatives. 4 With this as a beginning, the dream of a Utah mission weakenedand then dissolved in the changing political climate which saw SpanishLouisiana retaken by Napoleon through the secret Treaty of San Idelfonsoin 1801 and then sold to the independent nation rising to the east2 Herbert E. Bolton, Pageant in the Wilderness: The Story of the Escalante Expedition tothe Interior Basin, 1776, . . ., Utah Historical Quarterly, XVIII (1950), 1-8.3 Ibid., 243ff.*Ibid.^ 126ff.

Catholic Church in Utah 45in 1803. The crumbling power of Spain finally collapsed under the impactof Mexican independence, and with it, the magnificent religious institution,the mission, disappeared into history, victim of the anticlerical andthe plundering in the name of secularization. The Indians were dispersed,subjected to a new kind of poverty, and their faith destroyed by theperverse example of the new ruling class. Utah's promised civilizationwas buried in the rubble.DIXON PAPER COMPANY(FARRELL R. COLLETT, ARTIST)The first white men known to penetrate Utah's borders was the expedition headed bytwo Franciscan priests, Dominguez and Escalante in 1776.Yet, in spite of all this, there are hints that the natives of Utah werenot entirely forgotten. William Kittson in his journal notes the encounterin 1825 with Ute Indians wearing silver and brass crosses. 5 One alsocannot help but wonder if certain later Indian names are not corruptionsof baptismal names. Santaquin sounds suspiciously like a contraction ofSan Tomas Aquinas. Is it possible that San Pitch or San Pete are derivedfrom San Pedro? Or even an outside chance that Wakara (Walker)might be a derivative of Joachin?In the early 1800's Catholics were approaching Utah from anotherquarter, moving west through Canada and thence south with Hudson's5 David E. Miller, ed., "Peter Skene Ogden's Journal of His Expedition to Utah, 1825,"Utah Historical Quarterly, XX (April, 1952), 179 fn.76.

46 Utah Historical QuarterlyBay and Northwest Fur companies into Oregon, Idaho, and westernMontana. With them came that remarkable phenomenon, the ChristianIroquois responsible for introducing Catholic prayers and teachings to thetribes of the Northwest. These created the desire which eventuallybrought priests from far-off Quebec and St. Louis. At least once, thisinfluence lightly touched Utah in the Snake River Expedition of 1825under Peter Skene Ogden, but with no observable effects as yet identified.This period of the trappers and the trail blazers which opened intoUtah after the Mexican Revolution brought many Catholic names fromthe north, the east, and the south. To our knowledge, however, no priestcame into what is present-day Utah unless perhaps Father Pierre JeandeSmet. There is the possibility that this remarkable traveler may havewalked briefly upon Utah soil as his group and the Bartleson-Bidwellparty passed down out of the hills north of Woodruff to the valley of theBear River. Because of his extensive knowledge of the Great Basin andespecially because of a reference to his visit with Brigham Young in 1846,it has been assumed that he had firsthand knowledge of the valleys ofnorthern Utah. 6 It seems unlikely that deSmet did, at least previous tothe Mormon settlement in 1847 since, in accounting for his travels in theWest from 1841 to 1846, there appears to have been no opportunity fora journey south of the Oregon Trail. Moreover, it is unlikely that hewould have journeyed to a territory under neither the jurisdiction of6 Harris, Catholic Church in Utah, 269fl\, quotes extensively from a letter of deSmetwritten to his nephew in March of 1851. DeSmet also describes the Great Basin in another letterwritten in St. Louis, January 19, 1858 (Pierre Jean deSmet, Western Missions and Missionaries:A Series of Letters by Rev. P. J. DeSmet . . . [New York, 1859], 394ff.).To one who is familiar with the terrain, deSmet's descriptions suggest a second-handknowledge of the Great Basin. In the letter in March 1851, he seems to place Salt Lake City inBox Elder County. In the letter written in 1858, he would appear to be relying upon a map ofthat day for his description. Yet, in both, he seems to imply a first-hand knowledge, even appearingto make such a claim: "In 1841, I travelled much of this valley . . . ." How can this bereconciled with the fact that in 1841 he passed along the Bear River to Soda Springs, thencenorthwest to the Pbrtneuf and Fort Hall?First, it must be kept in mind that deSmet was an extremely curious man gathering tohimself facts from anyone with whom he came into conversation. And he was a romanticist inlove with the West. He wrote letters in profusion, and made them interesting. In most, it wouldseem he had an eye for what today we call the public image, for the very success of his work andof those who depended upon him required the continued assistance of many benefactors. AsDwyer has so ably put it: "He was not wholly exempt from the penchant to draw a long bowwhen it came to describing his mountain experiences." (Dwyer, "Lawrence Scanlan," UHOXX, 141.) . V6,However, it is also true that deSmet did travel in "the valley" of the Great Basin in 1841,for the Bear River is a part of the basin. It is the opinion of this writer that deSmet believed tohis dying day that, bidding adieu to the Bartleson-Bidwell party as they turned south to followthe Bear River, he was looking upon the entrance to that "northern valley" later to be settledby the Mormons. It is to be recalled that the Bartleson-Bidwell party suffered from some suchmisinformation, believing that when they passed into the flats near present-day Corinne, theywere moving down the northwest bay of the Great Salt Lake. They, of course, discovered theerror, but if deSmet shared the same error, he may never have recognized how far he had reallybeen from the Valley of the Great Salt Lake in 1841.

Catholic Church in Utah 47Bishop Blanchet of Oregon nor Bishop Miege of Indian Territories of theUnited States. Utah in those years was Mexican territory and at the sametime jurisdictionally under the Bishop of Durango in Old Mexico.The Mormons came to Utah in 1847 and by the right of prescription,assumed ownership of its fertile valleys and mountain slopes. In 1848civil jurisdiction over this land of the Utes was wrested from Mexico.In a short interlude which followed, bearing witness to the last momentsin the death of an empire and the agonizing birth of another, the Catholicchurch paused, not with regret, but as if to decently bury the dead andthen in the best way possible to salvage whatever good remained of adispoiled heritage. The once brilliant hope of a Junipero Serra in Californiaand an Escalante in Utah were now quite unreal in the midst ofthe economic and moral wreckage marked by the Santa Fe slave trade,the decaying missions, and the avarice and greed of a gold rush.THE PERIOD OF SETTLEMENTIn 1850 the new American territory of California was cut awayecclesiastically and erected into the Diocese of Monterey (in California).It would seem that Utah west of the Colorado River was included. 7 Atthe same time a new Diocese of Santa Fe was created out of territoriesonce belonging to the ancient Diocese of Durango, its area to include allthose lands north of the new international boundary and east of theColorado.Within three years, however, the Diocese of Monterey was againdivided, being split by an east-west line approximately at the 37th paralleldrawn to the Colorado River. South of the line was the new Diocese ofMonterey extending south to the Mexican border. Extending north toOregon Territory at the 42nd parallel and east to the "Colorado River"' It appears that by 1840 that part of the Great Basin lying to the west of the ColoradoRiver was deemed part of the jurisdiction of "the Californias," possibly by reason of the westernpart of the Spanish Trail. According to Francis J. Weber, "The Development of EcclesiasticalJurisdiction in the Californias," Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia,LXXV (June, 1964), 93ff., by a Papal Bull in 1779, the Diocese of Sonora was createdto include the two Californias. Apparently at this time, the area of Santa Fe and north remainedunder the jurisdiction of the Diocese of Durango (Old Mexico). In 1840 the Diocese of the twoCalifornias was separated from Sonora and placed directly under the jurisdiction of the Archdioceseof Mexico City. After the war with Mexico in 1848, a readjustment became necessarythis time, the coastal Diocese of Monterey and the inland Diocese of Santa Fe were separatedbecause of international boundary changes. In 1850 the Diocese of Upper California wasseparated from that to the south, and at the same time, the Diocese of Santa Fe was createdfrom the territories of the Diocese of Durango lying north of the new boundary. Apparently atthis time, the coastal Diocese of Monterey and the inland Diocese of Santa Fe were separatedby the Colorado, an assumption seemingly borne out by the 1853 realignment.It seems unlikely that Utah was ever under the jurisdiction of St. Louis, although it ispossible that, theoretically, the tribal lands of the Ute nation lying east of the Colorado Rivermay have been considered part of the jurisdiction of Bishop Miege, vicar bishop of Indian Territoriesuntil the establishment of the Vicariate of Colorado-Utah in 1868.

48 Utah Historical Quarterlywas the new Archdiocese of San Francisco. Thus, in 1853, the settledpart of Utah definitely became the responsibility of that remarkableCatholic prelate, Joseph Sadoc Alemany, first Archbishop of San Francisco.But Utah was still far removed from the centers of administration— San Francisco for the lands lying west of the Colorado and Santa Fefor the lands to the east. The problem of distance remained for a longtime to plague the formation of the Catholic church in Utah, aided andabetted by the confusion of the term "Colorado River" which, in thebeginning, seems to have signified the main channel but later the wholedrainage basin.FATHER BONAVENTURE KELLERA growing national concern with the Mormon settlement and itsterritorial claims, the publication of a revelation on celestial marriageand the accompanying "polygamy question," and stories of tribal unrestamong the Indians allegedly promoted by Mormon zealots helped bringon what history knows as the Utah War. Almost as an oversight, it broughtwhat may well be the first non-Mormon minister of religion into settledUtah. The man was a Catholic priest.In 1857 the Utah Expeditionary Force was assembled and movedwest to confront the Mormons. Clever harrassment by the Mormonsforced the army to winter near Fort Bridger and delayed the entry ofthe troops into the Salt Lake Valley until the summer of 1858. In thespring of the same year, another complement of troops was assembledto march west from Fort Leavenworth under General W. S. Harney toreinforce the government position. In May 1858 Father deSmet wascommissioned a chaplain and assigned to accompany the troops. However,news of the Steptoe Massacre in the Northwest brought a radicalchange of plans for this second contingent. Harney was recalled and,accompanied by deSmet, sailed from the East Coast by way of Panamato San Francisco and from thence to the country of Oregon. Again thefamous Jesuit missionary almost, but not quite, reached Utah.By November 1858 the troops already in Utah and reinforced byelements of the second contingent were garrisoned in a new camp.Approximately three thousand troops and an equal number of civiliansin official and unofficial capacities made of Camp Floyd a post of nomean dimensions and no little problems. Without a chaplain of anykind, the Post Council, therefore, petitioned the War Department toprovide one. In a letter dated January 25, 1859, they asked for a Catholicchaplain to be named by Archbishop Kenrick of Baltimore, requiring

Catholic Church in Utah 49only that he was to be a "native-born American." 8 Asa result, but notas stipulated, there came to Utah sometime in April 1859 perhaps thefirst priest ever to assemble a congregation in Utah.Yet the man has long remained a mystery, glamorous in the obscurityof two entries in the diary of John Wolcott Phelps, an officer then stationedat Camp Floyd. Reflecting a rather prevalent Nativist antipathyto things Catholic, the diarist noted in an entry dated June 5, 1859, theaction of the Post Council on the previous day in which its three membershad selected a Catholic priest then at Georgetown, District of Columbia,as chaplain for the Camp. To his diary Phelps confided his disgust atthe choice, possibly reflecting the feelings of other officers also. The Irishand German troops who comprised a considerable part of the Campstrength were in good measure both Catholics and emigrants, and thereforedoubly the object of Nativist feelings.On Friday June 10 Phelps noted the presence of "a Catholic priestin camp, the first clergyman of any denomination, I believe who hasarrived in the valley." Perhaps because of his strong feelings, he did notsee fit to identify the man, nor did he in a later entry, noting only thepresence of a "Catholic priest in his robes" at the funeral of a Dragoon. 98 It was the "Post Council of Administration" which was made responsible for obtaining achaplain. Pursuant to Special Orders (No. 16, January 24, 1859), the Council met on January25. The proceedings as recorded were as follows:"Camp Floyd U.T.January 25, 1859"The Council met pursuant to the above order, Present all members and resolved, That asthere were no applications for the position of Chaplin [sic] for this Post, and as the members ofthe Council knew of no person, suitable for that position, who would desire to receive theappointment, they request the Commanding Officer of the Post, to communicate with ArchBishopKendrick [Francis Patrick Kenrick] of the Roman Catholic Church at Baltimore, Maryland, andto request him to furnish to the Secretary of War, the name of some suitable American born Priestfor the appointment of Chaplain for this post."Resolved that the pay of the Chaplain of this Post shall be sixty dollars per month."There being no further business before the Council, it was adjourned 'sine die.'"(Signed) J. Lynde Major 7 Infantry Member and Recorder"(Signed) P. Morrison Lieut Col 7th Res. Infantry"This letter is found in "Post Letters-Camp Floyd," TE-27, 0501.4 (microfilm, Utah StateArchives, Salt Lake City).9 John Wolcott Phelps, Diary and Scrapbook, May 24, 1859 through October 24, 1859(microfilm, Utah State Historical Society, Salt Lake City). The two entries are as follows:"June 10"There is a Catholic priest in camp, the first clergyman of any denomination, I believe, whohas arrived in the valley. He ought to quarrel with the Mormons heartily since the creed of bothis absolute, unquestioning faith in the head of their respective churches.""July 19"A Dragoon was buried yesterday and in the procession walked a Catholic priest in hisrobes. He has held service in the theatre for the last three or four Sundays."The degree to which Phelps' expression of Nativism reflected Camp attitude and affectedKeller's acceptance in the community of Camp Floyd is not presently known, but it was a factorand may even have been a very troublesome problem inasmuch as many of the enlisted men wereIrish or German emigrants. In his June 5 diary entry, Phelps notes with considerable irritationthat, in the Post Council meeting of that day, two of the three officers justified their selection of aCatholic priest (Clarke) on the basis that "the majority of the command, being foreigners, areCatholics. While they do not know this, it is no valid reason even if it were true."

50 Utah Historical QuarterlyTwo nameless entries by a hardly favorable witness! To this interestingpuzzle we now have some answers. Within the past year the manhas been identified even to acquiring a brief biography compiled fortyyears ago as well as a photograph. 10 Curiously, his sojourn in Utahseemed unknown to his biographer. However, a further lead just previousto publication has added certitude as to his trip to Utah and some importantdetails not yet fully understood. As we have reconstructed it, thestory is as follows.Father Bonaventure Keller, O.M.C., is the man. He, too, likeEscalante and Dominguez was a Franciscan priest, but of a differentbranch known in the period of our history as the Order of Minors Conventualand more familiarly as "the Black Franciscans," a reference tothe black rather than brown clerical habit.Leonard Keller, son of Anthony and Mary Keller, was born inUnterweigertshofen, Upper Bavaria, on November 2, 1822. Beginninghis novitiate in Rome in 1842, he took the religious name of Bonaventure,We are indebted to Phelps for this glimpse of the powerful forces of Nativism which hadaffected so many American communities in the preceeding years. Undoubtedly the man himselfhad strong personal feelings in the matter as evidenced by his diary entry of January 26, 1859,after the Post Council decision of the 24th:"The Council of Administration of this post have decided to leave the selection of aChaplain to the ArchBishop of Baltimore, provided that he selects a native born American priest."Now when the Mortara case in Italy is producing the greatest scandal to the CatholicChurch, the robes of the Catholic priest are for the first time seen in our own halls of Congress,and an American army selects a Catholic for its chaplain!"How many of the American-born officers and enlisted men shared these feelings? Perhapsmany, for the decades of the forties and the fifties had witnessed vicious diatribes against thePapacy, and mob actions and much violence against American Catholic communities. It wasdifficult for an honest man to discern the truth in the midst of paranoic messiahs and crusadersintent upon a new Reformation. The year 1842 had seen the rise of the APA (American ProtestantAssociation) in Philadelphia, and by May 1844 the riots in the same city had culminatedin a night of terror and the burning of two Catholic churches by rampaging mobs. In 1853 thesevere difficulties of trusteeism and church administration brought Monsignor Gaetano Bedini tothe United States as Papal Nuncio and gave Nativism another champion in the bitter ex-priest,Alessandro Gavazzi. In the words of Ray Allen Billington, "the years which followed 1853 wereyears of almost constant turbulence and disorder; mob rule replaced the soft-spoken words and'Christian spirit' so stressed by nativists. This rioting did much to make the restless elements ofthe lower fringe of society feel their importance in the anti-Catholic crusade." (The ProtestantCrusade, 1800—1860: A Study of the Origins of American Nativism [Chicago, 1964], 303.)Men such as John S. Orr, the "Angel Gabriel," could soon boast of Catholic churches burned tothe ground in Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and New York; and to feed the flames ina much different way, certain fierce politically-minded German emigrants began to band togetherwith intent to change the government of the United States itself. The fires of the fifties soconstantly refueled would burn a long time.The Mortara incident was fresh in memory when Phelps sat down on that cold Januarynight to pen his thoughts. Not so many months before, in the Italian city of Bologna, an ancientcivil and canon law was invoked to transfer the custody of a baptized Jewish child from hisparents to the care of a convent. The incident, although almost universally unsupported by theCatholic press, was grist for the Nativist mill and quickly became a cause celebre. In the lonelinessof Camp Floyd it must have provided many a lively dispute.The odds were hardly favorable for the man who came as Christianity's representative toCamp Floyd that June day 1859. He was a priest, a German, an emigrant, and he was fromPhiladelphia! He himself must have been a formidable man, and he must have had strong friendsin high places to have remained as long as he did.10 The biography and picture are contained in a souvenir book, Diamond Jubilee Memoirof St. Alphonsus' Church, 1853-1928 (Philadelphia, [1928]), 58-61.

Catholic Church in Utah 51DIXON PAPER COMPANY(FARRELL R. COLLETT, ARTIST)and in the following year made his profession at the Convent of the HolyApostles in Rome. On August 7, 1845, he was ordained a priest atWuerzburg, Bavaria. Eventually he became Superior at both Oggersheimand Schoenau.In response to a plea by Bishop Odin of Galveston, Texas, for prieststo serve the German immigrants within his diocese, Keller was madeSuperior of a newly established American mission in 1852. Accompaniedby Fathers Leopold Bonaventure Maria Moczygemba and AnthonyMueller, another unnamed priest, and a laybrother, Keller sailed fromHavre on July 6, 1852. Upon arrival in Texas, the group took chargeof four parishes there.Due to poor health, Keller left Texas in 1854 to serve first in theDiocese of Cincinnati, and later in Brooklyn (then Williamsburg).Responding to an appeal from Bishop Neumann of Philadelphia, Kellertook charge of St. Alphonsus Church in that city, becoming its firstFranciscan pastor. The church, still in use today, became his charge inFebruary 1858. One year later, on February 2, 1859, Father LeopoldMoczygemba, then "Commissary General" of the Order in the UnitedStates and therefore Keller's superior, paid an official call at the Mon-In order to visit the scattered members of the Catholic church in Utah, priests spenta great deal of time traveling from town to town. Stagecoach travel, by modern standards,was uncomfortable and miserable, but to the passengers who rode the coaches itwas luxurious compared to other modes of transportation.

52 Utah Historical Quarterlyastery of St. Alphonsus, and within a month had appointed anotherpastor to replace Keller.It is here that the Utah story of Keller begins. He, together withanother of the original band, Father Anthony Mueller, set out sometimethe latter part of February for California with the purpose in mind ofestablishing a monastery there to serve the German immigrants. It seemsunlikely that the letter to Archbishop Kenrick from Camp Floyd, dispatchedon January 25 could have reached Baltimore or Philadelphiabefore their leaving, but it is possible that later correspondence influencedthe decisions which were yet to be made.At the present time we can only conjecture on their route, but likelyit was by ship to Panama, then across the Isthmus, and again by ship toSan Francisco. The overland route by mail wagon was hardly practicalin the spring of 1859 since heavy snows in the Rockies delayed the mailseven for weeks. 11In California Keller and Mueller were welcomed by ArchbishopAlemany whose decision had been communicated too late to have reachedthem before they left Philadelphia. No agreement was reached, and thetwo began their return journey, this time by the overland route, perhapsby way of Santa Barbara to Salt Lake City.Arriving in April in the City of the Saints, possibly with the firstwagon train from California that year on April 19, Keller was takensick and unable to continue. Remaining to recuperate but exhausted offunds, the man paid a visit to Camp Floyd where he was welcomed bythe Catholics and urged to stay. With the permission of the commandinggeneral of the Utah forces, Albert Sidney Johnston, he remained untilOctober, offering Sunday Masses in the Post theatre, and baptizing,marrying, and burying the dead. 12 We may suppose that he also con-11 Valley Tan (Salt Lake City), February 1, notes the present scheduled rate to be thirtyeightdays, and planned to be reduced by April to thirty days, carried on a semi-weekly basis. TheJanuary 25 issue noted that the President's special message was carried across the central route(Hockaday & Company)_ from St. Joseph, Missouri, to Salt Lake in eleven days, and from SaltLake City to Placerville in another six days and fourteen hours, making a total from St. Josephto California of seventeen days and fourteen hours. The southern route carried by the ButterfieldLine with the same special preparations took nineteen days and eleven hours from St. Joseph toCalifornia.In 1859, some time after February 10, the snow grew very heavy, necessitating the closingof the mail coaches to any passenger travel. By March 20 the mail from the East was three weekslate. From California, it was arriving on time, and on April 19, the first wagon trains fromCalifornia arrived to begin the new season.12 Recent correspondence with the present Minister Provincial of the Order reveals theexistence of a book of records of baptisms and marriages for Camp Floyd, Utah Territory, keptby Keller, but its present whereabouts is unknown. Information, however, shows that "accordingto this register Fr. Keller was in Utah from March or April, 1859 until October, 1859, duringwhich time he had 26 baptisms and 3 marriages."

Catholic Church in Utah 53ducted a school, a duty expected of chaplains, 13 although he was nevercommissioned a chaplain for the Post, possibly because he was not, asspecified in the conditions originally imposed by the Post Council, a"native born American." Even the problem of rations, therefore, necessitateda special order of the commanding general. 14Although Keller spoke English and although he received the necessaryauthorization from Archbishop Alemany whose jurisdiction extendedto Utah, 15 it would seem that the foreign-born priest was never fullyaccepted as a brother-in-arms. Several bits of information suggest this.Keller was surely in the camp by the first week of June, yet, on June 5the Post Council convened again to obtain a chaplain, ignoring Kellerand recommending to the War Department a Father James Clarke thenteaching at Georgetown College in Washington, D.C. 16 Possibly it was13 In response to a letter of April 4, 1859, from Reverend E. L. Mills, Covington, Indiana,"requesting information in regard to the appointment of Chaplains in the Army, if a vacancy atthe Post and if there still existed a necessity for missionary labor among the people of the Territory&c," Lieutenant Clarence E. Bennett, adjutant 10th Infantry, noted among other things that theperson selected was to officiate as chaplain and "perform the duties of Schoolmaster," that the"Council of Administration has recommended that a Roman Catholic Priest be appointedChaplain for this Post, recommending his salary to be 60 dollars per month with four Rationsper day, Quarters and Fuel." "Post Letters-Camp Floyd," TE-27, 0501.4.As a matter of interest, the response is dated May 16; i.e., forty-two days after the requestwas penned. Also there is a note that a copy of the same tenor was sent to Reverand A. JonesRochester, New York.14 The order is as follows:"Headquarters Department ofUtahCamp Floyd, U.T. Aug 11th 1859"299"ClarkHenry F. CaptainCommissary of SubsistenceCamp Floyd, U.T.Sir:"I am directed by the Commanding General to inform you that the ReW Father Keller,Subsistence Department, to the amount of one ration . . for hisCatholic missionary, and on duty as such at this post, has permission to purchase stores from theown use."I am Sir, very respectfullyYour obedient servantW. A. Mehle 1st Lieut: 5thInfantry Actg. Asst. Adjt. Gen'l"("Post Letters-Camp Floyd," TE-27, 0501.4.)15 There is no question of his authorization, but there was apparently the oversight ofproviding him with a written document. Two entries in the daybook of Alemany (ArchdiocesanArchives, San Francisco) show that the question had arisen. On the same day Alemany respondedto a "Major F. E. Hunt, paymaster, Camp Floyd, Utah Ter.," to a "Sergeant Lawrence Murphy"also at Camp Floyd, and to Father Keller.To Hunt and Murphy, Alemany's summary of his letter read: "Fr. Keller is not suspendedbut empowered by us whose diocese extends to Rocky Mountains."Summarizing his letter to Keller, Alemany noted: "Rev. Bon Keller I enclose copy offacfulties] thought you had them for journey and confr." Both notations are dated October 28indicating that Keller was still at Camp Floyd.1G The communication reads:"Head Quarters, Camp Floyd, U.T.June 7, 1859"The ReW James ClarkeGeorgetown, D.Ca.

54 Utah Historical QuarterlyKeller who suggested the name. Clarke turned it down for reasonsunknown, and on August 27 the Council again met and this time profferedthe chaplaincy to a Father Garesche in St. Louis. Again Keller waspassed over. 17In the meantime conflicting stories found their way back to Keller'sSuperior, Father Moczygemba, and to Archbishop Alemany, and theseresulted in Keller being recalled by his own Superior over the protestof the Archbishop of San Francisco. Keller left sometime in October,but it was not until December 2 that he was officially relieved of hisappointment by Archbishop Alemany, who, shortly thereafter appointeda Father Louis Riviercio in his place. 18 The latter seems never to havearrived to take up his duties, possibly because by the time the passes overthe Sierras were open, Camp Floyd was already disintegrating under thepressures of the coming Civil War.Keller was a dedicated man, forthright in decisions and seeminglyquite outspoken. Are these the qualities which made him the object ofcontroversy in a lonely, often miserable outpost removed from othersettlements, plagued by a motley crowd of drifters, deserters, and campfollowers. It was in many ways a severe camp kept disciplined by thesheer will of a truly great general and some remarkable subordinates. Itwas a camp with hatred for the government policies that had caused itto be and with much dislike for its civilian neighbors. Were these thefactors? Or was it simply the question of Nativism in one of its violentmoods? As yet we do not know, but one thing is clear: Father Bona-"Sir:"I am directed by Brevet Col. Charles F. Smith, 10th Infantry, Commanding this Post, toinform you that you were yesterday selected by the Council of Administration as Chaplain forthis Post; the rate of compensation fixed by the Council to be at $60 per month (subject to theapproval of the Secretary of War), with four rations per day (equivalent to $36 per month) withquarters and fuel."You are requested to give an early answer to this, signifying your acceptance or nonacceptanceof the situation. Should you accept you will please report in person to the Commandingofficer at the earliest period. You will find herewith extracts from the Laws of Congressand from the General Regulations for the Army in relation to Chaplains. (By going to the officeof the Adjutant General of the Army in Washington you will be enabled to obtain the fullestinformation on all points connected with the appointment and duties of Chaplain in the Army)"There are at the Post about 3,000 men."I am RevJ Sir, Very RespectfullyYour Obed't ServantClarence E. Bennett 2nd Lt. andAdj't 10th Infy Post Adjutant"("Post Letters-Camp Floyd," TE-27, 0501.4.) Enclosed with the letter were copies of the "4thArticle of War" and "Regulations for the Army," paragraphs 201, 1167, and 1201."The fact that the Special Orders of June 4, 1859 ("Post Letters-Camp Floyd," TE-27,0501.4), reconvening the Post Council were accompanied by "applications from two persons forthe situation" of chaplain, strongly suggest that Keller may have submitted the names of bothClarke and Garesche since neither man accepted the position. Inasmuch as he was on the scene,it is possible he was authorized to do so by the Archbishop of Baltimore.18 Alemany Daybook, December 28, 1859.

Catholic Church in Utah 55venture Keller was neither fool nor weakling. Returning to the East,he left his mark in Utica, New York, and Louisville, Kentucky, and inthe first Provincial Chapter of his religious order in 1872 was elected tothe office of Provincial and, confirmed in that office by apostolic rescript,guided the destinies of his Province until his death, April 5, 1877.FATHER JEAN BATISTE RAVERDYKeller moved on, and it was five years before another Catholicpriest came to Utah. In 1861, while civil war was spreading upon theland, a new ecclesiastical jurisdiction was created to meet the needs ofnorthern California, the goldfield towns of the Sierras, and the new campson the east slopes in Nevada. Bishop Eugene O'Connell of the newVicariate of Marysville assumed responsibility for all the territory northof the 39th parallel east to "the eastern boundary of Nevada," a boundarytwice changed in succeeding years. Not clear in the turmoil of the CivilWar was the responsibility for Utah. Reflecting this confusion, thevenerable Bishop Miege, vicar bishop for the once vast and somewhatnebulous Vicariate of Indian Territory, deemed Utah somehow hisresponsibility until the situation was clarified.In 1860 two priests of the Diocese of Santa Fe had been sent to the"Pike's Peak" region following the gold rush there in 1859, Fathers JosephP. Machebeuf and Jean Batiste Raverdy. Their parish was huge, yetBishop Miege urged a visit to Utah where there were a few Catholics,principally with the California Volunteers at Camp Douglas who weresent to Utah to protect the overland route and to contain the Indians.It was this suggestion, it would seem, which prompted Father Raverdyto embark on the journey which brought him to Camp Douglas inSeptember 1864. There he remained for a few days, offering Mass,instructing children and baptizing them, and blessing the graves of thesoldiers. He then moved on to the goldfields of Bannock and VirginiaCity, Montana Territory, and afterwards, perhaps by river boat downthe Missouri, he returned to Denver. 19FATHER EDWARDKELLYSpain had come to Utah in the persons of Escalante and Dominguez.Germany was represented next in Keller. France was represented byRaverdy. Now it was the turn of the Irish."According to Henry W. Casper, History of the Catholic Church in Nebraska . . .(Milwaukee, 1960), 216 fn.29, this may have been Raverdy's second visit to Montana, the firstvisit possibly having occurred in 1862. If so, he is likely to have traveled by way of Salt Lake Cityon that occasion also, but there would have been little to have stayed his journey. The ThirdCalifornia Volunteers did not arrive until late in October, and previous to their coming noidentifiable Catholic community existed in the City of the Saints.

56 Utah Historical QuarterlyIn the fall of 1865, the Civil War was over when Father EdwardKelly of the Vicariate of Marysville in California was sent to the ReeseRiver area of Nevada, the scene of new mines. At first pastor of Austin,he set about to construct a church. Responding to a sick call in Salt LakeCity (three days travel time to the east), he arrived in the City of theSaints the latter part of May; remained to offer Masses at Camp Douglas,the city itself, and Stockton; and baptized a dozen children. Impressedby the Catholic communities, small in numbers but long in enthusiasm,and receiving the approval of Bishop O'Cormell, Father Kelly arrangedfor the purchase of a piece of land on Second East near First South inSalt Lake City, and then departed the latter part of June for Austin toawait his replacement there. In August he made a quick trip to Marysville,California, gathered his belongings, and returned to Utah inSeptember as its first Catholic pastor. Title to the property purchasedin his absence was in doubt and he appealed directly to Brigham Youngfor a decision. The settlement was in his favor, but apparently the veryfact he willingly submitted to a judgment by Brigham Young cooled theardor of those who had hoped to find in him a champion of the forcesof anti-Mormonism. His dream of church and school became the lesspretentious reality of a small adobe building on the new propertyremodeled as a home for the teaching nuns he hoped to bring to Utah.However, in October of the same year, the Catholic bishops of theUnited States met to clarify the Catholic position doctrinally and sociallyin the aftermath of the Civil War. And, by rearrangement of territorialresponsibilities, particularly in the West, they hoped to provide moreeffective use of their scarce clergy. In the plans, approved in Rome thefollowing year, Utah was removed from the jurisdiction of the Vicariateof Marysville and joined together with Colorado in the new Vicariateof Colorado-Utah. The pioneer "Pike's Peak" priest, Father Machebeuf,became its new vicar bishop in August of 1868. The decision made inOctober 1866 was reflected in the withdrawal of Father Kelly; heremained only long enough to offer the first Christmas Mass in Salt LakeCity. The property was left in the charge of John McGrath rent-freeuntil all indebtedness had been discharged. 2020 Kelly made an accounting publicly in the Union Vedette (Salt Lake City), December8, 1866:"REV. FATHER KELLY'S REPORT.-Agreeable to his promise, Father Kelly requestsus to publish the following statement of the receipts and disbursements of the Church funds whichhe has collected since his arrival here on the [?] of last September, to December 7:

Catholic Church in Utah 57BISHOP JOSEPH P. MACHEBEUFMore than a year was to elapse before the changes were fullyeffected, and in that period no name appears except that of FatherWilliam Kelly, appointed by Bishop O'Gormon of Omaha to a strangekind of parish, accommodated to the new railroad and extending fromSydney, Nebraska, "to Wasatch Canyon, Utah Territory." 21 It is possiblethat that intrepid missionary, Father Toussaint Mesplie, then a priestin the Vicariate of Idaho Territory, had also paid an occasional visit. Hisaffection for Utah and its scattered Catholic charges long remained withhim. 22In November 1868 after completing visits to all other parts of hisnew vicariate, Bishop Machebeuf set out for Utah. He caught the stagefor Cheyenne, rode a regular passenger train to Laramie, and thenclimbed aboard a work-train to the end-of-the-line in Green River. Continuingby stage, he arrived in Salt Lake City Sunday morning, November. . . subcriptions received to this date— amount paid for house and lot ....— to the enlargement of house forteachers' residence ....— cash borrowed from Mr. McGrath tomake first payment on the property ....— expenses of recording, transfer ofdeeds, collection, etc. . . Balance due Mr. McGrath ....$2,889.60253.182,300.00494.18300.0048.603,142.78 3,142.78Father Kelly feels that sense of justice as well as gratitude for Mr. Harry [?] McGrath's kindnessand liberality — in assisting him to purchase the property and to make the aforesaid addition tothe house intended for the sisters residence — demand that he [Mr. McGrath] should be paid thebalance which is still due him. For the purpose, then of liquidating the just debt, Mr. McGrathis hereby authorized to retain possession of said house and property not only until the arrival ofFather Kelly's successor, but until such time as he [Mr. McGrath] will have received an equivalentfor the aforesaid indebtedness at a monthly rental of $30. Father Kelly again returns sincerethanks to the inhabitants of Salt Lake City and vicinity for their kindness and prays that Godmay reward them for their liberality."21 Casper, Catholic Church in Nebraska, 107fF. According to W. J. Howlett in his Life ofthe Right Reverend Joseph P. Machebeuf, D.D. (Pueblo, Colorado, 1908), 352, Machebeuf,returning from his visit to Salt Lake City, met Father William Kelly on the train to Cheyenne.Kelly is identified as a priest "of the Vicariate of Nebraska, who was visiting the men along therailroad and whose duties had formerly taken him on several occasions as far as Salt Lake City."22 Mesplie's remarkable story is yet not pieced together as far as we know. He was bornin Belpoche, France, March 17, 1824, and was ordained May 25, 1850, serving as a diocesan priestunder Archbishop F. N. Blanchet of Oregon City. By 1853 we find him among the Indians at theDalles. In 1863 he and Father A. Z. Poulin were sent to the Boise Basin where it is said overtwenty-five thousand miners had gathered in the Idaho gold rush. There the two priests wereresponsible for four little chapels at Idaho City, Placerville, Centerville, and Pioneer as well as alittle school at Idaho City. On March 3, 1868, the Vicariate of Idaho Territory was established,and by January 1869 the new Vicar Bishop Louis Lootens arrived, taking up residence at GraniteCreek and using the new church built there by Mesplie. The vicariate, like that of Montana, waspremature, the mining boom collapsed, and within a few years the bishop resigned.Mesplie remained, working among the few white settlers and military garrisons, and asmissionary to the Indians, especially among the Snakes. From 1868 on Mesplie seems to havebeen a kind of missionary-at-Iarge, roaming the interior basins of southern Idaho and northernUtah, and for a few years, serving as a chaplain to the army. He died November 10, 1895, inGrass Valley, California, leaving behind a fabulous story yet to be reconstructed.

58 Utah Historical Quarterly20, and was escorted to Camp Douglas by Colonel P. E. Connor. Therehe offered Mass, instructed and baptized, visited the small communityin the city, and confirmed. He remained until December 10 and thenreturned to Denver. An unexpected and very cold bath in the middle ofthe winter by reason of an overturned stagecoach made the Bear Rivercrossing a memorable experience to him.Priests were extremely scarce in his vast vicariate, but before goingto Europe in search of others to help, Machebeuf succeeded in attractinga young priest from Marquette, Michigan. To him the bishop entrustedthe Catholics in Utah Territory. The bishop left for Europe in May1869, just before the completion of the transcontinental railroad atPromontory. Possibly the new priest, Father Honore Bourion, did notarrive in Utah until after the event, possibly not until June or July,perhaps not until early fall. His stay was not long. Completely unimpressedwith the situation, particularly with Corinne's tents and adobeand frame cabins, he stayed but six weeks and then returned East indisgust. His complaints, reported to Bishop Machebeuf when the latterreturned from Europe in December, reflect the twin problems whichwere to plague the church in Utah for many years; i.e., a transientCatholic population scattered far and wide and frequently quite poor.In 1869 the communities were very small, money scarce, and prices high:$2.00 for a meal, the same or more for a bed, even when the guest suppliedhis own bedding. The picture was grim.In the six weeks Bourion spent "exceeding 365 [dollars] and receivedin Ogdon [sic] and all railroad stations $20 for me and $95 for thebuilding of a church." 23 Yet, to this man, it would seem, belongs thehonor of offering Mass for the first time in Ogden and Corinne.FATHER JOHNFOLEYCorinne now became the focal point of attention, not only becauseit expected to become "the Gentile Capital of Utah," but because manyof its citizens were extremely vociferous and wildly anxious to build anew Chicago or St. Louis on the banks of the Bear River. Railroadswere projected northeast to Deadwood, north to the Montana goldfields,and northwest to the Dalles and Portland; and, in opposition to Brigham'sUtah Central, a marvelous steamer to sail the Great Salt Lake to the23 Information from Archdiocesan Archives, Denver. That Bourion should have foundthings so bad is not surprising. The summer of 1869 in northern Utah saw a great shortage ofmoney, railroad laborers left without jobs, long overdue wages, and the evils of a boom and landspeculation. Cf. Leonard J. Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of theLatter-day Saints, 1830-1900 (Harvard, 1958), 265ff.

Catholic Church in Utah 59mines of Ophir and to the commerce of Stockton and Lake Point.Churches and schools were part of this plan, and Catholics were urgedto build the new "Cathedral of the West."It was into this maelstrom of ideas and wild speculations that FatherJohn Foley stepped when he climbed off the train from Denver in September1870. 24 Naturally it was expected that he would center hisactivities in the metropolis of Corinne. Lots were already availabledepending upon his plans. Already the Methodist Episcopal churchcould boast a fine new brick structure, the Episcopal church was planningenlargement to its adobe school and temporary church, and the Presbyterianswere constructing theirs. Quite naturally, Utah's first Catholicchurch would join the rest.But Foley did not agree, and by December he had moved to SaltLake. Perhaps the diet of anti-Mormonism in Corinne was a little toorich for his blood. In Salt Lake City he remodeled the little building onSecond East into a chapel of sorts, and thereafter served Corinne as amission.But the spirit of Corinne was yet unsinkable. New warehouses tostore the freight to Montana were abuilding; the new lake steamer, notBrigham's "Uncertain Railroad," would freight the ores from the south;and Congress was still debating the relative merits of places like Harrisvillefor the railroad terminals. In the eyes of the "Corinnethians" thefuture was still rosy. So, it is not surprising to find the ubiquitous FatherMesplie, on his way from Camp Douglas to Fort Hall in December1870, pausing in Corinne to announce that the Catholics would soonerect a school there forty by one hundred feet and three stories high. 25 Theschool was never built, nor can we even discover the property on whichit was to stand.FATHER PATRICKWALSHFather Foley remained until the end of May 1871. Perhaps he hadbeen to Corinne to witness the much heralded launching of the City ofCorinneand saw it settle most ungraciously into the mud of the river24 Daily Utah Reporter (Corinne), September 23, 1870, announced: "Rev. J. V Foley,of the Catholic church, from Denver, has been sent hither by his bishop, and arrived in the citylast evening He will at once take steps for the erection of a chapel at the corner of Coloradoand Sixth streets, on the lots formerly donated to the Catholics of this city for church purposes.Father Foley will hold services next Sunday morning in Harry Creighton's building, at whichtime he will make known his intentions and the means at his command to commence the erectionof a church We welcome the reverend gentleman to our city, and wish him success in theimportant work he has undertaken. This will be the fourth church in^ Corinne, and the peopleare justly proud of their advancement in both religion and education."25 Ibid., December 12, 1870.

60 Utah Historical Quarterlybank. 26 Was he wise enough to read this harbinger of the future? Perhapsnot! Those who had come to know Corinne in the boisterous yearsof 1870 and 1871 could still envision Corinne, not Ogden, as gatewayto the North and West.But it did not matter what Father Foley judged to be its future,for a decision made in Rome at the request of Bishop Machebeuf to berelieved of the responsibility for Utah resulted in Foley's recall. ArchbishopAlemany of San Francisco had again accepted the responsibility,and with a few more priests now at his disposal, quickly moved towardthe establishment of a parish in Utah.Father Patrick Walsh was sent, apparently with instructions to erecta church. Detraining in Corinne on a June day, he would have witnessedthe bustle of the numerous freighting outfits departing or returning fromthe North, steamers upon the river, ore cars upon the sidings, the AlgerReduction Smelter waiting to smelt the ores, and the magnificent beautyof the Wasatch front to the east and the horizons of distant mountainsto the south with green marsh lands to frame the picture. Corinne stillin the bloom of youth, dreamed of greatness.Father Walsh could not help but be impressed. The communitywas small but ambitious and not afraid of the odds. The Catholics werewaiting with a welcome and with plans. A meeting with some of theprominent citizens resulted in a committee appointed to solicit pledgesfor a church and school. Two days later they could report nearly $2,500in pledges and talk of a church costing $20,000. 27 On a recently publishedmap of the city, even the location for the new Catholic church wasindicated. 28But in the judgment of others, Corinne must wait its turn. Walshmoved on to Salt Lake City and set plans in motion for a new church toreplace the temporary chapel there. To Henry Monheim of Corinnewent the contract for designing and constructing the edifice, and beforethe year was out Archbishop Alemany traveled to Utah to dedicate thenew church to St. Mary Magdalene and personally assure the Catholicsin Utah that the church had come to stay. 29 The days of hesitation wereover.26 Corinne Daily Journal, May 24, 1871.27 Corinne Reporter, June 20, 1871, describing the meeting also identifies the members ofthe committee: Ed Conway, General J. J. Heffernan, John Kupfer, Henry Monheim, ThomasCassin, Lewis Silver, M. DeMar, Charles Duchineau and John Creighton. The Saturday issueof June 24 of the Corinne Daily Journal takes note of the success of the drive with subscriptionsamounting to $2,475.28 Weekly Corinne Reporter, May 27, 1871.29 Salt Lake Daily Herald, November 26, 1871.

Catholic Church in Utah 61St. Mary Magdalene, first Catholicchurch in Utah, was locatedon the west side of SecondEast between South Templeand First South streets, approximatelywhere Social Hall Avenueterminates. Erected in 1871St. Mary Magdalene was abandonedin December of 1907when construction on the Cathedralof the Madeleine had progressedsufficiently to allow thecongregation to move into thebasement of the new edifice.•BUTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETYFATHER PATRICKDOWLINGNow it was Corinne's turn. Possibly at the suggestion of FatherWalsh, Archbishop Alemany paused in Corinne on Wednesday morning,November 29, 1871, offered Mass in the opera house and met with itsCatholics. Apparently impressed, he returned to San Francisco andshortly thereafter appointed a priest for Corinne. 30 Father Patrick Dowlingcame in January as Corinne's first pastor. It is not yet clear whatthe extent of his parish was, but seemingly he was responsible for thelittle communities lying along the railroad, principally Ogden and Kelton.Newspaper accounts speak of the "Catholic church" in Corinne, but nosite or building can be so identified, and we can only guess that it mighthave been the little building acquired by Ed Conway behind the CentralHotel and known as "Fitch's schoolhouse." 31But in spite of the hustle and bustle, the cracks were fast appearingin Corinne's foundations. In August 1871 Brigham Young had broken30 The exact day of Dowling's arrival has not yet been ascertained. Evidence indicates hecame the first week of January 1872, accompanied by an already famous man, Vicar GeneralJames Croke of the Archdiocese of San Francisco. The latter had once been nominated to be thefirst vicar bishop of the Vicariate of Marysville, a responsibility given instead to Bishop EugeneO'Connell. (John Bernard McGloin, California's First Archbishop [New York, 1966], 174.)Clearly Dowling had arrived by the first of February as the February 3 issue of the CorinneDaily Reporter noted: "Catholic Church services to-morrow at 11 a.m. P. J. Dowling, pastor."31 Dowling's presence is duly noted in the pages of the Corinne Daily Reporter through thespring of 1872, including what is perhaps the first High Mass to be sung in Corinne on PalmSunday, March 24. Curiously, although no Catholic church building is known to have existed,the announcements frequently refer to "the Catholic church," leading us to suspect that the"church" so referred to was a building temporarily turned over to the use of the Catholics untilsuch time as they should build. The fact that it is given no saint's name would seem to supportthis theory.

62 Utah Historical Quarterlyground for the Utah Northern Railroad, and though Corinne's merchantswere trying hard to outdistance him with a "Utah, Idaho and MontanaRailroad," the backing simply was not available. The handwriting wason the wall for those who could read it. Some of the other churches hadalready lost their pastors, and finally Dowling was reassigned in June1872 to Salt Lake City to assist Walsh with the increasing demands fromthe many mining and smelter communities coming into their own. 32Occasionally Dowling returned to Corinne, and then in August for thelast time, pausing to attend a farewell dinner and receive a handsomegift watch from a community which had grown to love him, he movedon to California. 33Much like a postscript to the story, Father Mesplie, visiting in Corinnein February 1873 and perhaps at the urging of some of those who sharedhis dreams, turned his eyes elsewhere in one last effort to save Corinne.Possibly feeling that the railroad towns deserved a better break, heturned to the one man who was extremely conscious of their needs, BishopO'Gormon of Nebraska, and urged with great emotion the creation of aVicar-Apostolic of Utah and Montana. 34 Why Montana is not clear. Butit was not be be. A year later Father Lawrence Scanlan came to Utahas replacement for Father Walsh, stayed to become the Vicar-Apostolicof Utah established in 1886, and in 1891 became the first bishop of thenewly created Diocese of Salt Lake, embracing the Territory of Utahand the eastern two-thirds of the State of Nevada. One hundred andfifteen years after the dreams and hopes of Escalante, the Catholic churchin Utah had finally come of age.32 Dowling's pastorate was rather brief. On June 29 or 30 he was assigned to Salt Lake Citytemporarily, either to assist Walsh or to relieve him for a few weeks. {Corinne Daily Reporter,June 29, 1872.) The end of August he left Utah for good. Corinne at this time had a populationof approximately 1,000, Salt Lake City 19,000.33 Corinne Daily Reporter, August 30, 31, 1872.34 Carper, Catholic Church in Nebraska, 224.

SAINTS, SINNERSAND SCRIBES• •A Look at theMormons in FictionBY NEAL LAMBERT

w, ITH THIS PAPER in mind, I have been reading and rereading a numberof Mormon stories and novels. Of course, I long ago gave up the ideaof reading every story and novel about the Saints. That is a task of years,not months. But as I think back over my selected samplings of the lastfew months, one salient fact impresses itself deeper and deeper in mymind: as a subject for significant, serious fiction, Mormons and Mormonismoffer almost insurmountable literary difficulties. This idea is ofcourse not new, but the causes which lie behind it are often forgotten.Let me suggest to you what I see as the main difficulties inherent in thesubject. In the first place (as the bulk of Mormon fiction proves), thepopular notions about what a Mormon is has not lent itself to great literature.Polygamy, secret rites, blood atonement, priestly orders — all suchhave made the Mormon slip easily into a stereotype for slick fiction andgross comedy. In the second place, the fantastic nature of Mormon historyand the Mormon's account of his own personal experience form terribledifficulties. Any writer who tries to render the epic of the Mormonmovement must, in a sense, be able to redo in fiction what God has alreadydone in history; and that is pretty heavy competition for any writer. Butfurther (and this may be most difficult of all) the writer must also beable to redo what God has done in individual hearts; and as all will agree,the elusive, private, and subjective nature of the religious experiencemakes it one of the most difficult to grasp with words and render for publicobservation. These then are the difficulties as I see them. But let us lookat the literature itself, for it is, of course, the best evidence of the validityof these notions.Just how easily Mormons have fallen into stereotyped subjects isevidenced in the popular imagination's view of Mormons as literarycomics and villains. Indeed for the first hundred years of Mormon historythis was almost the only view. The Saints had hardly got the dust ofmigration out of their quilts and blankets before people back East werereading such pieces as this one from Harper's Weekly called "My Wife'sTempter." 1A suspicious husband overhears his wife talking to a mysteriousfriend.Dr. Lambert is an assistant professor of English at Brigham Young University, Provo,Utah.1 Fitz-James O'Brian, "My Wife's Tempter," Harper's Weekly, I (December 12, 1857),.795-96.

Mormons in Fiction 65I threw myself flat on the grass, and so glided silently into the copseuntil I was completely within ear-shot. This was what I heard. My wifewas sobbing."So soon — SO' soon-— oh! Hammond, give me a little time.""I can not, Elsie. My chief orders me to join him. You must prepareto accompany me . . . .""Ah! my husband, my husband!" sobbed the unhappy woman."You have no husband, woman," cried Brake, harshly. "I promisedDayton not to speak to you as long as you were his wife, but the vow wasannuled before it was made. Your husband in God yet awaits you. Youwill yet be blessed with the true spouse."After this, Elsie leaves. Now, recognizing that the villain is at last alone,the husband approaches the unsuspecting seducer:I rose and stepped silently into- the open space in which he stood. Hisback was toward me. His arms were lifted high over his head with anexultant gesture, and I could see his profile as it slightly turned toward me,illuminated with a smile of scornful triumph.The husband grabs the villain and threatens him with his life until finallythe stranger confesses, "I am a Mormon." After this revelation the storyconcludes on a tearful note with the husband putting his wife out of thehouse:"This is no longer your home. You have deceived me. You are aMormon. I know all. You have become a convert to that apostle of Hell,Brigham Young, and you can not live with me. I love you still, Elsie,dearly — but — you must go and live with your father . . . ."I live in the same village with my wife, and yet am a widower. Sheis very penitent, they say; yet I can not bring myself to believe that any onewho has allowed the Mormon poison to enter their veins can ever be cured.People say that we will come together again, but I know better. Mine isnot the first hearth that Mormonism has rendered desolate.There were indeed many desolate literary hearths in these years. Notonly Gentile but Mormon hearths as well. And when the Mormonantagonist was not sly, dark, and seductive, he was usually fat, boorish,and uncouth. Consider for instance this polygamous husband, ElderBungrod, from an Overland Monthly story of 1895. 2 He was "squatbodied, sluggish, gross. . . . [He] had a flat toad-like look as he sat lazilydrooping forward with elbows on his knees and occasionally turning apair of small reddish eyes about the landscape." When he saw his wivesshirking at their chores, "a dark scowl wrinkled his grizzled animal face,and he got up and made his way toward the house, pouting as he wentand crushing the clods and potato vines under his heavily booted feet."2 Alvah Milton Kerr, "American Dead Sea Fruit," The Overland Monthly, XXV (February,1895),189-95.

66 Utah Historical QuarterlyAs always in these stories there is a fair and as-yet-unsullied maiden,either a new or a prospective wife who has not yet been won over. (Thelecherous advances of the Mormon and hairbreadth escape of the heroineform the traditional climaxes of the formula Mormon novel.) In thiscase, Elder Bungrod hungrily approaches his new wife:"Don't be skeered, little un; don't yeh be skeered; and nobody won't hurtyeh," said the Elder, advancing, arms extended out with a maudlin expressionof countenance.The young girl flattened herself against the wall with a look of dismayand horror in her eyes, and when his hands touched her she cried outwildly, and, slipping from him, flew with swift feet out the door and downinto the fields. With a stifled curse, Bungrod kicked the chairs out of hisway and tramped after her. His heavy face had a greenish, congested cast,and his small eyes looked red and evil.In this story the escape consists of a night long boat chase the lengthof the Great Salt Lake, and the young heroine is saved from the evils andimmorality of Mormonism by the chivalric gentleman of the railroadconstruction camp at Corinne.This stereotype of pursued and pursuer has changed very littleover the years. As late as the 1930's the same formula was being workedagain and again. Listen for instance to what happens when a Mormonguardian tells his fair young charge about their coming wedding:"What's your first name?""Doris," said the girl wonderingly. . . ."I told them not to worry none. That you wasn't to become a chargeon the town. I told him all about it and made all the arrangements.""What arrangements? What for?" demanded Doris sharply."To take you to the Endowment House next Monday. This isWednesday. You've got lots o' time. I'm going to marry you.""You. . .! You. . .! You unspeakable beast. . .!" Words failed her.She was conscious of Lecky reaching out for her; of his failing to seize herbecause she pushed a heavy table in front of him. Then she fled to herroom and slammed the door on her pursuer."I kin wait. . ." he said and laughed raucously.She could hear his hateful voice through the heavy door chucklingas though at a good joke."I kin wait. . . An' you're worth waitin fer. I'll tame you yit. . . ."The heavy front door of the house slammed noisily and Doris Upchurchsank down in silent terror on her bed. 3This was written in 1933.Of course, the arch villains of the stereotype are Joseph Smith andBrigham Young. Their representation runs the full spectrum from3 George B. Rodney, The Mormon Trail (New York, 1933), 149.

Mormons in Fiction 67drunken bumkin to mysterious seducer. One poor fictional convert hasthis introduction to his prophet:The gait of this person was heavy and slouching, his hands werelarge and thick, his eyes grey and unsteady in their gaze, and his face andgeneral physiognomy coarse and unmeaning. He wore a grey coat, withunbrushed boots, and a white hat enveloped with a piece of black crepe.On one of his fingers was a massive gold ring, the only thing which seemedto distinguish him particularly from many of the rough backwoodsmenwhom I had already met with. To my utter surprise, and, I must add,to my extreme disappointment, Elder Smart made known to us that thisindividual was none other than the great prophet, Joseph Smith.Later on, the same person discovers Joseph alone in the woods:I saw Joseph Smith himself lying alone on the grass, with a whiskeybottle by his side, and decidedly far gone in a state of intoxication. He wastalking and laughing, and evidently congratulating himself, in a soliloquyon the success of his devices. . . . "The saints are a pack of fools; but I am aprophet, a profitable prophet. ... I am a greater man than Moses, hurrah,hip, hip, hip, hurrah." 4At the other end of the spectrum is the dark villain who leads hisinitiates into the Pavillion of Vision or Tabernacle of Inspiration wherescenes such as the following take place:There was a slight motion of the entranced form, the hangingcanopy opened, and a golden ray fell upon and illuminated the lips of theProphet. A smile played over his hitherto moveless features, the lips parted,and in a low, soft voice he spoke:"And the spirit said, Lo! and as I looked, the thick clouds parted, andbefore me ran the beautiful river of life. . . . Come! the spirit and the Bridesay come. ..." A rustle of the white robe, the gleam of a white foot, theglance of white arms, and she sank on her knees by his side, murmuring,"My Prophet and my Lord." And the thick folds of the drapery, likeenfolding noiseless night, fell with mute darkness about them. 5Of course no catalogue of Mormon villains would be completewithout the Danites — that fictional band of enforcers who sees that thewishes of the Priesthood, or the Holy Four, or some bishop, or Brigham(depending on which piece you are reading) are carried out. Hundredsof victims are strewn through the pages of Mormon fiction, waywardmembers and antagonistic non-members alike who were either "bloodatoned"by such lone Danites as Bill Hickman and Porter Rockwell orwho were "saved" by some local band.4 Robert Richards, The California Crusoe; or, The Lost Treasure Found. A Tale of Mormonism(New York, 1854), 84.s Albert Gallatin Riddle, The Portrait; A Romance of the Cuyahoga Valley (Boston,1874), 98.

68 Utah Historical QuarterlyOne of the most famous treatments, and at the same time one thatis true to the type, is that of Arthur Conan Doyle's in A Study in Scarlet:Its invisibility, and the mystery which was attached to it, made thisorganization doubly terrible. It apeared to- be omniscient and omnipotent,and yet was neither seen nor heard. The man who held out against theChurch vanished away, and none knew whither he had gone or what hadbefallen him. His wife and his children awaited him at home, but nofather ever returned to tell them how he had fared at the hands of hissecret judges. A rash word or a hasty act was followed by annihilation,and yet none knew what the nature might be of this terrible power whichwas suspended over them. No wonder that men went about in fear andtrembling, and that even in the heart of the wilderness they dared notwhisper the doubts which oppressed them. 6Many a young heroine has fled with her Gentile rescuer while theDanites were in hot pursuit. But this band often did more in the storythan act as priesthood police force. Again I refer to our Sherlock Holmesstory.At first this vague and terrible power was exercised only upon therecalcitrants who, having embraced the Mormon faith, wished afterwardsto pervert or to abandon it. Soon, however, it took a wider range. Thesupply of adult women was running short, and polygamy without a femalepopulation on which to draw was a barren doctrine indeed. Strangerumours began to be bandied about — rumours of murdered immigrantsand rifled camps in regions where Indians had never been seen. Freshwomen appeared in the harems of the Elders — women who pined andwept, and bore upon their faces the traces of an unextinguishable horror.Belated wanderers upon the mountains spoke of gangs of armed men,masked, stealthy, and noiseless, who flitted by them in the darkness. Thesetales and rumours took substance and shape, and were corroborated andrecorroborated, until they resolved themselves into a definite name. To thisday, in the lonely ranches of the West, the name of the Danite Band, orthe Avenging Angels, is a sinister and an ill-omened one. 7Certain events in Mormon history have given writers ample opportunityto show the Saints as literary villains. The Utah War and particularlythe Mountain Meadows Massacre have fit in well with thisstereotype.Jack London, for instance in his account of the Fancher train, portraysthe Mormons as unwilling even to help a dying baby. The boynarrator reports the mother's pleas:"It may save the baby's life," she said. "And they've got cow's milk.I saw fresh cows with my own eyes. Go on, please, Laban. It won't hurtyou to try. They can only refuse. But they won't. Tell them it's for a6 A[rthur] Conan Doyle, A Study in Scarlet (Garden City, New York, 1930), 96-97.7 Ibid., 97.

Mormons in Fiction 69baby, a wee little baby. Mormon women have mother's hearts. Theycouldn't refuse a cup of milk for a wee little baby."And Laban tried. But as he told father afterward, he did not get tosee any Mormon women. He saw only the Mormon men, who turnedhim away. 8Even as late as 1958 the fictional leader of the attack on the Fanchertrain is a typical uncomplicated and scar-faced villain in close contactwith Brigham:"Here it is, Josh — I want those redskins in a fighting frame of mind! Andso I got to send them a man they know is a real war chief! That's you!"Brigham pointed his finger at Josh and smiled confidently into the man'sdamaged face. . . . Josh's eyes flared in fierce agreement, his wolf grinspread his tangled beard. Brigham continued, "Port tells me you're themost famous white warrior amongst the tribes •— that they've even got aname for you — what is it now?"Josh was immensely gratified at how his notoriety had reached Brigham'sears. "Takuskanskan," he said, "means — sort of thunder god ofbattle."Brigham's strong, square hand came down hard on his desk, emphasizinghis point. "That's exactly what I mean, Josh!" 9But while many writers have made much of the Mormon as literaryvillain others have exploited the popular image of the Saints for comicmaterial of the first rank. William Comstock, Bill Nye, Artemus Ward,and almost everyone associated with frontier humor has had many laughsfrom what has become stock Mormon material: Destroying Angels, theBook of Mormon, missionaries, and especially polygamy. Stories aboutthe size of a Mormon's bed or his blankets, his nursery or his house havebeen standard.Certainly in this treatment of Mormons, no one achieved greaterheights than Mark Twain. He tells how, on his journey to Salt Lake,he liked tosit and listen to these Gentiles talk about polygamy; and how some portlyold frog of an elder, or a bishop, marries a girl — likes her, marries hersi s ter — likes her, marries another sister — likes her, takes another — likesher, marries her mother — likes her, marries her father, grandfather, greatgrandfather, and then comes back hungry and asks for more. 10And again:Our stay in Salt Lake City amounted to only two days, and thereforewe had no time to make the customary inquisition into the workings ofpolygamy and get up the usual statistics and deductions preparatory tocalling the attention of the nation at large once more to the matter. I had8 Jack London, The Star Rover (New York, 1915), 129.9 Amelia Bean, The Fancher Train (Garden City, New York, 1958), 122.10 Mark Twain, Roughing It (New York, 1959), 102.

70 Utah Historical Quarterlythe will to do it. With the gushing self-sufficiency of youth I was feverishto plunge in headlong and achieve a great reform here — until I saw theMormon women. Then I was touched. My heart was wiser than my head.It warmed toward these poor, ungainly, and pathetically "homely" creatures,and as I turned to hide the generous moisture in my eyes, I said,"No — the man that marries one of them had done an act of Christiancharity which entitles him to the kindly applause of mankind, not theirharsh censure — and the man that marries sixty of them has done a deedof open-handed generosity so sublime that the nations should stand uncoveredin his presence and worship in silence." "A second reading of this and much of Mark Twain's humor about theMormons shows an unusual perceptiveness and an unusual point of view.For he not only makes delightful use of Mormon materials, he placeshis own fictional personae, the I, the Mark Twain of Roughing It, in aposition which suggests that the common culture of the East had a falsenotion of the Mormons. In this last example, for instance, the basicattitude of the narrator is that of the genteel easterner. That is, whenhe first comes to Utah he is full of naive enthusiasm and ready to "getup the usual statistics ... to rush headlong ... to achieve a greatreform." But the actual experience of seeing the Mormons deflates thisenthusiasm for reform even though that actual experience is given acomic turn. But even this humorous conclusion suggests that there is agenuine difference between the popular idea of the Mormon and theSaint himself.This same kind of complexity infuses the bishop of the Gila Valleyin one of Owen Wister's stories. The man is ultimately a villain whorules the valley as a benevolent despot, flaunting the government, law,and the courts with a will. But he is saved from the stereotype by a newdimension which Wister pointedly gives him. Listen for instance to thisbrief sermon which Wister's narrator hears the bishop give :"Don't empty your swill in the door-yard, but feed it to your hogs" he wassaying; and any one who knows how plainly a man is revealed in his voicecould have felt instantly as I did, that here was undoubtedly a leader ofmen. "Rotten meat, rotten corn, spoiled milk, the truck that thoughtlessfolks throw away should be used. Their usefulness has not ceased becausethey're rotten. That's the error of the ignorant, who' know not that nothingis meant to be wasted in this world. The ignorant stay poor because theybreak the law of the Lord. Waste not, want not. . . . Swill is bad for us, butit is good for swine. Waste it by the threshold it becomes deadly, and acurse falls upon the house. The mother and children are sick because shehas broken a law of the Lord. Do> not let me see this sin when I comeamong you in the valley. Fifty yards behind each house, with clean air11 Ibid., 101.

Mormons in Fiction 71between, let me see the well-fed swine receiving each day, as was intended,the garbage left by man. And let me see flowers in the door-yard, andstout, blooming children. We will sing the twenty-ninth hymn." 12Anyone familiar with Mormon practice will recognize the combinationof spiritual authority and practical advice that are sometimes associatedwith actual Mormon preaching. Indeed the dominant notion associatedwith Wister's bishop is not his nine wives and fifty-nine children, trueas such things are to the stereotype. Instead Wister focuses on the interestingand compelling personality of the man himself. The interestingthing here is that both Mark Twain and Owen Wister were writing afterseeing Mormons in the flesh. They were in a sense responding to humanbeings and not to a stereotype.It is this sense of the human beings involved that has come moreand more to the front in recent times. Trying to avoid the literarymorasses and pitfalls into which their predecessors have fallen, moreand more writers have turned to particular Mormon families and people.And there is much to commend in the vividness and detail of books likeSam Taylor's Family Kingdom. But while such books may be true tothe historical episode they portray, there still remains the fascinating andfantastic whole history which begins on a hill in frontier New York androlls and builds with Biblical intensity through Ohio, Missouri, Illinois,and finally to the sagebrush and rim-rock of the Great Basin; there is stillthe epic zeal that gave such magnificent force to a whole people; thereis still the compelling charisma of Joseph Smith and Brigham Young. Torender any of this is indeed a tantalizing literary challenge. And withvarying degrees of success, several scribes have tried it.Perhaps the most noted attempt to grasp and render this wholegrand sweep is Vardis Fisher's Children of God: An American Epic. Asthe subtitle suggests, Fisher has taken the first seven decades of theMormon church as his subject: from the visions and revelations of theboy Joseph Smith through the era of Brigham Young and down finallyto the 1880's and the days of the Manifesto. Many have hailed the bookas one of the best treatments yet of these remarkable years. But whilethere is much about the book that is to be praised, there are, I think,some serious fictional problems.Bernard DeVoto has already warned writers away from this enticingmaterial because of the problems involved. He called his own Mormon12 Owen Wister, "A Pilgrim on the Gila," Red Men and White (New York, 1928), 280-81.

72 Utah Historical Quarterlynovel, "The best book I am never going to write." 13 Back in 1938 he saidof his ambitions,I will content myself with less aspiring failures, leaving to more stubbornmen the crash that any man must make who tries to* compose fiction outof Joseph Smith, and the Mormon people. . . . What scenes could anynovelist invent that would not be dim, farcical, and grotesque beside thedaily fare of any man who lived in Nauvoo, where Joseph walked arm inarm with principalities and powers? What drama could any merelymortal story-teller construct that would not be an idle nursery play forchildren, compared to the one that is written in our own annals, whose firstchapter opens on the Hill Cumorah with a new Bible engraved on sheetsof gold? 14DeVoto's point is well taken; a point that we can perhaps better appreciateif we try to imagine what kind of work the novel would have to bethat would adequately render the migration of Biblical Israel with itsMoses, its Joshua, its pillar of fire, its Sinai, and its revelation of universalforces. The epic proportion of the Mormon story itself is without a doubtone of the most formidable problems for any writer who treats that storydirectly. How, for instance, could one ever render in fiction the experienceof confrontation with God. It seems to me that any direct attempt cannothelp but fail. Any such effort must run the danger of sounding like aCecil B. deMille script with fade-ins, fade-outs, up-music, and downmusic.This is one of the problems of Fisher's Children of God: In spite ofthe sincerity of the author's effort I cannot shake off the feeling that theauthor-director is sometimes standing just offstage giving cues to thelight man and the musicians.One of the obvious difficulties in rendering any religious experienceis the fact that such an experience is by its very nature extraordinary,outside the pale of usual human experience. But the writer sometimesforgets this fact, so that his portrayals of the religious experience areneither convincing nor adequate as such. Not only must the writer keepthis fact in his mind but he must make it a part of his style of writing.Consider for instance, this sentence from Children of God: "In one ofthese nights, after an hour of anguished prayer, he fell asleep and sawa vision." 15 Certainly no one would take issue with the sequence of eventshere, but what is disturbing is Fisher's manner in treating these events:". . . he fell asleep and saw a vision." The very style of the passage equates13 Bernard DeVoto, "Easy Chair," Harpers Magazine, CLXXVII (October, 1938), 560.14 Ibid.15 Vardis Fisher, Children of God: An American Epic (New York, 1939), 15.

Mormons in Fiction 73the two events, and the fact of the vision becomes no more or no lessimportant than the daily physical function of going to sleep. If this werethe only instance of its kind, we too might simply nod and go on. Butsuch stylistic disproportions are a persistent problem in too much of thewriting about the Mormons.But there is another and perhaps a more important dimension tothis problem that the modern writer must consider: Literature, by itsvery nature deals in experiences that have significance for all men. ButMormons are a self-proclaimed peculiar people. Thus on the one handwe have an art form striving for universals, while on the other hand wehave a religion and a people who are characterized by their differencesfrom the rest of mankind. The tendency has been for the differences toget in the way of the universals, for the sensational to crowd out thesignificant.Several writers have avoided this literary problem by coming awayfrom the era of polygamy and persecutions and setting their novels closerto modern times. They have chosen to deal with the difficulties ofMormons of the third and fourth generations. These writers' concernis with close-mindedness and hypocritical practice, with institutionalizednotions that have become separated from basic human needs. One ofthe best of these is Blanche Cannon's Nothing Ever Happens SundayMorning. One chapter of this novel tells of the attachment of the smalltowngirl to a day laborer who has a mysterious background and whoreads Whitman, Milton, and Wordsworth. These known qualities arequite disturbing to the ladies of the Relief Society quilting bee. But theyoung girl accepts the man for what he is, and in so doing tries to reconcilehim to her culture."Yes. Jonathan, in a town like this people think there's something wrongif you don't go to church. And if they think there's something wrong theydon't want to have you here. . . .""I see. You've heard somebody talking.""It's not true," she said in a choked voice. "I know it's not true —the thing they say about you. But they believe it. Can't you see, Jonathan,if you'll go to church a few times, it won't matter what books you read, oreven what you think in your own mind? They wouldn't understandabout those things, anyway. But if they saw you at church they'd forgetwhat they believed about you, and soon they'd think you were just likeeverybody else.""God forbid!" 1616 Blanche Cannon, Nothing Ever Happens Sunday Morning (New York, 1948), 84.

74 Utah Historical QuarterlyBut while these are interesting human problems they are not peculiar toMormon culture nor to small towns in Utah. They are not "Mormon"problems as such.But there still lies before us the problem of writing about the historicalMormon; the problem of getting at universals through the clutterof peculiarities. There have been, I think, at least two noteworthyachievements in this regard which may suggest for us an answer to ourproblem. These are Maurine Whipple's Giant Joshua, and VirginiaSorensen's A Little Lower Than the Angels. Either novel would serveus well, but let us look today at a few passages from the latter book.Consider for instance the thoughts the central figure, Mercy Baker, hasas she contemplates the new doctrine of polygamy,For Joseph, spiritual perhaps. Perhaps! But to these other men with theirhard sunburned faces and their blunt manly desires, no longer enamoredof the spreading bodies of their wives, how would it be for them? Shefaced it, flinching. Simon, suddenly in the night he could be different fromwhat he was all day, an earth-colored man in an earth-colored field,clucking to his horses, or urging his oxen. But in the night a creaturereaching and desiring. They were all like that, she knew it deeply. Andit was something that belonged to you alone, knowing so much of one manand saying to yourself at meeting or during a polka or anywhere, lookingat him: "He is mine and I know him as nobody else knows him." 17This is, it seems to me, getting at polygamy not in terms of a fascinatingpeculiarity but in terms of a basic and fundamental human problem:the nature of love. This is not so much a judgment of polygamy as it is arendering of it in terms of basic human needs.Again the Mormon notion of continuing life begins to take on agenuine human echo as Mercy's own family takes on a symbolic significancein their quiet evenings together.It was pure peace, pure. It was a peace distilled from one blood.Nowhere else in the world was there a similar peace or a purer one. It hadto be made of those who belonged together through the firm right of bloodand bones. First the father and mother, brought together by love and thehighest desire, and then the children, one by one taking their places, oneby one as the years passed filling another and another chair, taking theirplaces in the cradles and trundles and cots, taking their places one by oneat the table. In every child the father and mother were together again,every child was a seal on them.The Gospel was clear in its blessing upon the family. The first familywas God's, and it had grown like this, one by one, until it covered theworld, and those who had gone home to God filled His world, Kolob, theGreat Star. Each man, then, who achieved glory through this endless17 Virginia Sorensen, A Little Lower Than the Angels (New York, 1942), 113—14.

Mormons in Fiction 75process of growing in his children was God over those children, andwould chastise them and bless them worlds without end. 18But perhaps the most remarkable thing about Virginia Sorensen's bookis her ability to render, to explore, and to give vital form to the continuingtension between the practical facts of life and the ideal notions of religion,between this world and the other world. For this is, after all, one of thecentral problems of religion. The account of Mercy's baptism is a goodexample. As she wades into the cold Mississippi, her mind is shiftingrapidly from memories of her dead father, to the importance of her act,and back to the drab scene around her:She floundered on lifting her feet quickly, one after the other, andspreading her legs wildly, like a duck in the mud, to seek firmer hold. Shesaw that the carefully whitened clothes were muddied and ugly, and shefelt ridiculous, floundering through the water. She could hear Fatherlaughing over that old story — "And they went out on the river becausethis boy came running into town to tell how there were a flock of ghostsout behind the dam, and when they got there, it was a bunch of Mormonsbaptizing each other in their night-shirts!"She tried to catch hold of the idea, the depth of idea that declareda man was purified and dedicated by the holy water upon his flesh. Butthis muddy water with a fish-smell in it sullied the idea and it escaped herwhile she struggled to hold it.When she came up to Joseph she found the footing firm where hestood, she could feel the ridges of hard sand through her stockings. "Ifyou don't keep moving," he said, "you sink clear in." 19The success of this passage lies not in the subject matter alone, but in theway that the subject matter is rendered. For the floundering in the waterfinally becomes a symbol of Mercy's own floundering in her efforts tofind the zealous dedication that she senses all around. And her finalreaching for the prophet as an act of attempted faith is subverted bythe discovery that even the ground on which he stands, though it seemsfirm, is not sure. It is such treatments as this that make the book thesuccess that it is.But A Little Lower Than the Angels was published in 1942. Thatwas twenty-five years ago. What about the years since? What about theyears ahead? Why hasn't more been written like this or even better?And where is our "Great Mormon Novel," that so many call for? Themain reason for this dearth of quality in Mormon fiction lies first of all,as I have tried to point out, in the material itself. But there is another18 Ibid., 124-25.19 Ibid., 58-59.

76 Utah Historical Quarterlypressing reason for the short list of good fiction, and that is the qualityof the talent that the writer brings to this material. If there is withinthe Mormon experience an adequate and compelling definition of man,if there are underneath Mormonism's peculiar institutions fundamentalhuman values, then there is the possibility that some writer may, throughhis genius, discover some way of freeing these from the popular notionsin which they are bound. One could not blame any writer for leavingthis stuff for less troublesome material. But whoever it is that finallymakes great books out of the Mormon experience, he will have to be awriter of great stature. Perhaps, as Blanche Cannon so aptly suggested,what it will take is a Hawthorne from Heber or a Faulkner from Fillmore.No one less can do the job."Well, it'd be no news to me. I know Mormons. I've seen theirwomen's strange love an' patience an' sacrifice an' silence an' what I callmadness for their idea of God. An' over against that I've seen the tricksof the men. They work hand in hand, all together, an' in the dark. Noman can hold out against them, unless he takes to packin' guns. ForMormons are slow to kill. That's the only good I ever seen in their religion.Venters, take this from me, these Mormons ain't just right in theirminds. Else could a Mormon marry one woman when he already hada wife, an' call it duty?"[Riders of the Purple Sage, by Zane Grey [New York: Grosset &Dunlap])

ATheEpiscopal Churchin Utah:SEVEN BISHOPS ANDONE HUNDRED YEARSBY JAMES W. BELESS, JR.TM HE EPISCOPAL CHURCH prides itself on its involvement in the community.The past one hundred-year history of the church in Utah is localproof positive of that community interest and participation. The Episcopalchurch is, as its name implies, a religious body led and administeredby bishops. The church's story in Utah, thus, for convenience, may beconsidered by examining the events and personalities involved duringeach of the seven consecutive episcopates with jurisdiction over the statesince 1867. Let us now examine that history by looking at the charactersboth clergy and lay who have played major roles, retelling the salientevents in the life of the church, and comparing the part the church hasplayed in the community as it has evolved over the past one hundredyears.Mr. Beless, practicing attorney in Salt Lake City, is chancellor and chairman of Councilof Advice, Episcopal District of Utah and senior warden of All Saints Episcopal Church.Mr. Robert McCrea, of the Utah Department of Development Services, copied the photographsof the Bishops of Utah, on display in St. Mark's Cathedral.

78 Utah Historical QuarterlyBISHOP DANIEL SYLVESTER TUTTLE, 1867-1886The history of the Episcopal church in Utah began with DanielSylvester Tuttle, first Bishop of Montana, with jurisdiction over Idahoand Utah. This strong man's policies and works set the pattern and havebeen the guiding star for his successors. Those following him probablyfound themselves in his shadow, and his sagas, both true and apocryphal,made a legendary figure of the bishop.Bishop Tuttle in his Reminiscences1 is himself the best chroniclerof his nineteen years in Utah. This autobiography has preserved thebishop's letters and sets forth a fresh, on-the-spot impression of the earlyUtah scene. The Bishop Tuttle story is fairly familiar, 2 but the basicfacts of his episcopate in Utah bear retelling to place him and his successorsin context.Bishop Tuttle was thirty years old when he was consecrated inTrinity Church at the head of Wall Street in New York City on May 1,1867. Four days later the first Episcopal service was held in IndependenceHall in Salt Lake City by the Reverend Messrs. George W. Foote andThomas W. Haskins, the bishop's trail-breaking missionaries. The bishoparrived in Salt Lake City two months later to find the church organizedaround a heterogeneous congregation with three women the only confirmedEpiscopalians; a mission committee which included a RomanCatholic, a Methodist, and an apostate Morman; a thriving Sundayschool inherited from the Congregationalist chaplain at Camp Douglas;and a newly opened grammar school. A class of eleven awaited thebishop's confirmation. The bishop met with Brigham Young in the latter'soffice, and Tuttle reported that he was civilly treated, but not asked to callagain. 3 From the very beginning the policy of the Episcopal church inrelation to the Mormons was toneither antagonize nor directly assault Mormon theology or practice, butto plant and maintain a positive good. It sought to win the judgment, theconscience, the affection, the respect and allegiance of men, whether Gentiles,apostate Mormon, or Mormon, by putting into competition with1 Daniel S. Tuttle, Reminiscences of a Missionary Bishop (New York, 1906).2 James W. Beless, Jr., "Daniel S. Tuttle, Missionary Bishop of Utah," Utah HistoricalQuarterly, XXVII (October, 1959), 358-78; James Thayer Addison, History of the EpiscopalChurch in the United States, 1789-1931 (New York, 1951), 231-34; Charles F. Rehkopf, "TheEpiscopate of Bishop Tuttle," Missouri Historical Society Bulletin, XVIII (April, 1962), 207-30;Raymond W. Albright, A History of the Protestant Episcopal Church (New York, 1964), 259-60;John Linton Struble, "The People's Bishop," Montana, the Magazine of Western History, VI(Winter, 1956), 20-28.s Tuttle, Reminiscences, 114.

Episcopal Church in Utah 79Mormon doctrine and practices the faith and practice of the Church,saying not a word against the Mormons. 4Bishop Tuttle left Salt Lake City on July 15, 1867, to spend thenext two years in Virginia City, Montana, leaving the work in Utah incharge of Messrs. Foote and Haskins. He returned in November 1869with his family and remained in charge of the church's work in Utah andIdaho until August of 1886.Construction of St. Mark's Cathedral began in 1870, and on September3, 1871, services were held in the completed church. Church ofthe Good Shepherd at Ogden was completed and consecrated on February6, 1875. Actually the first non-Mormon church building in Utahwas Church of the Good Samaritan at Corinne, an adobe buildingcompleted in 1869 at a cost of $2,500 under the direction of the ReverendGeorge Foote. Supplementing the church's religious life and buildingprogram, three principal contributions in community action and servicemarked Bishop Tuttle's episcopate; namely, the inception of a wholesystem of grammar schools, the beginning of St. Mark's Hospital, andthe establishment of two cemeteries.Immediately upon their arrival in Salt Lake City, Messrs. Footeand Haskins were met with demands by both non-Mormons and Mormonsfor a grammar school. The two clergymen opened St. Mark's Schoolin a rented adobe building located on the east side of Main Streetbetween Second and Third South streets. 5 The school's curriculum wasthe basic "three-R's," taught by the clergy and several women volunteersin a free atmosphere that attracted students from the entire community.This early day Episcopal "Operation Headstart" was an immediatesuccess, and it expanded within two years into two rented storerooms,then into Independence Hall, and finally in 1873 into its own framebuilding at about 141 East First South.As new clergy arrived in Utah, the first task of each was to start aschool. The Reverend J. L. Gillogly opened the School of the GoodShepherd at Ogden in 1870 and St. Paul's School, Plain City, in 1873.The Reverend W. H. Stoy began teaching at St. John's School, Logan,in 1873. Grammar schools were conducted for short periods at Corinneand Layton. A day school for girls began operations in the basement ofSt. Mark's Cathedral in 1871. This merged into Rowland Hall at thepresent site ten years later. The first principal of Rowland Hall, MissLucia M. Marsh, reported in the catalogue of the school that 84 students4 Ibid., 368.5 Ibid., 371.

80 Utah Historical Quarterlywere in attendance in 1881. 6 Bishop Tuttle reported in 1886 that 763students attended Episcopal schools in Utah and that during the prior19 years 3,186 boys and girls had attended St. Mark's School andRowland Hall.Until the opening of mines in the canyons near Salt Lake City, theMormon bishops' aid sufficed to care for the poor and the sick. Thedoctors in the valley were associated with Camp Douglas, but there wereno facilities for care of the injured and homeless miners and railroadworkers. In 1871 the Reverend R. M. Kirby succeeded George Footeas rector of St. Mark's Cathedral. The following year Kirby and twoof his vestrymen, Major Edmund Wilkes, a mine superintendent, andDr. John F. Hamilton, a former post surgeon, met with Bishop Tuttleand prepared to open St. Mark's Hospital, the first institution of its kindbetween Denver and San Francisco. A small adobe building on thenortheast corner of Fifth East and Fourth South streets was first used.The demand for hospital services increased, and mine operators formedan early day "Medicare" program, to which the Emma and MillerMining companies subscribed, and the individual miners contributed$1.00 each month to entitle them to full hospital care, such as was available.7 During its first seven years, 2,308 patients received hospital care.The hospital moved to the northwest corner of Fifth East and ThirdSouth. This property was purchased for $4,500, and the institution wasincorporated on June 4, 1879. Mr. Kirby was superintendent and treasureruntil 1881, when he was succeeded by the Reverend Charles M.Armstrong, who served until 1889. Dr. Hamilton was the medicaldirector and for a while chief of staff of one other doctor. Dr. Hamiltondied in 1892, and his funeral was held at the hospital. In 1893 the hospitalmoved to its present location on Second West and Eighth Northstreets.In his Reminiscences Bishop Tuttle sharply criticized Mormoncemeteries, saying that they were forlorn places without trees, grass, orcare; and as an answer Mount Olivet Cemetery was established in SaltLake City through the initiative of the Episcopalians. In 1877 George E.Whitney, attorney and junior warden at St. Mark's Cathedral, inducedthe Secretary of War to grant by Act of Congress twenty acres of land6 Bishop Leonard, ed., The Episcopal Annual History and Information Book (Salt LakeCity, 1901). This was a publication of short duration, which is a compilation of the Bishop ofUtah's various reports. The statistics used through this article were obtained from the reportsof the Bishops of Utah and are located in the office of the Episcopal Bishop of Utah, Salt LakeCity. Some of these reports were published under various titles; others are in manuscript form.There is no uniformity of title in the reports.7 Tuttle, Reminiscences, 396.

'r:; . •• •• •• • • •• : ;ij ... ... . . . . .:I : : !. • • * ! \ "• ' :% " . . i ; : S >•••>••':••••• , , ; • • • . ' . : . ' . , ' : • • ; > - • • • : ; - • • • • • i - • . ; . . . : - . • • . . • , , , , .. .: .: i • : : • • • : • •: • • : • • • • • . : • • • . • • ' . . : : " '• •••• • - •/ " •:: ':* S :- ' r" i- i . , . . ,Episcopal Church in Utah 81¥mm^>:^.- i «»M^m /'!?;^ If'.¥-•%:WRl• ii./.'i*:. :#:#i;//>fe,i ^ :§i a11 1 SW***fcivM—. --fT • •«Ki.::i.r;.'^ •Si lll r k?~31JWQSE 5; . , « > .. "• :S...:B a,r ' : S .. .jS : : .:• : . . / J' I > / !. .S* • «* : ' : f : *il." :• • *::-":, ".'5 ":¥'":,-' *• ' 5 ;? lv££. Mark's School, opened in 1867, was located at about 141 East First South in 1873.In 1890 the school was closed.from the reservation at Camp Douglas for cemetery purposes, togetherwith water rights from Red Butte Canyon. The bishop was responsiblefor the provisions in the charter of the cemetery for perpetual care andfor continued control by the non-Mormon churches of Utah. He commented:"Our example shamed the Mormons into taking better careof their own ground." 8 Burials were made at Mount Olivet even beforethe government's grant, as Bishop Tuttle reported that Emily Pearsall,an Episcopal missionary who had worked in Utah for two years, wasburied there in 1872. 9In 1876 the Reverend Mr. Gillogly induced the Ogden City Councilto grant two acres east of the Ogden City Cemetery for use by the Episcopalians.Mr. Gillogly reported in his diary that the existing cemeterywas without fence or care. The vestry of Church of the Good Shepherdassumed responsibility for the new cemetery by appropriating churchfunds for fencing, planting trees, and improving the ground. Mr. Gilloglydied in 1881 and was buried there.In 1886 Bishop Tuttle was forty-nine years old. He then accepteda call as Bishop of Missouri, commenting that a missionary bishop in theIbid., 350."Ibid., 272.

82 Utah Historical Quarterlymountains should be no older than he was then. He left Utah in hisofficial capacity as bishop, but he was responsible for the Utah workuntil his successor, Abiel Leonard, was elected in January of 1888.BISHOP ABIEL LEONARD, 1888-1903The Right Reverend Abiel Leonard was thirty-nine years old whenhe was consecrated Missionary Bishop of Utah. He was a Missourian,a big man, both physically and spiritually, and he followed well in thefootsteps of Bishop Tuttle. His principal accomplishments were in establishingnew missions and building churches, particularly in the miningcommunities, together with the commencement of the church's missionto the Ute Indians in the Uintah Basin.Bishop Leonard's jurisdiction included Utah and Nevada, and hisfirst annual report reflected 535 communicants in Utah, with 4 clergybesides himself. Five Episcopal day schools were operating in Utah with783 students studying under 23 teachers. St. Mark's Hospital reported1,000 patients during the year, and hospital receipts left a $1,041 deficit.The 1889 report included a fervent plea for help for the St. Paul's Schoolat Plain City. The bishop had secured as teacher a deacon who couldalso act as missionary. Five hundred dollars were needed to help payfor the house at Plain City, which the bishop had purchased, to apply onsalary, and "to secure a missionary horse and wagon to enable him toreach some neighboring towns."In 1898 western Colorado was placed under the jurisdiction of theMissionary District of Salt Lake, together with Utah and Nevada, andfor the next five years Bishop Leonard visited his isolated Episcopaliansin the three-state area by train and stage. In 1902 he reported,Last year I travelled 20,000 miles of which 12,000 were travelledin the District, and 1,000 of those miles were made by stage, and this meansa great consumption of time. As a result I am away from Salt Lake threefourthsof the time, and it is not unusual to be away three or four weeksat a time. A man with young children would need to become acquaintedwith his children after each of such trips. One of my own children, whenvery young, wanted to know after I returned from a long trip, "whetherI would remain to lunch." 10During his episcopate Bishop Leonard opened new churches atProvo, Springville, Layton (then known as Kay's Creek), Eureka, ParkCity, and Vernal. The work at Corinne was terminated in 1890, afterthat town went into its decline. Two new churches and a mission were10 [Abiel Leonard,] The Salt Lake Annual, Official Journal of the Missionary District ofSalt Lake, I (October, 1903). This is Bishop Leonard's annual report for 1902.

Episcopal Church in Utah 83organized in Salt Lake County. St. Peter's was started in 1900 as a chapelfor St. Mark's Hospital and to serve the northwest area of the city. St.John's began that year at Ninth East and Sixteenth South, where thebishop purchased a frame building for $100.00 to seat about thirty-fivepeople. He later bought the lot. Grace Mission was established in MillCreek in 1902. These missions were manned by layreaders for a numberof years. Henry Ellis, layreader at St. Jude's, Layton, served during theentire fifteen-year lifespan of that mission. The bishop reported thatSarah Elliott, missionary at Moab, at her own expense "gathered aSunday school of 80 pupils whom she is instructing. During the year25 children have been baptised as a result of her prayers and wiseteaching." nThe bishop was particularly concerned that the church should makeits services available in the new mining communities. St. Luke's, ParkCity, was organized in September 1888, with a ladies' guild and aBrotherhood of St. Andrew Chapter of young laymen doing yeomanspade work. The district newspaper, Church Notes, reported in Julyof 1889:About nine days ago a poor man was found dead on the mountainsnear here, having committed suicide while insane it is supposed. Themembers of St. Andrew's Society raised money enough to bury him andtook charge of the funeral. The church service was read at Lawrence'sHall, and the young men accompanied the body to the grave. An ice creamand strawberry festival, held last week under the auspices of the St.Andrew's Society and the Guild of Willing Hands, cleared $106 for thewidow and children of the poor lunatic.St. Paul's, Salt Lake City, began as a Sunday school, meeting in thehome of Mrs. W. D. Wilson on Fifth South near Second West, in Januaryof 1879. Services were held there until October 1880, when thechurch building was completed at Main and Fourth South streets, thepresent site of the First Security Building. The funds for this chapel weredonated as a memorial to Jane Mount of New York. The congregationsteadily grew, and St. Paul's achieved parish status in 1890, with theReverend Ellis Bishop as its first rector. In 1902 the annual reportshowed communicant strength of the three Utah parishes as follows: St.Mark's, 375; St. Paul's, 275; and the Good Shepherd in Ogden, 137.There were 916 communicants in Utah, 768 Sunday school pupils, 7clergy, and 14 church buildings."Abiel Leonard, "First Annual Report as Bishop of Salt Lake [January, 1899]," (typescript,Office of Episcopal Bishop of Utah, Salt Lake City).

84 Utah Historical QuarterlyBy 1890, due to change in politics, public schools were operatingin Utah free from Mormon control and religious instruction, and theEpiscopal schools closed, with the exception of Rowland Hall. TheEpiscopal school system had proved expensive, but necessary, to fill thevacuum in free education. Thereafter, emphasis was placed on developmentof Rowland Hall, where 180 girls attended in 1891, 40 of them inthe music department, with boarders numbering only 10. Constructionof classrooms and dormitories went on, and in 1901 the cataloguereported 55 boarders and a faculty of 11. Bishop Leonard was presidentof the board, and the Reverend James B. Eddie, the dean of St. Mark'sCathedral, was chaplain for the school.On June 28, 1898, the Articles of Incorporation of the Corporationof the Episcopal Church in Utah, a non-profit corporation, were filedwith the Secretary of State, to create the legal entity necessary for holdingtitle to land in the state. Seven Trustees were provided, and its first officerswere Bishop Leonard, president ex-officio, the Reverend W. E. Maison,vice-president; J. H. Knaus, secretary; and John Houghton, treasurer.The corporation had a fifty-year life, which was extended by amendment.Bishop Leonard reported in his Quarterly Message of September1893 that no work had been done to that date among the Indians of hisdistrict, but that he hoped to visit the Uintah Agency,as soon as I have a Sunday at my command. In the Government Schoolat this latter agency is employed a communicant of the Church who haswritten me very enthusiastically upon the subject. Could I have a littlechapel and the right kind of a missionary I am sure that much could bedone.The bishop asked, and before long his prayers were answered. He had achapel and not one, but several dedicated missionaries among the Utes.The Uncompahgre Utes were removed from western Colorado tothe Ouray-Uintah Reservation in 1887, and an Indian school was operatedby the U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs at Randlett, then known asLeland, about four miles south of Fort Duchesne. The school was latermoved north to Whiterocks, as water at Leland was bad and scarce.Early in 1894 Archdeacon Frederick W. Crook, on invitation from thepost commandant and acting Indian Agent Colonel J. F. Randlett, anEpiscopalian, went by stage to Fort Duchesne and at the post held thefirst service, which he described as follows:On Sunday, a most unique service was held in one of the large rooms.To the left sat a group of colored United States soldiers; in the center werethe children of the Indian school, surrounded by bucks and squaws, with

Episcopal Church in Utah 85little papooses done up in those odd babyspoons, or baskets, clad in everyvariety, from buckskin to the vari-colored and thin calico, such as contractorsonly know how to sell. Around the priest were the white employees,with a few people from the Mormon settlement, present at the agency ontrade, and attracted by the novelty. Six nationalities were represented. 12Colonel Randlett made arrangements for use by the church of aparcel of land at Leland. Bishop Leonard made pleas for funds throughchurch publications and was successful in raising $2,500, which in 1895built the first church and mission house. The following year Congressallocated the Indian reservations to various churches for religious andeducational work. The Utes, influenced no doubt by several of theirteachers, selected the Episcopal church. The first missionary to the Uteswas Reverend George S. Vest, who remained at Holy Spirit, Leland,until 1898. Two missionaries, Lucy Carter and Sue Garrett, taught atthe Ouray Indian School and assisted in the mission, first at Leland andFort Duchesne, and after 1899 at St. Elizabeth's, Whiterocks, wherea three-room infirmary was built next to the mission home. In 1898Milton J. Hersey, a layreader, took charge of the work at Leland. Thisdedicated worker and his wife teamed to gain the confidence and friendshipof the Utes. Mr. Hersey was indeed the personification of the missionarythat Bishop Leonard had prayed for. Mr. Hersey was ordereda deacon in 1901 and ordained a priest in 1909. The bishop complainedin his 1902 report that the Board of Missions could give him only $300.00a year in cash for Mr. Hersey's support.A practice of the Utes was to abandon babies after the death of themother, or to bury the child alive with the mother's body. The Herseyssaved a number of these children, and at one time they had three abandonedIndian babies in their home. Bishop Leonard reported that hebaptized one such child, Elizabeth Lee Yellow Crow, at Whiterocks atthe time of his June visit. This coincided with the Uncompahgres' SunDance, which he described in detail in his next report. One loyal churchwomanat Leland was Chipeta, the wife of Uncompahgre Chief Ouray.Chipeta was reputed to have been the only Indian woman allowed totake part in tribal meetings at this time. She and Johnson, one of theparticipants in the Meeker Massacre at White River, Colorado, in 1879,were friends of the bishop and were supporters of the Episcopal mission.Chipeta was confirmed by the bishop. When she died in 1924, theReverend Mr. Hersey arranged for her burial with an Episcopal funeralat her home at Montrose, Colorado.12 The Quarterly Report, I (January, 1894). This is a newsletter that was issued by theEpiscopal church.

86 Utah Historical QuarterlyThe Quarterly Report, edited by Bishop Leonard, contained reportsof successes and failures of the various missions and parishes spread thinlyover the district, along with anecdotes and stories of the church family.For example, St. Luke's, Park City, reported:Our services are bright and cheery, and even in hot weather, ourmorning congregations have averaged near sixty-nine. The choristers, anorganization of recent date, are doing splendidly. Out of fifteen, withwhich number we began, only two have left us in five months. They alwayssing nicely; they sometimes sing beautifully.On December 3, 1903, Bishop Leonard died of typhoid fever. Hisfuneral was held at St. Mark's Cathedral, and he was buried at MountOlivet Cemetery. Bishop Tuttle traveled from St. Louis to attend.Unfortunately, his train was late and he missed the funeral, but he wasrushed through a snowy afternoon by streetcar to the cemetery in timeto perform the committal service and closing prayers for his friend, thesecond Bishop of Utah. 13 Bishop Tuttle again directed the work of thedistrict until a successor was appointed by the House of Bishops.BISHOP FRANKLIN SPENCER SPALDING, 1904-1914"I am going to be a western missionary," was the career decision ofFrank Spalding, Princeton Senior in 1887. 14 Four years later FranklinSpencer Spalding was ordained a deacon by his father, the EpiscopalBishop of Colorado. As a rector at Erie, Pennsylvania, he gained a reputationas a man of energy, courage, and convictions. He was a rousingpreacher, and a dedicated Christian social reformer. He supportedEugene Debs in 1898 and gained renown as a Labor Day speaker. Whenhe was elected Bishop of Utah in October 1904, he met with scatteredopposition because of his outspoken disfavor of ritual, vestments, andtradition in the church.The new bishop wrote to Bishop Tuttle to inquire about problemshe would face in Utah and found that as his last official act BishopLeonard had signed a $30,000 mortgage on St. Mark's Hospital and alarge loan on the Episcopal residence. Finances would continue to plagueBishop Spalding during the next ten years. He early determined thatwhereas his predecessors had stressed self-support for the district and itscongregations, as a practical matter the church in Utah had to look tothe East for real support. He was troubled as to whether his prime32.13 Nevada State Herald (Wells), December 11, 1903.14 John Howard Melish, Franklin Spencer Spalding, Man and Bishop (New York, 1917),

Episcopal Church in Utah 87concern should be to travel through his three-state district to visit isolatedchurchmen or to "beg for funds in the East." During the next yearBishop Spalding traveled to every parish and mission station in thedistrict, covering 14,000 miles by train and 1,160 by stage and wagon.By the time for his first annual report he had arrived at his own definiteconclusions regarding the work to be done in Utah. He could see adeterioration in the mining camps, including Eureka and Park City, andhe recommended the emphasis for the church's work in more profitableareas. He advocated a separation of the work in Utah from westernColorado and Nevada, and he felt that Utah's problems were indeedunique and required separate treatment. He despaired that at the timewhen the Episcopal Board of Missions was sending $1,500 annually forwork in Utah, the Presbyterians were spending $80,000. In 1908 Utahwas set apart as the Missionary District of Utah, and in that year thebishop defined "the Mormon problem" and advocated a very differentapproach to it from that of Bishops Tuttle and Leonard.Bishop Spalding was indeed a fine fund raiser, and by 1908 theappropriation for missionary work in Utah had greatly increased, asspecial gifts were forthcoming from New York. The bishop reported inhis 1908 annual report to the Board of Missions:The religious problem in Utah, which outweighs all other problems,is Mormonism. Work among the Indians and the non-Mormon people inmining camps and farming settlements must not, of course, be neglected,but the special Utah missionary duty is to the members of the Church ofLatter Day Saints, who number 260,000 out of the State population of340,000 .... We must not underestimate the difficulty of converting theMormon to what we must feel is fuller truth than he possesses.The attention which he gave to "the Mormon problem" in his reportswas primarily for eastern consumption and may indeed have contributedto his fund raising successes. Concurrently, the bishop's confrontationswith Mormon dogma and practice were made locally and appeared toseriously undermine the successful peaceful coexistence policy of BishopsTuttle and Leonard. The Salt Lake Herald of October 6, 1907, in itslead story on the L.D.S. church conference, carried a red headline,"APOSTLE MAKES ATTACK ON EPISCOPAL BISHOP." Thesub-head read, "Orson F. Whitney Denounces Rt. Rev. Franklin S.Spalding's Utterances Questioning the Purity of Mormon Homes."Apostle Whitney referred to a Spalding sermon wherein the bishop had"denounced a number of the churches, among them the Methodist, theChristian Scientists, the Seventh Day Adventists and the Mormons." The

Daniel Sylvester Tuttle Abiel Leonard Franklin Spencer Spalding Paul JonesWhitney backlash apparently set the theme for the conference on L.D.S.morality and virtue, at the expense of good relations with the Episcopaliansfor some time.In 1912 the bishop published a pamphlet entitled Joseph Smith as aTranslator. Here he described his research regarding the Mormon Bookof Abraham. He wrote that he had furnished facsimiles of the Egyptianhieroglyphics to eight leading Egyptologists, all of whom responded andconcurred that the papyri had in fact been a set of burial instructionscommonly deposited in Egyptian tombs, rather than Abraham's detailedprime source for much Mormon theology, as translated by the Mormonprophet. The pamphlet apparently had a brisk sale at the Deseret BookStore, and Spalding sent complimentary copies to Mormon churchofficials, professors in Utah colleges and universities, and teachers in highschools. He felt that it was his business to point out what he believedintellectually and morally untrue. 15The bishop formed a local Social Service Commission in 1913,which "made helpful investigations and suggested remedies for socialand economic evils both in Salt Lake City and the State of Utah." 1615 Ibid., 170.16 Franklin S. Spalding, "1913-14 Annual Report of Bishop Spalding'of Episcopal Bishop of Utah).'typescript, Office

Arthur W. Moulton Stephen Cutter Clark Richard Simpson WatsonThe organ of the commission was The Utah Survey, a monthly publicationdevoted half to discussion of social service problems and half to"thoughtful and courteous discussion of various phases of Mormonism."The editor was James H. Wolfe, later Utah Supreme Court justice, andhimself a controversial social champion. The September 1913 issue ofThe Utah Survey had two articles, a review of the Joseph Smith as aTranslator pamphlet, written by another Egyptologist, and a critique ofthe Hargrove-Husbands police fraud hearings before the Salt Lake CityCommission. Three police officers were exonerated at the hearing,improperly according to the Utah Survey writer, of charges of acceptinggraft from Greek businessmen on West Second South Street.Frank Spalding was proud of his reputation as the "Socialist Bishop."On his road trips through the mining towns of Nevada and Utah he gaveChristian sermons in small frame churches on Sundays and weekdaylectures on Socialism in union halls. He tried to equate the two doctrines,retaining the social good of Marx, without resort to strife. He was a socialactivist, with little regard for theorists. In 1910 he took the churchdirectly to the men at Garfield, where he established All Souls Missionand directed its vicar, the Reverend Maxwell W. Rice, to live in thebunkhouse with the smeltermen. During Lent in 1908 the bishop con-

90 Utah Historical Quarterlyducted a series of lectures to a packed house at St. Paul's, Salt Lake City,speaking on "The Church and Socialism." His mission congregationsin the mining towns cheered him on, but his parishioners in the city wereless than enthusiastic and even hostile. 17The Emery Memorial House near the University of Utah campuswas opened late in 1913 as a dormitory for male students. The ReverendMr. Rice was transferred there as chaplain to the twenty-three residentsand thirty non-resident members of the house. A Sunday school met inthe hall on Sunday afternoons for neighborhood children, and swimmingclasses were taught in the small pool at the house. St. John's House,Logan, under the direction of the Reverend Paul Jones, had a readingroom and pool table to serve the recreational needs of the college students.The Girls' Friendly Lodge, Vernal, was the residence for girls attendingWilcox Academy (Congregationalist) and Uintah Academy (Mormon)in Uintah County. The bishop was proud of these school residences,which he felt provided a Christian homelike atmosphere for the students.With the guns opening fire in Europe in August of 1914, BishopSpalding changed the themes of his sermons from social reform to peace.On September 24, as he crossed South Temple at E Street to mail a letterto his mother, he was struck by a speeding automobile to become one ofthe city's first traffic victims. On the following November 1, a memorialservice for the third Bishop of Utah packed the Salt Lake Theatre.Speakers at the service were his friends the Reverend Elmer I. Goshen,Congregationalist minister in Salt Lake City, and Brigham H. Roberts,L.D.S. church historian. 18BISHOP PAUL JONES, 1914-1918The fourth Bishop of Utah was consecrated at St. Mark's Cathedralon December 16, 1914. He was the Right Reverend Paul Jones, formervicar at St. John's, Logan, and archdeacon of the district after 1913.Highly regarded and praised by Bishop Spalding for his work among thecollegians, the new bishop lacked the social zeal and secular interest ofhis predecessor. His achievement was the expansion of the church'smission stations and improvement of the Episcopal institutions. In hisfirst report to the district convocation he reviewed the state of the church,noting that the $40,000 debt on the hospital was retired, there were then12 clergymen and 7 women workers in the field, and 1,426 communicants.17 Melish, Franklin S. Spalding, 244.18 Ibid., 296.

Episcopal Church in Utah 91He noted that the proportion of L.D.S. to Episcopalians in Utah, outsideof Salt Lake City and Ogden, was 1,800 to 1, adding, "It is useless torely simply upon preaching and teaching which falls upon deaf ears — Wemust try in a sympathetic and loving way to break down the barrierswhich prevent an understanding of our message." He felt that the Christianservice through the church institutions was the best way to openhearts.Bishop Jones's episcopal reports over the four years showed his primeinterest was in placing the services of the church where the need wascurrent and most pressing. St. John's House, the student center at Logan,was located downtown, and its small but adequate collection of booksserved students and townsmen alike, as there was then no city library.The Emery House was filled to capacity with college men. Of thirty-two,only two were Episcopalians, eleven were Mormons, and two wereRoman Catholics. The Girls' Friendly House at Vernal was serving aneed, but lacking local support, it was struggling to survive. The Sundayschool at Garfield was the largest in the district, and American Smeltingand Refining Company built a $15,000 stone church for the Episcopaliansthere. In 1917 work was started and lasted for one year among theJapanese, led by the Reverend Peter C. Aoki, who organized a Sundayschool and taught English.The Women's Auxiliary was organized on a district level in 1915,and women were first elected as delegates to the annual convocation thatyear. Mr. Hersey investigated the use of peyote among the Utes atWhiterocks and Randlett. In February 1917 through the sponsorshipof the church, the legislature amended the state narcotics law to includeand control peyote. Mr. Hersey was rewarded — the bishop gave himan automobile, and he retired his mule team.St. Paul's, Salt Lake City, sold its property on Main Street andmoved to Ninth East and Third South in 1917. Bishop Tuttle preachedat the Cathedral in June of that year to commemorate the fiftieth anniversaryof the church in Utah. On paper the church's progress lookedgood, but Bishop Jones and the militarism of the world conflict met headon. Does the Christian religion insist on nonresistance or hold for aggressivewarfare for God and the right? The bishop was an avowed pacifist,and he saw no other right. The district churchmen dissented.Bishop Jones was a member of the Christian Pacifists, a groupwhich actively opposed the draft and called for immediate peace inEurope. His sermons during 1917 so incensed his parishioners that hisCouncil of Advice called for his resignation. When it was not forth-

92 Utah Historical Quarterlycoming, a demand was made on the House of Bishops for an investigationof Jones's activities, which were termed embarrassing and seditious. InDecember he tendered his resignation which was accepted the followingApril. Bishop Tuttle was Episcopal Presiding Bishop, and he againassumed control as acting Bishop of Utah for the fifth time. The RightReverend Frank H. Touret, Bishop of Western Colorado, was givencharge of the work until a successor was named. Bishop Touret was ableto make only occasional contacts with Utah. He addressed the 1919convocation in Utah, saying that because of the disturbing controversyregarding Paul Jones, financial help from the East was not forthcoming,adding, "It will, perhaps, be some time before it is possible to restoreconfidence in our missionary enterprise in Utah." The accompanyingannual report showed a slight overall, four-year gain in communicants,but a significant drop in the three parishes. "Peace at any price" hadbeen costly to the district.BISHOP ARTHUR W. MOULTON, 1920-1946"Bishop Moulton is a man who never asks what another's creed iswhen help is asked," so spoke the mayor of Lawrence, Massachusetts, ata farewell reception attended by a thousand townspeople, friends, andparishioners as the newly elected fifth Bishop of Utah prepared to leaveafter twenty years as rector at Lawrence. 19 The Right Reverend ArthurW. Moulton had a knack for making friends, and his record in Utahwould show excellent rapport with the L.D.S. church and other denominations,good community relations, and loyalty from his own churchmen.However, the new bishop was not a good businessman, nor a fund raiser,and the district's financial problems of the next twenty years generallyfulfilled Bishop Touret's prophecy.Bishop Moulton enjoyed his trips to the missions in eastern Utah,including the Ute stations. He referred often to "my Basin," and thework there seemed to have his preference. Churches were built at Roosevelt,Duchesne, and Vernal, and missionary work was done at Myton andFort Duchesne. The coal camps of Carbon County were booming, anda mission was started at Kenilworth. The YMCA at Helper was takenover by the Episcopalians; the building provided a chapel, reading room,and dormitory for railroaders. During the 1920's good progress wasshown throughout the district. In Salt Lake City, St. Paul's new churchwas completed, and the bishop's 1928 annual report showed that plans39 The Utah Trust, The Episcopal Church Paper in Utah, I (September, 1920).

Episcopal Church in Utah 93were being made to move St. Mark's Hospital from its trackside locationto a quieter neighborhood. Rowland Hall had achieved a fine reputationas a girls' preparatory school, but also had a growing indebtedness. Thebishop was a welcome reconteur at dinner meetings, and he had loyalfriends in L.D.S. churchmen George Albert Smith and Levi Edgar Young.The 1929 annual report showed 12 clergymen, including the bishop,active in the district, with 1,843 communicants. The district overpaidits quota to the Episcopal National Council, and the bishop was pleasedwith the service that the church's institutions were rendering to thecommunity. Then came the Great Depression.The years of economic depression proved how closely the Episcopalchurch in Utah was tied to the vitality and growth of the areas of whichit was a part. When the mines and smelters closed, railroads reducedservice, farm products went begging, and finally the banks closed, thechurch's work seemed to almost anticipate declines and troubles in thesevarious areas. In 1929 the girls lodge at Vernal was leased as a hospital.By 1932 Rowland Hall and the Emery House were having financialtroubles. Students did not have the money for tuition, and both institutionswere again heavily indebted. The hospital gave up its plans to moveand improve, and it entrenched in its industrial location. In 1933 theEpiscopal National Council recommended closing Rowland Hall for lackof support and finances, and the school was kept open only through theheroic efforts of local patrons and alumni. The ingenious argument madeto the National Council was that if the school did close it would lose itstax exempt status, and the resulting taxes would compound the deficit.Lack of finances and churchmen moving away caused the missionsin the Uintah Basin and the mining towns to close, and clergymen doubledup on missions served. The Reverend Hoyt Henriques, vicar at St. John's,Salt Lake City, served at Park City and Logan on alternate Sundays. In1933 he went to Idaho to be chaplain to the CCC camps. ArchdeaconWilliam F. Bulkley was on constant travel status, covering distant missionsand visiting isolated Episcopalians. The Emery House finallysuccumbed from lack of support and was leased to Salt Lake City as aboys' club. The property was finally sold under pressure. Bishop Moulton'stask in the 1930's was to spread himself and his clergy thin over thedistrict and to hold the financial line with the institutions. In slow stepwith the rest of the state's sagging economy, the church came throughthe Great Depression lean and scarred. It received its next stimulus onlyas the result of the inflow of Episcopalians attached to the Armed Forcesor working in the war-related industries during World War II.

UTAH HERITAGE FOUNDATIONUTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETYThe first service in St. Mark's Cathedral, 231 East First South, was held September 3,1871.In 1942 the Reverend H. Baxter Liebler, former rector of a parishin Greenwich, Connecticut, traveled by pony and pack burro throughthe Navajo Reservation in southeast Utah. Like the man who came todinner, he stopped at Bluff, learned the language and Indian customs,and with the aid of volunteer labor and funds from the East built St.Christopher's Mission to the Navajos, naming it after the guardian saintof travelers and dedicating its work to carrying on Indian customs andculture in a Christian environment. The first sermon in the Navajolanguage was preached at Bluff on Christmas 1943, and work was thencommenced by Father Liebler to translate the Book of Common Prayerinto Navajo. St. Christopher's provided the first school for the Indiansin the area, as the public schools at Bluff were for whites only. Somemedical facilities were provided, and x-ray and dental clinics were setup at the mission. 20Bishop Moulton was seventy-two years old, the mandatory retirementage, in 1945, and his resignation became effective in September of1946. The second World War was over, the chapter of the lean yearsfor the district was closing, and the church prepared to adapt itself to thechanging postwar times, responsibilities, and opportunities.BISHOP STEPHEN CUTTER CLARK, 1946-1950When the Right Reverend Stephen Cutter Clark surveyed hisdistrict in January of 1947, it was really a renewal of old acquaintance —20 H. Baxter Liebler, "The Social and Cultural Patterns of the Navajo Indians," UtahHistorical Quarterly, 30 (Fall, 1962), 298-325.

Episcopal Church in Utah 95finding familiar landmarks and assessing the changes of thirty years. Thenewly consecrated bishop had begun his ministry in July 1917 as a deaconat St. Luke's, Park City. In his report that year, Bishop Jones had praisedthe enthusiasm and aggressive work of the Reverend Mr. Clark, thenage twenty-five. Stephen Clark stayed in Utah just over a year, thenaccepted a call to Los Angeles, where he remained until his election asthe sixth Bishop of Utah.Bishop Clark found the Episcopal church in Utah very changed inits component congregations and their locations from the time of hisPark City ministry. In 1947 the church had followed the populationand economic trends and had given up many of the unprofitable missionstations, including Park City, Eureka, and the Uintah Basin missions,with the exception of Vernal. A new breed of churchmen was appearing.These laymen were the returning servicemen, their young families, andthe postwar migrants from the East and South, who sought new homesin the West and lent vigor, new ideas, and renewed missionary zeal tothe church. As in other times, new congregations began in growingcommunities around a Sunday school. In 1947 a group of mothers fromthe Sugarhouse area called on the bishop and requested his help inorganizing a Sunday school and mission in southeast Salt Lake City.St. John's at Ninth East near Sixteenth South streets had closed duringthe depression. The bishop gave his support to this new mission, AllSaints, which began life with its church school in a garage and eventuallymoved to its present building in 1955.Another mission built around the Sunday school began in 1949 atDragerton, a new coal mining town. The Indian work at Whiterockswas reopened under the guidance of the Reverend Joseph Hogben.Bishop Clark's 1950 report showed 3,017 communicants and 4,358baptized persons in the district. The Archbishop of York visited thebishopdn 1949 and spoke in the Salt Lake Tabernacle. Community relationswere good. Bishop Clark foresaw real and immediate progress forthe church, but illness intervened, and he died on November 30, 1950.BISHOP RICHARD SIMPSON WATSON, 1951—The Right Reverend Richard Simpson Watson was consecratedseventh Bishop of Utah in St. Mark's Cathedral on May 1, 1951. Thecolorful procession of participating bishops, clergy, and choirs and theservice of consecration were televised, one of the first local events of thisnature to receive such full coverage. The new bishop, a native of Colo-

96 Utah Historical Quarterlyrado, practiced law in Denver before entering the ministry and had beenrector of parishes in Houston and Seattle.Bishop Watson's record of progress over the past sixteen years speaksfor itself. During his episcopacy new work was begun in nine growingcommunities supported by postwar industry, the space program, or themilitary. These missions in the order of their respective establishmentare at Price, Moab, Brigham City, Clearfield, Holladay, Bountiful,Granger, Tooele, and Roosevelt. Of these missions seven have newchurch buildings, and four have new rectories. Two missions becameself-supporting parishes. All Saints, Salt Lake City, in 1959 was thefourth parish in the district and the first in Utah in sixty-eight years.St. Mary's, Provo, became the fifth parish in 1960. Two of the newmissions, St. James, Holladay, and Resurrection, Bountiful, are parochialmissions, having been sired and supported by All Saints and St. Mark'sCathedral respectively. St. Luke's, Park City, was reactivated.The Conference Center at the former location of the Girls' FriendlyCamp at Brighton was completed by Bishop Watson and is the districtcamp and site for the church family's retreats and conferences. Two newwings have been completed at St. Mark's Hospital, and new propertywas purchased in Salt Lake County in anticipation of a future move ofthe entire facility. St. Mark's Boys School was established and combinedinto one administration and faculty, now Rowland Hall-St. Mark'sSchool. Land, formerly a part of Fort Douglas, was acquired for anultimate move and expansion of that institution.Of the new breed of laymen, Bishop Watson has ordained 16 mento the ministry. The district budget in 1966, money raised within thedistrict, was almost six times greater than in 1950. Communicants in1966 were 4,617, 1,600 more than in 1950. Baptized persons in 1966 were8,201, an increase in 16 years of 3,843. Twenty clergy were resident inthe district, with 22 organized congregations.The Episcopal church, both nationally and in Utah, has been aleader during the past decade in many ecumenical approaches, discussions,and experiments. The Utah clergy have been and are, withoutexception, deeply involved in practical community life and current socialproblems. The Episcopal church in Utah, as it enters its second century,is clearly committed to the stated policy of Bishop Daniel Tuttle; namely,that the church should stress the merits of its own cause, should seek theareas of greatest need for its ministry, and should freely offer its goodservices for the better life of the whole community.

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETYMembership in the Utah State Historical Society is open to allindividuals and institutions who are interested in Utah history. Weinvite everyone to join this one official agency of state governmentcharged by law with the collection, preservation, and publication ofmaterials on Utah and related history.Through the pages of the Utah Historical Quarterly, the Societyis able to fulfill part of its legal responsibility. Your membership cluesprovide the means for publication of the Quarterly. So, we earnestlyencourage present members to interest their friends in joining themin furthering the cause of Utah history. Membership brings with itthe Utah Historical Quarterly, the bimonthly Newsletter, and specialprices on publications of the Society.The different classes of membership are:Student $ 3.00Annual $ 5.00Life $100.00For those individuals and business firmswho wish to support specialprojects of the Society, they may do so through making tax-exemptdonations on the following membership basis:Sustaining $ 250.00Patron $ 500.00Benefactor $1,000.00Your interest and support are most welcome.

Utah StateHistoricalSociety