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On sharing NATO defence burdens in the 1990s and beyond

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Fiscal StudiesTABLE 9Spearman Rank Correlations between Security Burdens <strong>and</strong> GDP (N = 15)ρ 12aρ 12,3bρ 12,34c1994 0.19(0.49)0.21(0.46)0.13(0.68)1995 0.14(0.61)0.16(0.58)0.07(0.82)1996 0.11(0.69)0.13(0.66)0.04(0.89)1997 0.11(0.69)0.13(0.66)0.04(0.89)Note: Numbers <strong>in</strong> paren<strong>the</strong>ses are prob-values, <strong>in</strong>dicat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> probability of a type I error when test<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> nullhypo<strong>the</strong>sis of no association between <strong>the</strong> security burden <strong>and</strong> GDP versus <strong>the</strong> alternative hypo<strong>the</strong>sis of apositive association.Variables: 1 = ME/GDP; 2 = GDP; 3 = GDP/POP; 4 = exposed borders.a Simple rank correlation coefficient.b Partial rank correlation coefficient with GDP/POP held constant.c Partial rank correlation coefficient with GDP/POP <strong>and</strong> exposed borders held constant.<strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> rank correlation between <strong>the</strong> security <strong>burdens</strong> <strong>and</strong> GDP will <strong>in</strong>crease<strong>and</strong> may culm<strong>in</strong>ate <strong>in</strong> disproportionate burden <strong>shar<strong>in</strong>g</strong> as <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> MAD era.Clearly, <strong>the</strong> argument that a broader security measure would reverse f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gsbased solely on <strong>defence</strong> <strong>burdens</strong> is not supported here. The technique putforward for comput<strong>in</strong>g a security burden can be extended to <strong>in</strong>clude additionalsecurity-promot<strong>in</strong>g activities.VIII. CONCLUDING REMARKSAlthough <strong>the</strong> threat of nuclear Armageddon has subsided greatly s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong>conclusion of <strong>the</strong> cold war, Europe <strong>and</strong> its North American allies still confrontmyriad common security challenges from crisis management, ethnic unrests,weapons of mass destruction proliferation, rogue nations, transnational terrorism<strong>and</strong> a Russia at war with some of its ex-republics. As <strong>the</strong> nature of <strong>the</strong> threatschanges, <strong>NATO</strong> must respond with new weapons, technology, logisticaldoctr<strong>in</strong>es <strong>and</strong> strategies. By chang<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> publicness character of <strong>the</strong> shared<strong>defence</strong> activities, <strong>the</strong>se developments can have profound <strong>in</strong>fluences on resourceallocation with<strong>in</strong> <strong>NATO</strong>. The <strong>NATO</strong> alliance provides a means for collectivesecurity at a barga<strong>in</strong> price, but poses collective action problems from free rid<strong>in</strong>g,<strong>in</strong>efficient resource allocations <strong>and</strong> disproportionate burden <strong>shar<strong>in</strong>g</strong>.This paper has applied <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>oretical <strong>and</strong> empirical tools from <strong>the</strong> economicstudy of alliances to take stock of free rid<strong>in</strong>g, burden <strong>shar<strong>in</strong>g</strong> <strong>and</strong> related issues<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> past. More important, we have provided an up-to-date analysis of <strong>the</strong>seresource-allocation concerns for <strong>NATO</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>1990s</strong>. In <strong>the</strong> process, we have324

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